Travels and Works
of
Captain John Smith
Travels and Works
of
Captain John Smith
President of Virginia, and
Admiral of New England
i 5 8 o- i 6 3 i
Edited by
EDWARD ARBER, F.S.A.
A Ne<w Edition, with a Biographical and Critical Introduction, by
A. G. BRADLEY
PART II.
EDINBURGH: JOHN GRANT \o/
31 GEORGE IV. BRIDGE C\ / %
1910
3«3
The Generall Historic of Virginia, New England, &> the Summer Isles.
The Third Book.
1624.
A reprint, with variations, of the Second
Part of The Map of Virginia,
1612.
3«4
[In addition to the sayings and doings of the six Gentlemen and
one Soldier specified on^. 86 ; there are to be found in this revised
text, the testimonies of the following eight Gentlemen :
Gentlemen.
Original Planters, 1607.
President John Smith, pp. 93, 389, 403, 442.
The Hon. George Percy, pp. 93, 389, 488.
Robert Fenton, pp. 389, 403.
Edward Harrington, pp. 390, 403.
William Tankard,/^. 94, 390, 480.
First Supply, 1608.
Jeffrey Abbot, pp. 108, 465, 508.
Anthony Bagnall, Surgeon,^. 421, 433.
Thomas Mumford, pp. 109, 420.
The contributions of these eight Gentlemen are fully sufficient to
account for the additional facts to be found in Lib. 3.]
The Third Booke.
THE PROCEEDINGS
AND ACCIDENTS OF
The English Colony in Virginia,
Extracted from the Authors fol-
lowing, by William Simons,
Doctour of Divinitie.
CHAPTER I.
T might well be thought, a Countrie so [1606]
faire (as Virginia is) and a people so shTAomas
tractable, would long ere this haue TreLurer.
beene quietly possessed, to the satis- ^ 8g]
faction of the adventurers, and the
eternizing of the memory of those that
effected it. But because all the world
'Sr^^o'^/il^W doe see a defailement [in 1612] ; this
following Treatise shall giue satisfaction to all indifferent
Readers, how the businesse hath bin carried : where no
doubt they will easily vnderstand and answer to their
question, how it came to passe there was no better speed
and successe in those proceedings.
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers The first
of this plantation, having many yeares solicited many of Sn\0
his friends, but found small assistants ; at last prevailed
with some Gentlemen, as Captaine Iohn Smith, Master
Edward-maria Wingfield, Master Robert Hunt, and divers
others, who depended a yeare vpon his proiects, but [A0O.1
25
386 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [TSt'
R. Fenton, J. Smith.
Orden for
government
[1606-7] nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and
industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of the
Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Maiestie by
his letters patents [10 April 1606], gaue commission for
establishing Councels, to direct here ; and to governe, and
to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare,
and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns,
another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation
of the company was committed to Captaine Christopher
Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne parts
of America. But their orders for government were put in
a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne vntill
they arrived in Virginia.
On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Black-
wall, but by vnprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in
i/*-9°,Q3, the sight of England] all which time, Master Hunt our
JoV^o;.3)89' Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few expected his
recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from
his habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and
notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous
imputations (of some few, little better then Atheists, of the
greatest ranke amongst vs) suggested against him, all this
could never force from him so much as a seeming desire
to leaue the busines, but preferred the service of God, in
so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his
godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they haue
prevailed) [42] had even then overthrowne the businesse,
so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the
water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly
by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of
envie, and dissention.
We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages
at Dominica ; three weekes we spent in refreshing our
selues amongst these west- India Isles ; in Gwardalupa we
found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as well as
iJ^SJre. over the fire. And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke
f uiirfeBildi ^rom ^e Dus^es ^h our nands, neare two hogsheads full
of Birds in three or foure houres. In Mevis, Mona, and
the Virgin Isles, we spent some time; where, with a loth-
some beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn [Iguana],
Tortoises, Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted.
Ed.byW.Sunmond,.'J ]^lB^ with the first SUpply inVu%\v\*. 387
Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was
not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had 3 dayes
passed their reckoning and found no land ; so that Captaine
Rat[c\liffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare
vp the helme to returne for England, then make further
search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing
them by an extreame storme to hull all night, did driue them
by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their
expectations ; for never any of them had seene that coast.
The first land they made they called Cape Henry ; where
thirtie of them recreating themselues on shore, were
assaulted by hue Salvages, who hurt two of the English
very dangerously.
That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in
which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Iohn Smith, Edward Wingfield,
Christopher Newport, Iohn Rat[c]liffe,Iohn Martin, and George
Kendall, were named to be the Councell, and to choose a
President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell
should governe. Matters of moment were to be examined
by a Iury, but determined by the maior part of the
Councell, in which the President had two voyces.
Vntill the 13 of May [1607] they sought a place to
plant in ; then the Councell was sworne, Master Wingfield
was chosen President, and an Oration made, why Captaine
Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest.
Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contriue
the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch
their Tents ; some provide clapbord to relade the ships,
some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often
visited vs kindly. The Presidents overweening iealousie
would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification but the
boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe mooneby
the extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall.
Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were sent to
discover the head of the river : by divers small habitations
they passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called
Powhatan, consisting of some twelue houses, pleasantly
seated on a hill ; before it three fertile lies, about it many
of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant, and strong
by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and
his people Powhatans. To this place the river is navigable :
[1607]
[/. 9*-]
Their first
landing.
[//■ 5> 91.
896.]
Matters of
govern-
ment.
[/• 6.]
The dis-
covery of
the FalUs
and
Powhatan.
[/. 9»-l
388 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. p*tM£j!SH:
[1607] but higher within a myle, by reason of the Rockes and
Isles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call
the Falles. The people in all parts kindly intreated them,
till being returned within twentie myles of lames towne,
they gaue iust cause of iealousie : but had God not blessed
the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had
then beene an end of that plantation ; for at the Fort,
where they arrived the next day, they found 17 men hurt,
The Fon and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced
h^hilcd a crosse barre shot from the Ships strooke downe a bough
salvage. from a tree amongSt them, that caused them to retire, our
[A' 7l men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and
their armes in dry fats.
!/• 8.] Herevpon the President was contented the Fort should
be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and
exercised : for many were the assaults, and ambuscadoes
of the Salvages, and our men by their disorderly stragling
were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of
their heeles well escaped.
What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard
our workemen adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies,
and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe
trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corne, &c, I
referre to the Readers consideration.
Six weekes being spent in this manner, Captaine
Newport (who was hired onely for [43] our transportation)
was to returne with the ships.
Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their
departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner
vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe
(envying his repute) who fained he intended to vsurpe
the government, murther the Councell, and make himselfe
King, that his confederats were dispersed in all the three
ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it,
would affirme it ; for this he was committed as a prisoner.
Thirteene weekes [24 Afar. — 10 June 1607, [pp. lvii,liv] he
remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should
[/• 93-1 returne they pretended out of their commisserations, to
referre him to the Councell in England to receiue a check,
rather then by particulating his designes [to] make him so
odious to the world, as to touch his life, or vtterly overthrow
Ed. by W. Simmonds."! T Tr, ~
1612-1624. J L'lb- 3*
with the first supply in Virginia. 389
his reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and [1607]
publikely defied the vttermost of their crueltie ; he wisely
prevented their policies, though he could not suppresse
their envies; yet so well he demeaned himselfe in this
businesse, as all the company did see his innocency, and
his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him,
accused his accusers of subornation ; many vntruthes were
alledged against him ; but being so apparently disproved,
begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the company against
such vniust Commanders, that the President [Wingfield]
was adiudged to giue him 200/. ; so that all he had was
seized vpon, in part of satisfaction, which Smith presently
returned to the Store for the generall vse of the Colony,
Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their
ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits ; but the good Doctrine
and exhortation of our Preacher Master Hunt reconciled
them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the
Councel [20 June, or rather on 10 June, see pAiv]
The next day all receiued the Communion, the day
following [June 22] the Salvages voluntarily desired peace,
and Captaine Newport returned for England with newes ; N^ports
leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 [or rather 22. ; pp. lv, lxx] £^wr
of Iune 1607. By this obserue ;
Good men did neW their Countries mine bring.
But when evill men shall iniuries beginne ;
Not caring to corrupt and violate
The iudgements-seats for their owne Lucres sake :
Then looke that Country cannot long haue peace,
Though for the present it haue rest and ease.
[/A 90. 93,
99. *°3. 386f
402, 407.]
The names of them that were the
Planters, were these following.
first
Master Edward Maria
Wingfield.
Captaine Bartholomew
Gosnoll.
Captaine John Smith.
Captaine Iohn Rat[c\lijfe.
Captaine Iohn Martin.
Captaine George Kendall. d
o
o
U
Master Robert Hunt
Preacher.
Master George Percie.
Anthony Gosnoll.
George Flower.
Cap. Gabriell A rcher.
Robert Fenton.
Robert Ford.
1607.
Sir Thomas
Smith
Treasurer.
39° The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [T- Stu£te&
enton, J. Smith.
[1607] William Bruster.
Edward Harrington.
Dru Pickhouse.
Thomas Iacob.
Iohn Brookes.
Ellis Kingston.
Thomas Sands.
Beniamin Beast.
Iehu Robinson.
Thomas Mouton.
Eustace Clovill.
Stephen Halthrop.
Kellam Throgmorton.
Edward Morish.
Nathaniell Powell.
Edward Browne.
Robert Behethland.
Iohn Peningtcn.
Ieremy A licock.
George Walker.
Thomas Studley. rGent.
Richard Crofts.
Nicholas Houlgrauc.
Thomas Wcbbe. t44j
Iohn Waller.
Iohn Short.
William Tankard.
William Smcthes.
Francis Snarsbvough.
Richard Simons.
[/• 1* ) Edward Brookes.
Richard Dixon.
Iohn Martin.
■cr Cooke.
Anthony Gosnold.
Tho: Wotton,Chirurg.
Iohn Stevenson.
Thomas Gore.
Henry Ad ling.
Francis Midwinter.
Richard Frith.
(Compare
this List
with tho
161a one at
//• 93. 94-1
C .
w to
o
William Laxon.
Edward Pising.
Thomas Emry.
Robert Small.
Iohn Lay don.
William Cassen.
George Cassen.
Thomas Cassen.
William Rodcs.
William White.
Old Edward.
Henry Tavin.
George Goulding.
Iohn Dods.
William Ioiinsan.
William Vnger.
lam: Read, Blacksmith
Ionas Profit, Sailer.
Tho: Cowper, Barber.
Will: Garret, Bricklayer.
Edward Br into, Mason.
William Lone, Taylor.
Nic: Scot, Drum.
Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg.
Samuell Collier, boy.
Nat. Pecock, boy.
lames Brnmfield, boy.
Richard Mutton, boy.
With divers others to the
number of 100.
Ed. by W. Simmonds.l
1612-1624.J
Lib. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 391
CHAPTER II.
What happened till the first supply.
The occa-
sion of
sickncsse.
Eing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned [1607]
that within ten dayes scarce ten amongst vs
could either goe, or well stand, such extreame
weaknes and sicknes oppressed vs. And
thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the cause
and reason, which was this.
Whilest the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat
bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, which the sailers \p. 95]
would pilfer to sell, giue, or exchange with vs, for money, JbusS"1*"
Saxefras, furres, or loue. But when they departed, there
remained neither taverne, beere house, nor place of reliefe,
but the common Kettell. Had we beene as free from all
sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might haue beene
canonized for Saints ; But our President [Wingfield] would
never haue beene admitted, for ingrossing to his private [i.e.,
his own ws£_],Oatmeale,Sacke,Oyle, Aquavitce, Beefe,Egges,
or what not, but the Kettell ; that indeed he allowed equally
to be distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and
as much barley boyled with water for a man a day, and this
having fryed some 26. weekes [Dec. 1606 — June 1607] in the
ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines ; so that
we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our [>• 957]
drinke was water, our lodgings Castles in the ayre.
With this lodging and dyet, our extreame toile in bearing
and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised vs, and
our continuall labour in the extremitie of the heat had so
weakned vs, as were cause sufficient to haue made vs as
miserable in our natiue Countrey, or any other place in
the world.
From May, to September [1607], those that escaped,
liued vpon Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we
buried, the rest seeing the Presidents proiects to escape ^?Jent
these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time
had neither felt want nor sicknes) so moved our dead
spirits, as we deposed him [10 Sept. 1607] ; and established
Ratcliffe in his place, (Gosnoll being dead [22 Aug. 1607]) tA«.
392 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. F*8^,££ts£K
[1607] Kendall deposed [? S^/tf. 1607]. Smith newly recovered,
Martin and Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieued,
and the most of the souldiers recovered with the skilfull
diligence of Master Thomas Wotton our Chirurgian generall.
But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon
gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury
of the Salvages ; when God the patron of all good
pientie indevours, in that desperate extremitie so changed the
vn«p«:ted. hearts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of
their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted.
And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the
Councell to send forth men so badly provided, this incon-
tradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill
[/• 96] advised to nourish such ill conceits ; first, the fault of our
going was our owne, [45] what could be thought fitting
or necessary we had; but what we should find, or want, or
where we should be, we were all ignorant, and supposing
to make our passage in two moneths, with victuall to Hue,
and the advantage of the spring to worke ; we were at Sea
fiue moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost
the opportunitie of the time and season to plant, by the
vnskilfull presumption of our ignorant transporters, that
vnderstood not at all, what they vndertooke.
Such actions haue ever since the worlds beginning beene
subiect to such accidents, and every thing of worth is
found full of difficulties : but nothing so difficult as to
establish a Common wealth so farre remote from men and
meanes, and where mens mindes are so vntoward as neither
doe well themselues, nor suffer others. But to proceed.
(/• 9.] The new President [Ratcliffe], and Martin, being little
beloved, of weake iudgement in dangers, and lesse industrie
in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to
Captaine Smith : who by his owne example, good words,
and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde
ofhwlding thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them,
tmh*. himselfe alwayes bearing the greatest taske for his owne
share, so that in short time, he provided most of them
lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe.
This done, seeing the Salvages superfluitie beginne to
decrease [he] (with some of his workemen) shipped him-
selfe [9 Nov. 1607] in the Shallop to search the Country for
Ed. by w.shnmonds.-j LlB ^ with the first supply in Virginia. 393
trade. The want of the language, knowledge to mannage [1607]
his boat without sailes, the want of a sufficient power
(knowing the multitude of the Salvages), apparell for his
men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments ;
yet no discouragement.
Being but six or seauen in company he went downe 1/.9J
the river to Kecoughtan : where at first they scorned him,
as a famished man ; and would in derison offer him a
handfull of Corne, a peece of bread, for their swords
and muskets, and such like proportions also for their The
apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was ofTradeg
nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions abroad'
as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his Com-
mission : [he] Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore ;
whereat they all fled into the woods.
So marching towards their houses, they might see great
heapes of corne : much adoe he had to restraine his hungry
souldiers from [the] present taking of it, expecting as it
hapned that the Salvages would assault them, as not long
after they did with a most hydeous noyse. Sixtie or
seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some white, some
party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing
out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made
of skinnes, stuffed with mosse, all painted and hung with
chaines and copper) borne before them : and in this
manner, being well armed with Clubs, Targets, Bowes
and Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly
receiued them with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot,
that downe fell their God, and divers lay sprauling on the
ground ; the rest fled againe to the woods, and ere long
sent one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and
redeeme their Okee.
Smithtold them, if onely six of them would come vnarmed
and loade his boat, he would not only be their friend, but
restore them their Okee, and giue them Beads, Copper,
and Hatchets besides : which on both sides was to their
contents performed : and then they brought him Venison,
Turkies, wild foule, bread, and what they had ; singing
and dauncing in signe of friendship till they departed.
In his returne he discovered the Towne and Country [/. 10.J
of Warraskoyack.
394 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [T'Stu£.eft
enton, J. Smith.
[1607]
[/• 97-1
Amtru, a
Salvage his
best friend
slaine for
loving vs.
The
Discovery
of Chicka-
hamint.
I/.xo.]
Another
proiect to
abandon the
Thus God vnboundlessc by his power,
Made them thus kind, would vs deuour.
Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie)
not any regarded but from hand to mouth : (the company
being well recovered) caused the Pinnace to be provided
with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following ;
but in the interim he made 3. or 4. iournies and discovered
the people of Chickahamania : yet what he carefully pro-
vided the rest carelesly spent.
Wingfield and Kendall liuing in disgrace, seeing all things
at randome in the absence of Smith, the companies dislike
of their [46] Presidents weaknes, and their small loue to
Martins never mending sicknes, strengthened themselues
with the sailers and other confederates, to regaine their
former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord
the Pinnace, (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed
for trade) to alter her course and to goe for England.
Smith vnexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to
him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of
sakre and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the
riuer : which action cost the life of captaine Kendall [after
trial, see pp. 13,97].
These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they
were better forgotten, yet all men of good iudgement will
conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest
to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame
of their excused disorders.
The President [Ratcliffe] and captaine Archer not long
after intended also to haue abandoned the country, which
proiect also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith.
The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he
[Smith] victual 1 ; nor his souldiersmore to abandon the Coun-
try, then hetokeepe it. But finding [he found] plentieofCorne
in the riuer of Chickahamania, where hundreds of Salvages
in diuers places stood with baskets expecting his comming.
And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so
covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we
daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions,
and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild
beasts as fat as we could eate them : so that none of our
Tuftaffaty humorists desired to goe for England.
Ed.byw.stomondj.-j lib ^ w^/t the first supply in Virginia. 395
But our Comcedies never endured long without a Tragedie ; [1607]
some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith, IP- 98.]
for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and
[being] taxed by the Councell, to be too slow in so worthy
an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that
with much labour by cutting of trees insunder he made his
passage ; but when his Barge could passe no farther, he
left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding
none should goe a shore till his returne : himselfe with two
English and two Salvages went vp higher in a Canowe; but
hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose
want of government gaue both occasion and opportunity to
the Salvages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew,
and much failed not to hauecut of[f] the boat and all the rest.
Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the
marshes at the rivers head, twentie myles in the desert,
had his *two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the */**«
Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall : ^°&mon
who finding he was beset with 200. Salvages, two of them ^mas
hee slew, still defending himselfe with the ayd of a Salvage siaine.
his guid, whom he bound to his arme with his garters,
and vsed him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh a
little, and had many arrowes that stucke in his cloathes
but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner.
When this newes came to lames towne, much was their
sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued.
Sixe or seuen weekes [rather about the three weeks 16 Dec.
1607 — 8 Jan. 1608] those Barbarians kept him prisoner,
many strange triumphes and coniurations they made of
him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he
not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but pro-
cured his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company
such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired
him more then their owne Quiyouckosucks.
The manner how they vsed and deliuered him, is as
followeth.
The Salvages hauing drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine
Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that oportunity taken
they followed him with. 300. bowmen, conducted by the Prisonar
King of Pamavnkee, who in diuisions searching the turn-
396 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. P'^^^tsSE
395. 401. J
[1607] ings of the riuer, found Robinson and Entry by the fire
[//• is, i6, side : those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then find-
ing the Captaine, as is said, that vsed the Salvage that
was his guide as his shield (three of them being slaine and
diuers other so gauld) all the rest would not come neere
him. Thinking thus to haue returned to his boat, regard-
ing them, as he marched, more then his way, [he] slipped vp
to the middle in an oasie creeke and his Salvage with him ;
yet durst they not come to him till being neere dead with
cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their
composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire,
where his men were slaine. Diligently they chafed his
benummed [47] limbs.
He demanding for their Captaine, they shewed him
[/.*».} Opechankanough, King of Pamavnkee, to whom he gaue
a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they
marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which
they could see so plainely, and yet not touch it, because
of the glasse that covered them. But when he demon-
strated by that Globe-like Iewell, the roundnesse of
the earth, and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone,
and Starres, and how the Sunne did chase the night round
about the world continually ; the greatnesse of the Land
and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of complexions,
and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such
like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration.
Notwithstanding, within an houre after they tyed him to
a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to
shoot him : but the King holding vp the Compass in his
hand, they all laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and
in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was
after their manner kindly feasted, and well vsed.
Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing them-
The order
they selues all in fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces
0 Sir and Swords borne before him. Captaine Smith was led
trivmph.
after him by three great Salvages, holding him fast by
each arme : and on each side six went in fyle with their
Arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne [Orapaks]
(which was but onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made
of Mats, which they remoue as they please, as we our
tents) all the women and children staring to behold him,
Ed byw.sbnmonds.-j lib> ^ w^ the first supply in Virginia. 397
the souldiers first all in fyle performed the forme of a [1607]
Bissone so well as could be; and on each flanke, officers
as Serieants to see them keepe their orders. A good time
they continued this exercise, and then cast themselues in
a ring, dauncing in such severall Postures, and singing
and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches ; being
strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes, and at
his backe a club ; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne,
or some such matter for his vambrace ; their heads and
shoulders painted red, with Oyle and Pocones mingled
together, which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding
handsome shew ; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a
Bird with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece
of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with a small rattle
growing at the tayies of their snak[e]s tyed to it, or some
such like toy. All this while Smith and the King stood in
the middest guarded, as before is said : and after three
dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long
house, where thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard him ;
and ere long more bread and venison was brought him
then would haue served twentie men. Ithinke his stomacke
at that time was not very good ; what he left they put in
baskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the
meate againe before him, all this time not one of them would
eate a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him
as much more ; and then did they eate all the old, and
reserved the new as they had done the other, which made
him thinke they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this
desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater
brought him his gowne, in requitall of some beads and
toyes Smith had given him at his first arrivall in Virginia.
Two dayes after a man would haue slaine him (but that [/. 17]
the guard prevented it) for the death of his sonne, to whom How he
they conducted him to recover the poore man then breath- SSl^iSSe
ing his last. Smith told them that at lames towne he had fjj^'
a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but
they would not permit that : but made all the preparations
they could to assault lames towne, crauing his advice ; and
for recompence he should haue life, libertie, land, and
women. In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to tA 17.1
them at the Fort, v/hat was intended, how they should
398 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [* ^g^STsSS.
[1607]
How he
saucd James
towne from
being
surprised.
[//.17, 18.J
How they
did Coniure
him at
Pamaznktt.
follow that direction to affright the messengers, and with-
out fayle send him such things as he writ for. And an
Inventory with them. The difncultie and danger, he told
the Salvages, of the Mines, great gunnes, and other Engins
exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his requestthey
went to lames towne, in as bitter weather as could be of frost
and snow, and within three dayes returned with an answer.
But when they came to Iame[s] towne, seeing men sally
out as he had told them they would, they fled ; yet in the
night they came againe to the same place where he had
[48j told them they should receiue an answer, and such
things as he had promised them : which they found accord-
ingly, and with which they returned with no small expe-
dition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he
could either divine, or the paper could speake.
Then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients,
the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients
vpon the rivers of Rapahanock, and Patawomek; over all those
rivers, and backe againe by divers other severall Nations,
to the Kings habitation at Pamavnkee : where they enter-
tained him with most strange and fearefull Coniurations ;
As if 71 care led to hell.
Amongst the Devils to dwell.
Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made
in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on
the other ; on the one they caused him to sit, and all the
guard went out of the house, and presently came skipping
in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled
with oyle ; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with
mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met
on the crowne of his head in a tassell ; and round about
the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging
round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a
manner covered his face ; with a hellish voyce, and a rattle
in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he
began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle
of meale ; which done, three more such like devils came
rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted halfe blacke,
halfe red : but all their eyes were painted white, and some
red stroakes like Mutchato's, along their cheekes : round
about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, and then
Ed.byw.simmonds.j LlB> 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 399
came in three more as vgly as the rest ; with red eyes, and [1607-8]
white stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat
downe right against him ; three of them on the one hand
of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other. Then all with
their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest
layd downe fiue wheat cornes : then strayning his armes
and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his
veynes swelled, he began a short Oration : at the conclu-
sion they all gaue a short groane ; and then layd down
three graines more. After that, began their song againe,
and then another Oration, ever laying downe so many
cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire ;
that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for
that purpose, continuing- still their devotion, and at the
end of every song and Oration, they layd downe a sticke
betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor
they did either eate or drinke ; and then they feasted
merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three
dayes they vsed this Ceremony ; the meaning whereof
they told him, was to know if he intended them well or
no. The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles
of corne the bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country.
They imagined the world to be flat and round, like a
trencher ; and they in the middest.
After this they brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which
they carefully preserved till the next spring, to plant as
they did their corne ; because they would be acquainted
with the nature of that seede.
Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house,
where, with as many platters of bread, foule, and wild
beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome ; but not
any of them would eate a bit with him, but put vp all the
remainder in Baskets.
At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings women,
and their children, flocked about him for their parts; as a
due by Custome, to be merry with such fragments.
But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous
shapes,
Of bodies strange, and hugein growth, and of stupendious makes.
At last they brought him to Meronocomoco [5 Jan. 1608], l>- 18>
where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more than two
400 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [7" Stu^e?J?TsSSS
[1608] hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him, as
PmAatan ^e ^ad beene a ™onster ; till Powhatan and his trayne had
em^rtained put themselues in their greatest braveries. Before a fire
vpon a seat like a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe,
[/. 19.] made of Rarowcnn skinnes, and all the tayles hanging by.
On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 yeares,
and along on each side the house, two rowes [49] of men,
and behind them as many women, with all their heads
and shoulders painted red : many of their heads bedecked
with the white downe of Birds ; but every one with some-
thing: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks.
At his entrance before the King, all the people gaue
[//.xhx.ixv, a grea{ shout. The Queene of Appamatuck was ap-
pointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another
brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to
dry them : having feasted him after their best barbarous
manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the
conclusion was, two great stones were brought before
Powhatan : then as many as could layd hands on him,
dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being
ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines, Pocahontas
the Kings dearest daughter, when no intreaty could pre-
p^ahPHia* vaile, got his head in her armes, and laid her owne vpon
laved his life. hjs to saue him from death : whereat the Emperour was
contented he should Hue to make him hatchets, and her
bells, beads, and copper ; for they thought him aswell of all
occupations as themselues. For the King himselfe will
make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots ; plant,
hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest.
They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad.
For who can pleasant be, and restt
That Hues in fear e and dread :
And having life suspected, doth
It still suspected lead.
Two dayes after [7 Jan. 1608], Powhatan having disguised
himselfe in the most fearefullest manner he could, caused
Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the
woods, and there vpon a mat by the fire to be left alone. Not
long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was
madethemostdolefullestnoyseheeverheard; ih^n Powhatan
Ed. by w. s^mmonds.-j lib ^ w^/t the fir st supply in Virginia. 401
more like a devill then a man, with some two hundred more [1608]
as blacke as himselfe, came vnto him and told him now ™™katan
they were friends, and presently he should goe to lames sent him to
towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a gryndstone, Towne.
for which he would giue him the Country of Capahowosick, [/. 20.]
and for ever esteeme him as his sonne Nantaquoud.
So to lames towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him.
That night [7 Jan. 1608] they quarterd in the woods, he still [A 22.]
expecting (as he had done all this longtime of his imprison-
ment) every houre to be put to one death or other : for all
their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine providence)
had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with
compassion. The next morning [8 Jan.] betimes they came
to the Fort, where Smith having vsed the Salvages with
what kindnesse he could, he shewed Rawhunt, Powhatans
trusty servant, two demi-Culverings and a millstone to carry
Powhatan : they found them somewhat too heavie ; but
when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with
stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with Isic-
kles, the yce and branches came so tumbling downe, that
the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at
last we regained some conference with them, and gaue them
such toyes ; and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children
such presents, as gaue them in generall full content.
Now in lames Towne they were all in combustion, the The third
, -,1 ,1 proiect to
strongest preparing once more to run away with the abandon the
Pinnace ; which with the hazzard of his life, with Sakre ^°un8trey'
falcon and musket shot, Smith forced now the third time ' 9 '
to stay or sinke.
Some no better then they should be, had plotted with [>.ixxxvi.i
the President [Ratcliffe], the next day [9 Jan.] to haue
put him to death by the Leviticall law, for the Hues
of Robinson and Emry ; pretending the fault was his that [3^; ^^.J6'
had led them to their ends : but he quickly tooke such
order with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles
till he sent some of them prisoners for England.
Now ever once in foure or fiue dayes, Pocahontas with her
attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many
of their Hues, that els for all this had starved with hunger.
Thus from numbe death our good God sent relief e,
The sweete asswager of all other grief e. [50]
26
402 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [T> Stt^'eL" jrriSh.'
[1608] His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at
A1™* f Werawocomoco, and of the state and bountie of Powhatan,
SoSs'ioue (which till that time was vnknowne) so revived their dead
Lctiol spirits (especially the loue of Pocahontas) as all mens feare
was abandoned.
[j.9g.) Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed an}'
good indevour; and the good successe of the businesse
being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet
you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it.
As for the insufficiency of them admitted in Commission,
that error could not be prevented by the Electors ; there
being no other choise, and all strangers to each others
education, qualities, or disposition.
And if any deeme it a shame to our Nation to haue any
mention made of those inormities, let him pervse the
Histories of the Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations,
where they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and
dissensions haue accompanied them, and crossed their
attempts : which being knowne to be particular mens
offences; doth take away the generall scorne and con-
tempt, which malice, presumption, covetousnesse, or
ignorance might produce ; to the scandall and reproach
of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions deserue
a more worthy respect.
[The colony Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to
38 men?byto baue concluded with any of those severall proiects, to haue
ofj^yJl abandoned the Countrey, with some ten or twelue of them,
on*s j™ ivaI w^° were ca^ec^ tne better sort, and haue left Master Hunt
1608; u'epp. our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest,
"I.']6"' worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas
Wotton, and some 27 others of his Countrymen to the fury
of the Salvages, famine, and all manner of mischiefes, and
of two evils inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in all to keepe
owas possession of this large Country;) or starue himselfe with
them for company, for want of lodging : or but adventur-
ing abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition
to preserue the action, and saue all their liues ; I leaue to
the censure of all honest men to consider. But
We men imagine in our Iolitie,
That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.
But then an one wee alter this againe,
Ed.byw.s^mmonds.j LlB 3 wM tfa first suppiy jn Virginia. 403
If happily wee feele the sence of paine ; [1608]
For then we're tum'd into a mourning vaine.
Written by Thomas Studley the first Cape
Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward
Harrington y and /. S.
CHAPTER III. r/-«»J
The Arrivall of the first supply, with their
Proceedings, and the Ships retttrne.
LLthis time our care was not so much to abandon
the Countrey ; but the Treasurer and Councell
in England, were as diligent and carefull to
supply vs. Two good ships they sent vs, with
neare a hundred men, well furnished with all things
could be imagined necessary, both for them and vs ; The
one commanded by Captaine Newport : the other by
Captaine Francis Nelson, an honest man, and an expert
Marriner. But such was the lewardnesse of his Ship [the The
Phcenix] (that though he was within the sight of Cape fromclipe
Henry) by stormy contrary winds was he forced so farre faSYto
to Sea, that the West Indies was the next land, for the f*J£sest
repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water.
But Newport got in and arrived at lames Towne, not i/.^.)
long after the redemption of Captaine Smith [or rather in
the evening of the 8th Jan. 1608, on which Smith returned].
To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day repaired,
with such provisions that sufficiently did serue them from
hand to mouth : part alwayes they brought him as Presents
from their Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market
Clarke set the price himselfe, how they should sell : so he
[51] had inchanted these poore soules being their prisoner;
and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving,
neare as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an ^# X0I#1
Oracle, and [he] had them at that submission he might com-
mand them what he listed. That God that created all The.r
things they knew he adored for his God: they would also opinion of
in their discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith.
404 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [ams Todkui.
ri608] Thus the Almightie was the bringer on,
The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone.
But the President [Ratcliffe] and Councell so much
envied his estimation among the Salvages, (though we all
in generall equally participated with him of the good
thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages vnder-
standings (by their great bounty in giving foure times
more for their commodities then Smith appointed) that
their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded his, as
their bountie and liberalise.
Now the arrivall of this first supply so overioyed vs, that
wee could not devise too much to please the Marriners. We
gaue them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But
in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a
pound of Copper, which before was sould vs for an ounce :
thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade,
but confirmed their opinion of the greatnesse of Captaine
Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan)
especially by the great presents Newport often sent him,
before he could prepare the Pinnace to goe and visit him :
(A »3.) so that this great Savage desired also to see him. A great
coyle there was to set him forward [Feb. 1608].
When he went he was accompanied with Captaine
Smith, and Master Scrivener, a very wise understanding
Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the Councell,
with thirtie or fortie chosen men for their guard.
(/• 24-] Arriving at Werowocomoco, Ncwports conceit of this great
Savage bred many doubts and suspitions of trecheries,
which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie
men well appointed, vndertooke to encounter the worst
PowhMtkn. that could happen : Knowing
All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus
Both one while scourgeth, and that helped vs.
Smiths
revisiting
Nathanicll Powell.
Robert Behethland.
Mich[a]ellPhittiplace.
William Phittiplace.
Anthony Gosnoll.
Richard Wyffin,
Gent.
John Tavemer.
William Dyer. I ^ .
Thomas Coe.
Thomas Hope.
Anas Todkill.
ta.byw.simmonds.-j lib> ^ w^ the first supply in Virginia. 405
These, with nine others (whose names I haue forgotten) [1608]
comming a-shore, landed amongst a many of creekes, W- I02-l
over which they were to passe [by] such poore bridges, onely j^ne"'*
made of a few cratches thrust in the o[o]se, and three or tainment.
foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like,
tyed together onely with barkes of trees, that it made
them much suspect those bridges were but traps. Which
caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe over first,
keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men
were passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest.
But finding all things well, by two or three hundred
Salvages they were kindly conducted to their towne.
Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the vtmost of his
greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of ioy,
Orations of protestations ; and with the most plenty of
victualls he could provide to feast them.
Sitting vpon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather
imbrodered (after their rude manner with pearle and white
Beads) his attyre a faire robe of skinnes as large as an Irish
mantell : at his head and [at his] feete a handsome young
woman : on each side his house sat twentie of his Concu-
bines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great
chaine of white beads about each of their neckes. Before
those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-like
house, and more then fortie platters of fine bread stood
as a guard in two fyles on each side the doore. Foure
or fiue hundred people made a guard behinde them
for our passage : and Proclamation was made, none
vpon paine of death to presume to doe vs any wrong or
discourtesie.
With many pretty Discourses to renew [52] their old lA^s-i
acquaintance, this great King and our Captaine spent the
time, till the ebbe left our Barge aground. Then renewing
their feasts with feates, dauncing and singing, and such
like mirth, we quartered that night with Powhatan.
The next day Newport came a shore and receiued as much [/• *7-)
content as those people could giue him : a boy named Thomas Change of
Salvage was then giuen vnto Powhatan,whom Newport called ^ristian
his sonne ; for whom Powhatan gaue him Namontack his salvage,
trustie servant, and one of a shrewd, subtill capacitie. (>• 569-1
406
[1608]
[/• «7-]
Powhatans
speech.
[/• 103.]
Differences
of opinions.
[>. a8.]
The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib 3. [An»sTodkm.
Three or foure dayes more we spent in feasting, dauncing,
and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himselfe so proudly,
yet discreetly (in his salvage manner) as made vs all
admire his naturall gifts, considering his education.
As scorning to trade as his subiects did ; he bespake
Newport in this manner.
Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in
this pedling manner to trade for trifles ; and I esteeme you also
a great Werowance. Therefore lay me downe all your com-
modities together ; what I like I will take, and in recompence
giue you what I thinke fitting their value.
Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport
as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan,
tould vs his intent was but onely to cheate vs ; yet Captaine
Newport thinking to out braue this Salvage in ostentation of
greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with him bountie, as to
haue what he listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan hauing
his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, that I thinke it
[were] better cheape in Spaine : for we had not foure bushells
for that we expected to haue twentie hogsheads.
This bred some vnkindnesse betweene our two Captaines ;
Newport seeking to please the vnsatiable desire of the Salvage,
Smith to cause the Salvage to please him ; but smothering
his distast to avoyd the Saluages suspition, [Smith] glanced
in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humor
vpon a few blew beades. A long time he importunately
desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect
them, as being composed of a most rare substance of the
coulour of the skyes, and not to be worne but by the greatest
kings in the world. This made him halfe madde to be the
owner of such strange Iewells : so that ere we departed, for
a pound or two of blew beades, he brought ouer my king
for 2. or 300. Bushells of corne ; yet parted good friends.
The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough
king of Pamavnkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at
the like rates) with blew beads : which grew by this meanes,
of that estimation, that none durst weare any of them but
their great kings, their wiues and children.
buS* town" And so we returned all well to lames towne [9 Mar. 1608],
[/■ j«4 where this new supply being lodged with the rest, [had]
Ed.byw.simmonds.j LlB^ 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 407
accidently fired [about 17 Jan. 1608] their quarters, and so [1608]
the towne : which being but thatched with reeds, the fire
was so fierce as it burnt their Pallisado's, (though eight or [/.lxxxvi.
ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding, apparell, and
much priuate prouision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher ^
lost all his Library, and all he had but the cloathes on his 99. w*,' 386,
backe : yet none neuer heard him repine at his losse. This 4oa"
happned in the winter in that extreame frost. i6oj[-8].
Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely of Ashipideiy
Oatmeale, meale and corne : yet the bhip staying 14. weekes weekes.
[or actually 13 weeks and 2 days from 8 Jan. to 10 April 1608]
when shee might as wel haue beene gone in 14. dayes, spent
a great part of that, and neare all the rest that was sent to
be landed.
When they departed what the[i]re discretion could spare
vs, to make a little poore meale or two, we called feastes,
to relish our mouthes : of each somwhat they left vs, yet
I must confesse, those that had either money, spare
clothes, credit to giue billes of paiment, gold rings, furrs,
or any such commodities, were euer welcome to this
remouing tauerne, such was our patience to obay such vile \t. 104.]
Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15. times
the value, suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet
must not repine, but fast, least we should incurre the cen-
sure of [being] factious and seditious persons : and then
leakage, ship-rats, and other casualties occasioned them
losse : but the vessels and remnants (for totals) we were
glad to receaue with all our hearts to make vp the account,
highly commending their prouidence for preseruing that,
least they should discourage any more to come to vs.
Now for all this plenty our ordynary was but meale and
water, so that this great charge little releeued our wants,
whereby with the extremitie of the [53] bitter cold frost
and those defects, more then halfe of vs dyed.
I cannot deny but both Smith and Skriuener did their best
to amend what was amisse, but with the President went
the maior part, that the[i]re homes were to[o] short.
But the worst was our guilded refiners with their golden ^e
effect
promises made all men their slaues in hope of recompences ; Verbaiisu.
there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold,
wash gold, refine gold, loade gold, such a bruit of gold,
408 The Discoveries and Accidents^ Lib. 3. [Ana$Todku
[1608] that one mad fellow [a wag] desired to be buried in the sands
least they should by the [i] re art make gold of his bones :
little neede there was and lesse reason, the ship should stay,
Aneedicsse the[i]re wages run on, our victualls consume 14. weekes,
fTSC\ *hat tne Mariners might say, they did helpe to build such
'9S7' a golden Church that we can say the raine washed neere
to nothing in 14. dayes.
Were it that captaine Smith would not applaude all
those golden inventions, because they admitted him not
to the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I
know not ; but I haue heard him oft question with Cap-
taine Martin and tell him, except he could shew him a more
substantiall triall, he was not inamoured with their durty
skill, breathing out these and many other passions, neuer
any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary
busines neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with
so much guilded durt.
a retume to Till then we neuer accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner,
England. wh0 being ready to set saile for England, and we not
^. 105,] hauing any vse of Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions, Admiralls,
. . Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor
Iustices of peace, sent [10 April 1608] Master Wingfield
l/.ixxxvii.] and Captaine Archer home with him, that had ingrossed
all those titles, to seeke some better place of imployment.
Oh cursed gold, those hunger-starved movers,
To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers !
For all the China wealth, nor Indies can
Suffice the minde of an avWitious man.
CHAPTER I I I I
The Arrhall of the Phoenix ; her retume ;
and other Accidents.
He authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin,
and the still sickly President [Ratcliffe], the sale
of the Stores commodities maintained his estate,
as an inheritable revenew.
The spring approaching, and the Ship departing, Master
Ed. by w. s«nmonds.-j lib 3. with the fir st supply in Virginia. 409
Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the [1608]
rebuilding lames towne ; the repairing our Pallizadoes ; the
cutting downe trees ; preparing our fields ; planting our [/. 33.]
corne, and to rebuild our Church, and re-cover our Store house.
All men thus busie at their severall labours, Master
Nelson arrived with his lost Phcenix ; lost (I say) for that \p. 34]
we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so
well he had mannaged his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles
to feede his company, that his victuail to that we had
gotten, as is said before, was neare, after our allowance,
sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he
freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Marriner)
caused vs admire him : we would not haue wished more
then he did for vs.
Now to relade this ship with some good tydings, the
President (not holding it stood with the dignitie of his
place to leaue the Fort) gaue order to Captaine Smith
to discover and search the commodities of the Monacans sixtie
Countrey beyond the Falls. Sixtie able men was allotted SSStoaJ
them, the which within six dayes, Smith had so well trained Monacans.
to their armes and orders, that they little feared with whom \p. 106.]
they should incounter : yet so vnseasonable was the time,
and so opposit was Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely
to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as
Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar,
(which was a present dispatch) then either with durt, or the
hopes and reports of an vncertaine discovery, which he would
performe when they had lesse charge and more leisure. [54]
But, The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can
Immortalize a mortall man,
With glory and with fame.
The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may
Afflict a mortall man, I say,
With sorrow and with shame.
Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned.
Powhatan (to expresse his loue to Newport) when he Sample to
departed, presented him with twentie Turkies, condi- seiuwords
tionally to returne him twentie swords, which immediately |° T*8*"
was sent him.
Now after his departure, he presented Captaine Smith
410 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [Anas Todkm.
[1608] with the like luggage, but not finding his humor obeyed
in not sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his
people with twentie devices to obtaine them. At last by
ambuscadoes at our very Ports [gates] they would take them
The perforce, surprise vs at worke, or any way ; which was so
welknSS long permitted, they become so insolent there was no rule :
the command from England was so strait not to offend
them, as our authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses)
would rather be any thing than peace-breakers.
IM 35-39.] This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced
smiths *ney mecUed with Captaine Smith, who without farther
attempt to deliberation gaue them such an incounter, as some he
tKafvages so hunted vp and downe the Isle, some he so terrified
insoieacies. wjth whipping, beating, and imprisonment ; as for revenge
they surprised two of ourforraging disorderly souldiers, and
having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our
Ports to force Smith to redeliver seven Salvages, which
for their villanies he detained prisoners, or we were all
but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out
amongst them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred
their insolencies, [that] they brought them his two men,
desiring peace without any further composition for their
prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all
beleeue, by severall vollies of shot one of their companions
was shot to death, because they would not confesse their
intents and plotters of those villanies.
And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed
Pmuhatans onely Dv Powhatan to obtaine him our weapons, to cut our
excuse. owne throats ; with the manner where, how, and when,
which we plainly found most true and apparant : yet he
sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas
[/>/. 38, 107.] [in May 1608] with presents to excuse him of the iniuries
done by some rashvntowardCaptaines his subiects, desiring
their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his loue
for ever.
After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he
thought fit, vsed them well a day or two after, and then
[/• »•] delivered them Pocahontas ; for whose sake onely he fayned
to haue saued their Hues, and gaue them libertie.
The patient Councell that nothing would moue towarre
with the Salvages, would gladly haue wrangled with
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib ^ w^ the fir st supply in Virginia. 411
Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any [1608]
mans knowledge : but it brought them in such feare and
obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright
them ; where before, wee had sometime peace and warre
twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke but we had some
trecherous villany or other.
The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar; j^f t with
by the diligence of the Master, and Captaine Smith, Cedar,
she was quickly reladed : Master Scrivener was neither
idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort ; the Ship
being ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes
very sickly, and vnserviceable, and desirous to inioy the
credit of his supposed Art of finding the golden Mine, was
most willingly admitted to returne for England. For
He hath not filVd his lapp,
That still doth hold it oap.
From the writings of Thomas Studley and
Anas TodkilL [55]
[As regards Studley, this must be an error, for he died on 28 Aug.
\6o7,fi. lxxii.,and was succeeded for some time, as Cap-Merchant or
Storekeeper, by Captain y. Smith, p. 9.]
Their Names that were landed in this Supply.
Mathew Scrivener appointed
to be one of the Councell.
Michaell Phittiplace.
William Phittiplace.
Ralph Morton.
Richard Wyffing.
Iohn Taverner.
William Cantrell.
Robert Barnes.
Richard F ether stone. {-Gent.
George Hill.
George Pretty.
Nathaniell Causy.
Peter Pory.
Robert Cutler.
Michaell Sicklemore.
William Bentley.
Thomas Coe.
Doctor Russell.
Jeffrey Abbot.
Edward Gurgana.
Richard W or ley.
Timothy Leeds.
Richard Killingbeck.
William Spence.
Richard Prodger.
Richard Pots.
Richard Mullinax.
William Bayley.
Francis Perkins.
Iohn Harper.
George Forest.
Iohn Nichols.
William Griuell.
-Gent.
1608.
Sir Thomas
Smith
Treasurer.
[Compare
this List
with the
1612 one, at
/>. 107-8.]
412
[1608]
The Discoveries and Accide?its, Lib. 3. ["
W. Ttusv*.
A. TodkiSl.
LT. Momford.
Raymond Goodison.
William Simons.
John Spearman.
Richard Bristow.
William Perce,
lames Watkins.
Iohn Bouth.
Christopher Rods.
Richard Burkct.
lames Burre.
Nicholas Ven.
Francis Perkins.
Richard Gradon.
Rawland Nelstrop.
Richard Savage.
Thomas Savage.
Richard Milm
William May.
Vere.
Michaell.
Bishop Wiles.
3
o
od
"f Apoth
ecanes.
Thomas Hope.
William Ward.
Iohn Powell.
William Yong.
William Beckwith.
La[w]rence Towtales.
Thomas Field,
Iohn Harford,
Dani: Stallings, Ieweller.
Will: Dawson, a refiner.
Abram Ransack, a refiner.
Wil: lohnson, a. Goldsmith.
Peter Keffer, a gunsmith.
Rob: Alberton, a perfumer.
Richard Belfield, a Goldsmith.
Post Ginnat, a Chirurg[ion].
Iohn Lewes, a Cooper.
Robert Cotton, a Tobacco-
pipe-maker.
Richard Dole, a Blacksmith
And divers others
number of 120.
to the
1/ 109.1 CHAPTER V
The Accidents that hapned in the "Discovery
of the Bay of Chisapeack.
He prodigalitie of the Presidents [Ratcliffe] state
went so deepe into our small store, that Smith
and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites to the
rules of proportion. But now Smith being to
depart, the Presidents authoritie so overswayed the
discretion of Master Scrivener, that our store, our time, our
strength and labours were idely consumed to fulfill his
phantasies.
The second of Iune 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe
his Discovery with this Company.
Ed. by W. Simmonds."] T TT> ~
l6l2-l624J ^^ 6'
with the first supply in Virginia. 413
J- Souldiers.
Walter Russell, Doctor of I onas Profit. \ .[1608]
Physicke. Anas Todkill.
Ralfe Murton. \ Robert Small.
Thomas Momford. lames Watkins.
William Cantrill. \ ^ . John Powell.
Richard Fetherston. r ' lames Read,
lames Bume. Richard Keale.
Mich [a] ell Sicklemore. t
These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen.
Leaving the Phoenix at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay
to the Easterne shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths
Isles, after our Captaines name.
The first people we saw were two grim and stout Salvages
vpon Cape Charles, with long poles like Iauelings, headed
with bone, [56] they boldly demanded what we were, and
what we would; but after many circumstances they seemed
very kinde, and directed vs to Accomack, the habitation of
their Werowance, where we were kindly intreated.
This King was the comliest, proper, civill Salvage we in- [A "°-i
countred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle, some
small creekes ; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for
Ships. He told vs of a strange accident lately happened
him, and it was, two children being dead; some extreame
passions, or dreaming visions, phantasies, or affection moued ^^gj
their parents againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose of Salvages
benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such
delightfull countenances, as though they had regained
their vitall spirits. This as a miracle drew many to behold
them, all which, being a great part of his people, not long
after dyed, and but few escaped.
They spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they made
such descriptions of the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often
did vs exceeding pleasure.
Passing along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay,
fit for harbours and habitations. Seeing many Isles in the
midst of the Bay we bore vp for them, but ere we could
obtaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, rayne,
thunder, and lightening happened, that with great danger
we escaped the vnmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water.
The highest land on the mayne, yet it was but low, we Russels
called Keales hill, and these vninhabited Isles, Russels Isles. Isles-
414 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. f a!?3E5:
T ^ LT. Momford.
[1608] The next day searching them for fresh water, we could find
none, the defect whereof forced vsto follow the next Easterne
withcoc*. Channell, which brought vs to the river of Wighcocomoco.
m4K0' The people at first with great fury seemed to assault vs,
yet at last with songs and daunces and much mirth became
very tractable : but searching their habitations for water, we
could fill but three barricoes, and that such puddle, that
never till then we ever knew the want of good water. We
An «*"«22 digged and searched in many places, but before two daies
w^r? r s * were expired, we would haue refused two barricoes of gold
for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco.
Being past these Isles which are many in number, but all
naught for habitation, falling with a high land vpon the
mayne, we found a great Pond of fresh water, but so exceed-
ing hot wee supposed it some bath ; that place we called
poynt Ployer, in honor of that most honourable House of
[/• 8a5] Mousay in Britaine, that in an extreame extremitie once
relieued our Captaine.
From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low
broken Isles of Morap, growne a myle or two in breadth, and
ten ortwelue in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and
to catch fish and foule in Winter : but the Land beyond them
is all covered over with wood, as is the rest of the Country.
Being thus refreshed, in crossing ouer from the maine
to other Isles we discouered, the winde and waters so
much increased, with thunder, lightning, and raine, that
our mast and sayle blew ouerbord and such mighty
\p. us.] waues ouerracked vs in that small barge, that with great
Their Barge labour we kept her from sinking by freeing out the water.
Two dayes we were inforced to inhabite these vninhabited
Isles ; which fqr the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine,
stormes, and ill wether we called Limbo.
Repairing our saile with our shirts, we set sayle for the
maine and fell with a pretty convenient riuer on the East
called Cuskarawaok ; the people ran as amazed in troups
from place to place, and diuers got into the tops of trees.
They were not sparing of their arrowes, nor [of] the greatest
passion they could expresse of their anger. Long they
shot, we still ryding at an Anchor without the[i]re reatch
making all the signes of friendship we could.
The next day they came vnarmed, with euery one a
neare sunke
hi a gust.
Cuskara-
Ed.byw.simmonds.-| lib ^ witjt fa firsi supply in Virginia. 415
basket, dancing in a ring, to draw vs on shore : but seeing [1608]
there was nothing in them but villany, we discharged a
volly of muskets charged with pistoll shot ; whereat they
all lay tumbling on the grownd, creeping some one way,
some another into a great cluster of reedeshard by; where
the[i]re companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the euening
we wayed, and approaching the shoare, discharging hue
or six shot among the reedes. We landed where there lay
a many of baskets and much bloud, but saw not a Salvage.
A smoake appearing on the other side the riuer, we rowed
thither, where we found two or three little houses, in each
a fire ; there we left some peeces of copper, beads, bells,
and looking glasses, and then went into the bay : but
when it was darke we came backe againe.
Early in [57] the morning foure Salvages came to vs in
their Canow, whom we vsed with such courtesie, not knowing
what we were, nor had done, [they] hauing beene in the bay
a fishing; [who] bade vs stay and ere long they would
returne, which they did and some twentie more with them :
with whom after a little conference, two or three thousand
men women and children came clustring about vs, euery
one presenting vs with something, which a little bead would
so well requite, that we became such friends they would
contend who should fetch vs water, stay with vs for hostage,
conduct our men any whither, and giue vs the best content.
Here doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause,Arseek,
and Nantaquak the best Marchants of all other Salvages.
They much extolled a great nation called Massawomekes, in ™efirst
search of whom we returned by Limbo : this riuer but onely the M*um
at the entrance is very narrow, and the people of small W0ntek*'
stature as them of Wightcocomoco, the Land but low, yet
it may proue very commodious, because it is but a ridge of
land betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean. Finding this
Easterne shore, [to be] shallow broken Isles, and for most
part without fresh water; we passed by the straites of Limbo
for the Westerne shore : so broad is the bay here, we could
scarce perceiue the great high clifts on the other side : by
them we Anchored that night and called them Riccards Cliftes.
30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding any
inhabitants, leauing all the Easterne shore, lowe Islandes,
but ouergrowne with wood, as all the Coast beyond
416 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" aItS™!'."
LT. Momford.
[1608] them so farre as wee could see: the Westerne shore
by which we sayled we found all along well watered, but
very mountanous and barren, the vallies very fertill, but
extreame thicke of small wood so well as trees, and much
frequented with Wolues, Beares, Deere and other wild beasts.
We passed many shallow creekes, but the first we
BoiusKmer. founcl Nauigable for a ship, we called Bolus, for that the
clay in many places vnder the clifts by the high water
marke, did grow vp in red and white knots as gum out of
trees; and in some places so participated together as though
they were all of one nature, excepting the coulour, the rest
of the earth on both sides being hard sandy grauell, which
made vs thinke it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata.
When we first set sayle some of our Gallants doubted
nothing but that our Captaine would make too much hast[e]
home, but hauing lien in this small barge not aboue 12. or
14. dayes, oft tyred at the Oares, our bread spoyled with wet
so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomacks
that they could disgest it) they did with continuall com-
plaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him
bespeake them in this manner [about 14 June 1608].
Smiths Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of
SSd!lShls Sir Ralph Layne, how his company importuned him to proceed
\p> 3M-] 1M the discovery of Moratico, alleadging they had yet a dog,
that being boyled with Saxafras leaues, would richly feede them
in their returnes ; then what a shame would it be for you (thai
haue bin so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne,
with so much provision as we haue, and scarce able to say where
\p. i".] we haue beetle, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seeke ?
You cannot say but I haue shared with you in the worst which
is past ; and for what is to come, of lodging, dyet, or whatso-
euer, I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe. As
for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these vnknowne large
waters, or be swallowed vp in some stormie gust; abandon
these childish feares, for worse then is past is not likely to
happen : and there is as much danger to returne as to proceede.
Regaine therefore your old spirits, for returne I will not {if
God please) till I haue seene the Massawomeks, found
Patawomek, or the head of this water you conceit to be
endlesse.
Ed.byw.simmonds.-j LlB. 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 417
Two or 3. dayes we expected [experienced] winde and
wether, whose aduerse extremities added such discourage-
ment, that three or foure fell sicke, whose pittifull complaints
caused vs to to returne, leauing the bay some nine miles
broad, at nine and ten fadome water.
The 16. of Iune [1608], we fell with the riuer Patowomek :
fearejbeing gone, and our men recovered, we were all content
to take some paines, to know the name of that seuen mile
broad riuer. For thirtie myles sayle, we could see no
inhabitants : then we were conducted by two Savages vp a
little bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient, where all the
woods were layd with ambuscado's to the number of three
or foure thousand Salvages, so strangely paynted, grimed
and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying [58] as so many
spirits from hell could not haue shewed more terrible.
Many brauado's they made, but to appease their fury,
our Captaine prepared with as seeming a willingnesse
(as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of our
bullets vpon the water (many being shot on purpose they
might see them) with the Ecc[h]o of the woods so amazed
them, as downe went their bowes and arrowes ; (and ex-
changing hostage) lames Watkins was sent six myles vp the
woods to their Kings habitation. We were kindly vsed of
those Salvages, of whom we vnderstood, they were com-
manded to betray vs, by the direction of Powhatan ; and he
so directed from the discontents [discontented] at lames
towne, because our Captaine did cause them stay in their
country against their wills.
The like incounters we found at Patowomek, Cecocawonee
and diuers other places : but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and
Toags the people did their best to content vs.
Hauing gone so high as we could with the bo[a]te, we
met diuers Saluages in Canowes, well loaden with the flesh
of Beares, Deere and other beasts; whereof we had part.
Here we found mighty Rocks, growing in some places aboue
the grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and diuers other
solid quarries of diuers tinctures : and diuers places where
the waters had falne from the high mountaines they had
left a tinctured spangled skurfe, that made many bare
places seeme as guilded. Digging the grown [d]e aboue in
the highest clifts of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand so
27
[1608]
The dis-
couery of
Pata-
womek.
Ambus-
cadoes of
Salvages.
A trecher-
ous proiect
IP- "3-1
418 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" a'.tSSu!
LT. Momford.
[1608] mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe
pindust.
In our returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the
king of Patawomeke gaue vs guides to conduct vs vp a little
riuer called Quiyough, vp which we rowed so high as
we could [p. 424]. Leauing the bo[a]te ; with six shot and
diuers Salvages, he marched seuen or eight myle before they
came to the mine : leading his hostages in a small chaine
they were to haue for their paines, being proud so richly
to be adorned.
Amyndike The mine is a great Rocky mountaine like Antimony ;
Anthony. wnerein tnev digged a great hole with shells and hatchets :
and hard by it, runneth a fayre brooke of Christal-like water,
where they wash away the drosse and keepe the remainder,
which they put in little baggs and sell it all ouerthe coun-
try to paint the[i]re bodyes, faces, or Idols; which makes
them looke like Blackmores dusted over with siluer. With
so much as we could carry we returned to our bo[a]te, kindly
requiting this kinde king and all his kinde people.
The cause of this discovery was to search [for] this
mine, of which Newport did assure vs that those small
baggs (we had giuen him), in England he had tryed to
hold halfe siluer ; but all we got proued of no value : also
to search what furrs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke,
where is made so much Rawranokc or white beads that
occasion as much dissention among the Salvages, as
gold and siluer amongst Christians ; and what other
mineralls, riuers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruites,
victuall, and what other commodities the land afforded :
and whether the bay were endlesse or how farre it extended.
Of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Beuers, Otters,
Beares, Martins and minkes [skins] we found, and in diuers
places that aboundance of fish, lying so thicke with
their heads aboue the water, as for want of nets (our barge
driuing amongst them) we attempted to catch them with
Anaboun- a frying pan : but we found it a bad instrument to catch
d*nt plenty fish witn : neither better fish, more plenty, nor more
variety for smal fish, had any of vs euerseene in anyplace
so swimming in the water, but they are not to be caught
with frying pans. Some small codd also we did see swim
close by the shore by Smiths lies, and some as high as
Ed.byw.simmonds.-] lib 3. with the first supply in Virginia. 419
Riccards Clifts. And some we haue found dead vpon the [1608]
shore.
To express all our quarrels, trecheries and incounters \p. n3.]
amongst those Salvages I should be too tedious: but in Howto
breefe, at all times we so incountred them, and curbed theLT-'1
their insolencies, that they concluded with presents to vages*
purchase peace ; yet we lost not a man : at our first meet-
ing our Captaine euer observed this order, to demand their
bowes and arrowes, swordes, mantells and furrs, with
some childe or two for hostage, whereby we could quickly
perceiue, when they intended any villany.
Hauing finished this discouery (though our victuall was
neere spent) he intended to see his imprisonment-acquaint-
ances vpon the riuer of Rapahanock, by [59] many called
Toppahanock, but our bo[a]te by reason of the ebbe, chansing
to grownd vpon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we
spyed many fishes lurking in the reedes : our Captaine
sporting himselfe by nayling them to the grownd with his
sword, set vs all a fishing in that manner : thus we tooke
more in one houre then we could eate in a day.
But it chansed our Captaine taking a fish from his sword £A »*1
(not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of §£3?™^
a Thornback, but a long tayle like a ryding rodde, whereon killc<* w"h
the middest is a most poysoned sting, of two or three
inches long, bearded like a saw on each side, which she
strucke into the wrest of his arme neere an inch and a
halfe : no bloud nor wound was seene, but a little blew
spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in
foure houres had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder,
we all with much sorrow concluded [anticipated] his funerall,
and prepared his graueinan Island by, as himselfe directed :
yet it pleased God by a precious oyle Docter Russell at the
first applyed to it when he sounded it with probe, (ere night)
his tormenting paine was so well asswaged that he eate of
the fish to his supper, which gaue no lesse ioy and content
to vs then ease to himselfe. For which we called the
Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish.
Hauing neither Chirurgian nor Chirurgery but that pre-
seruatiue oyle, we presently set sayles for lames towne,
passing the mouthes of the riuers of Payankatank, and
Pantavnkee, the next day we safely arriued at Kecougtan.
420 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" ^;?Jdsskf1!
LT. Momford.
[1608] The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine hurt, and an
^e other bloudy by breaking his shinne, our numbers of bowes,
affrighted arrowes, swords, mantles, and furrs, would needes imagine
ownetheir we had beene at warres (the truth of these accidents would
suspition. not satisfie them) but impatiently importuned vs to know
with whom. Finding their aptnesse to beleeue, we fayled
not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might
affright them, what spoyle we had got and made of the
Massawomeks. This rumor went faster vp the river then
our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of Iuly ;
where trimming her with painted streamers, and such de-
vises as we could, we made them at lames towne iealous
of a Spanish Frigot, where we all, God be thanked, safely
arrived the 21 of Iuly.
Necdiesse There we found the last Supply were all sicke; the rest
™««a some lame, some bruised: all vnable to doe any thing
towne. ku^ compiaine 0f the pride and vnreasonable needlesse
crueltie of the silly President, that had riotously consumed
the store : and to fulfill his follies about building him an
vnnecessary building for his pleasure in the woods, had
brought them all to that misery ; that had we not arrived,
they had as strangely tormented him with revenge.
[/. 115] But the good newes of our Discovery, and the good hope
we had by the Salvages relation, that our Bay had stretched
into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it, appeased their
fury; but conditionally that Rat[c]liffe should be deposed,
and that Captaine Smith would take vpon him the govern-
ment, as by course it did belong.
Their request being effected, he substituted Master
Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidency, equally
distributing those private provisions the other [Ratcliffe]
had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers to assist
master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a
Callenture) : and in regard of the weaknesse of the
company, and heate of the yeare, they being vnable to
worke, he left them to Hue at ease, to recover theii
healths ; but imbarked himselfe to finish his Discovery.
Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill,
and Thomas Mumford.
Ed. by w. sunmondsj lib# 3. with the fir st supply in Virginia. 421
CHAPTER VI.
The Government surrendred to Master
Scrivener.
What happened the second Voyage in discovering
the Bay.
§*|He 24 of Iuly [1608], CaptaineSwn^ set forward [1608]
- to finish the discovery with twelue men : their [>. «6.j
names were [60]
Souldiers.
Salvages
admire
fireworkes.
Nathaniell Powell. \ . Ionas Profit.
Thomas Momford. v Anas Todkill.
Richard Fetherston. I § Edward Pising.
Mich[a]ell Sicklemore. j+3 Richard Keale.
lames Bourne. <o lames Watkins.
Anthony B agnail, Chir. J® William Ward.
The wind being contrary, caused our stay two or three
days at Kecoughtan : the King feasted vs with much mirth,
his people were perswaded we went purposely to be
revenged of the Massawomeks. In the evening we fired a The
few rackets, which flying in the ayre so terrified the poore
Salvages, they supposed nothing vnpossible we attempted ;
and desired to assist vs.
The first night we anchored at Stingray Isle. The next
day crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted to the river Bolus.
We went not much further before we might see the
Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving there we found
it divided in foure, all which we searched so farre as we
could sayle them.
Two of them we found [vn]inhabited, but in crossing the
Bay, we incountred 7 or 8 Canowes full of Massawomeks. [/. 117)
We seeing them prepare to assault vs, left our Oares and An incoun-
made way with our sayle to incounter them, yet were we Jiie
but fiue with our Captaine that could stand, for within 2 Softie
dayes after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last Bay.
supply) were sicke almost to death, vntill they were seasoned
to the Country. Having shut them vnder our Tarpawling,
we put their hats vpon stickes by the Barges side, and
422 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. |~ njpSS
L A. TodkflL
[1608] betwixt two hats a man with two peeces, to make vs seeme
many : and so we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to
be men, for they fled with all possible speed to the shore,
and there stayed, staring at the sayling of our barge till we
anchored right against them.
Long it was ere we could draw them to come vnto vs.
At last they sent two of their company vnarmed in a Canow,
the rest all followed to second them if neede required.
These two being but each presented with a bell, brought
aboord all their fellowes, presenting our Captaine with
venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrowes, clubs, targets,
and beares-skinnes.
We vndertood them nothing at all, but by signes,
whereby they signified vnto vs they had beene at warres
with the Tockwoghes, the which they confirmed by shewing
vs their greene wounds.
But the night parting vs, we imagined they appointed the
next morning to meete; but after that we never saw them.
An Entring the river of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed,
llthX" in a fleete of boats, after their barbarous manner, round
Tockwhoghs. invironeci us ; s0 it chanced one of them could speake the
language of Powhatan, who perswaded the rest to a friendly
parley. But when they saw vs furnished with the Massa-
womcks weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan,
to haue taken them perforce ; they conducted vs to their
pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with
scaffolds like mounts, brested about with brests very
formally. Their men, women, and children with daunces,
songs, fruits, furres, and what they had, kindly welcommed
vs, spreading mats for vs to sit on, [and] stretching their
best abilities to expresse their loues.
[/. us.] Many hatchets, kniues, peeces of iron, and brasse, we
Hatchets saw amongst them, which they reported to haue from the
s™f!«sa- Sasquesahanocks, a mightie people and mortall enemies with
hatwtkn. the Massawomeks.
The Sasquesahanocks inhabit vpon the chiefe Spring of
these foure branches of the Bayes head, two dayes iourney
higher then our barge could passe for rocks ; yet we
prevailed with the Interpreter to take with him another
Interpreter, to perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come visit
vs, for their language[s] are different.
Ed.byw.simmonds.-j lib ^ w^ the first supply in Virginia. 423
Three or foure dayes we expected their returne, then [1608]
sixtie of those gyant-like people came downe, with presents
of Venison, Tobacco-pipes three foot in length, Baskets,
Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Fiue of their chiefe Wero-
wances came boldly aboord vs to crosse the Bay for
Tockwhogh, leaving their men and Canowes ; the wind
being so high they durst not passe.
Our order was daily to haue Prayer, with a Psalme ; at
which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondred, our
Prayers being done, a while they were busied with a con-
sultation till they had contrived their businesse. Then they
began in a most passionate [61] manner to hold vp their
hands to the Sunne,with a most fearefull song, then imbrac-
ing our Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner ;
though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their song
was finished!:1, which done [one] with a most strange furious
action, and a hellish voyce, began an Oration of their loues.
That ended, with a great painted Beares skin they i^sasgue-
covered him : then one ready with a great chayne of %b£ tf£e
white Beads, weighing at least six or seaven pound, hung EneUtK-
it about his necke, the others had 18 mantels, made of
divers sorts of skinnes sowed together ; all these with
many other toyes they layd at his feete, stroking their
ceremonious hands about his necke for his Creation to be
their Governour and Protector, promising their aydes,
victualls, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with
them, to defend and revenge them of the Massawomeks.
But we left them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our depar-
ture ; yet we promised the next yeare againe to visit them.
Many descriptions and discourses they made vs, of
A tquanachuck, Massawomek, and other people, signifying they \p. 119.]
inhabit vpon a great water beyond the mountaines, which
we vnderstood to be some great lake, or the river of
Canada : and from the French to haue their hatchets and
Commodities by trade. These know no more of the terri-
tories of Powhatan, then his name, and he as little of them:
but the Atquanachuks are on the Ocean Sea.
The highest mountaine we saw Northward wee called
Perigrines mount, and a rocky river, where the Massa-
womeks went vp, Willowbyes river, in honor of the towne
our Captaine was borne in, and that honorable house the
424
[1608]
Pawtuxunt,
R.
[>• "9-1
Rapaha-
nock. R.
The
exceeding
loue of the
Salvage
Motca.
itP- "9-4»9i
426.]
Our fijjht
with the
Rapaha-
necks.
The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. |" nSKS
L A. Todlcill.
Lord Willowby, his most honored good friend. The
Sasquesahanocks river we called SW//zsfalles; the next poynt
to Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt ; the next [to] it poynt Bourne,
Powells Isles and Smals poynt is by the river Bolus ; and
the little Bay at the head Profits poole ; Watkins, Reads,
and Momfords poynts are on each side Limbo ; Ward,
Cantrell, and Sicklemore [points], betwixt Patawomek and
Pamavnkee, after the names of the discoverers.
In all those places and the furthest we came vp the
rivers, we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and
in many places made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes :
and in some places crosses of brasse, to signifie to any,
Englishmen had beene there.
Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth
noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt ;
these people we found very tractable, and more civill then
any: we promised them, as also the Patawomeks to revenge
them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed.
In the discovery of this river [that] some call Rapahanock,
we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund.
Here we incountered our old friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage
of Wighcocomoco vpon the river of Patawomek. We supposed
him some French mans sonne, because he had a thicke
blacke bush beard, and the Salvages seldome haue any at
all ; of which he was not a little proud, to see so many of
his Countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch vs,
guide vs any whether, nay, cause divers of his Countrymen
helpe vs [to] towe against winde or tyde from place to place
till we came to Patawomek : there he rested till we returned
from the head of the river, and occasioned our conduct to
the mine we supposed Antimony [p. 418].
And in the place he fayled not to doe vs all the good he
could, perswading vs in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks,
for they would kill vs for being friends with the Moraught-
acunds that but lately had stolne three of the Kings women.
This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely
haue our trade : so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks.
There some 12 or 16 standingon the shore, directed vs [to] a
little Creeke where was good landing, and Commodities for
vs in three or foure Canowes we saw lie there : but according
to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in signe of
Ed.byw.sunmonds.-| lib< 3. w{th the first supply in Virginia. 425
loue ; which after they had a little consulted, foure or fiue [1608]
came vp to the middles, to fetch our man, and leaue vs
one of them, shewing we need not feare them, for they had
neither clubs, bowes, nor arrowes. Notwithstanding, A nas
Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could discover any
Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to goe over the
playne to fetch some wood ; but they were vnwilling, except
we would come into the Creeke, where the boat might
come close ashore. Todkill by degrees [62] having got some
two stones throwes vp the playne, perceived two or three
hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees ; so that
offering to returne to the Boat, the Salvages assayed to
carry him away perforce, that he called to vs we were
betrayed : and by that he had spoke the word, our hostage
was over-boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the
water. Immediatly we let fly amongst them, so that they
fled, and Todkill escaped ; yet they shot so fast that he fell
flat on the ground ere he could recover the boat.
Here the Massawomek Targets stood vs in good stead, for
vpon Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of
our Boat like a forecastle ; from whence we securely beat
the Salvages from off the plaine without any hurt: yet they
shot more then a thousand Arrowes, and then fled into
the woods. Arming our selues with these light Targets
(which are made of little small sticks woven betwixt strings
of their hempe and silke grasse, as is our Cloth, but
so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce them :) we
rescued Todkill ; who was all bloudy by [from] some of them
who were shot by vs that held him, but as God pleased he
had no hurt : and following them vp to the woods, we found
some slaine, and in divers places much bloud. It seems all
their arrowes were spent, for we heard no more of them.
Their Canows we tooke ; the arrowes we found we
broke, saue them we kept for Mosco, to whom we gaue the
Canowes for his kindnesse, that entertained vs in the best
trivmphing manner, and warlike order in armes of conquest
he could procure of the Moraughtacunds. The rest of the
day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead of thoules
wee made stickes like Bedstaues, to which we fastened so
many of our Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as
wa[i]st clothes.
426
[1608]
l/A "9. 4'9.
424-J
The
Salvages
disguised
like bushes
fight.
I/. 119.]
Our fight
with the
Mana-
haacks.
The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. f^BpSJell
L A.Todkilll
The next morning we went vp the river, and our friend
Mosco followed vs along the shore, and at last desired to
goe with vs in our Boat. But as we passed by Pisacack,
Matchopeak, and Mecuppom, three Townes situated vpon
high white clay clifts ; the other side all a low playne
marish, and the river there but narrow. Thirtie or fortie
of the Rapahanocks had so accommodated themselues with
branches, as we tooke them for little bushes growing among
the sedge, till seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and
dropped in the river : whereat Mosco fell flat in the Boat on
his face, crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied
to be the bushes, which at our first volley fell downe in
the sedge : when wee were neare halfe a myle from them,
they shewed themselues dauncing and singing very merrily.
The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttata-
women, vsed vs kindly, and all their people neglected not
any thing to Mosco to bring vs to them.
Betwixt Secobeck and Massawtcck is a small Isle or two,
which causeth the river to be broader then ordinary; there
it pleased God to take one of our Company called Master
Fetherstone, that all the time he had beene in this Country,
had behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and industriously ;
where in a little Bay we called Fetherstones Bay wee buryed
him with a volley of shot : the rest notwithstanding their
ill dyet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a Barge, in
so many dangers, never resting, but alwayes tossed to and
againe, had all well recovered their healths.
The next day wee sayled so high as our Boat would
float ; there setting vp crosses, and graving our names in
the trees. Our Sentinell saw an arrow fall by him ;
though we had ranged vp and downe more then an houre,
in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs, and
springs, not seeing where a Salvage could well hide himselfe.
Vpon the alarum, by that we had recovered our armes,
there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from
tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could :
the trees here served vs for Baricadoes as well as they.
But Mosco did vs more service then we expected; for
having shot away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to the
Boat for more. The Arrowes of Mosco at the first made
them pause vpon the matter, thinking by his bruit and
Ed. by w. simmonds.j lib ^ w^ the first supply in Virginia. 427
skipping, there were many Salvages. About halfe an [1608]
houre this continued, then they all vanished as suddainly
as they approached. Mosco followed them so farre as he
could see vs, till they were out of sight. As we returned a Salvage
there lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee ; but taking j£enand
him vp we found he had [63J life : which Mosco seeing, prisoner.
never was Dog more furious against a Beare, then Mosco
was to haue beat out his braines. So we had him to our
Boat, where our Chirurgian [A . Bagnall] who went with vs
to cure our Captaines hurt of the Stingray, so dressed this
Salvage that within an houre after he looked somewhat
chearefully, and did eate and speake. In the meane time we
contented Mosco in helping him to gather vp their arrowes,
which were an armefull ; whereof he gloried not a little.
Then we desired Mosco to know what he was, and what
Countries were beyond the mountaines ; the poore Salvage
mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hassininga,
where there are three Kings more, like vnto them, namely
the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxuntania, and the
King of Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which
is onely a hunting Towne, and the bounds betwixt the
Kingdome of the Mannahocks and the Nandtaughtacunds,
but hard by where we were.
We demanded why they came in that manner to betray
vs, that came to them in peace, and to seeke their loues ;
he answered, they heard we were a people come from
vnder the world, to take their world from them.
We asked him how many worlds he did know, he
replyed, he knew no more but that which was vnder the
skie that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with His relation
the Monacans and the Massawomeks that were higher vp countries.
in the mountaines.
Then we asked him what was beyond the mountaines,
he answered the Sunne : but of any thing els he knew
nothing ; ^because the woods were not burnt. • They
These and many such questions wee demanded, concern- SSSibut
ing the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their owne Country, ^dslre
and where were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and burnt,
the rest. The Monacans he sayd were their neighbours
and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries
by small rivers, liuing vpon rootes and fruits, but chiefly
428 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. ["VpSS
L A. TodkilL
[1608] by hunting. The Massawomeks did dwell vpon a great
water, and had many boats, and so many men that they
made warre with all the world. For their Kings, they
were gone every one a severall way with their men on
hunting. But those with him came thither a fishing till
they saw vs, notwithstanding they would be al[l] together
at night at Mahaskahod.
For his relation we gaue him many toyes, with per-
swasions to goe with vs : and he as earnestly desired vs
to stay the comming of those Kings that for his good
vsage should be friends with vs, for he was brother to
Hassininga. But Mosco advised vs presently to be gone,
for they were all naught ; yet we told him we would not
till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain
what came, and Mosco was as diligent in trimming his
arrowes.
The night being come we all imbarked; for the riuer
was so narrow, had it beene light the land on the one
side was so high, they might haue done vs exceeding
much mischiefe. All this while the K[ing], of Hassininga
was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time
what to doe. But by their espies seeing we were gone,
it was not long before we heard their arrowes dropping on
every side the Boat ; we caused our Salvages to call vnto
them, but such a yelling and hallowing they made that they
heard nothing, but now and then [we shot off] a peece,
ayming so neare as we could where we heard the most
voyces. More then 12 myles they followed vs in this
manner ; then the day appearing, we found our selues in
a broad Bay, out of danger of their shot, where wee came
to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking
to them till the Sunne was risen.
Being well refreshed, we vntyed our Targets that couered
vs as a Deck, and all shewed our selues with those shields
on our armes, and swords in ourhands, and also our prisoner
Amoroleck. A long discourse there was betwixt his Coun-
trimen and him, how good wee were, how well wee vsed
him, how wee had a Patawomek with vs, [who] loued vs as
his life, that would haue slaine him had we not preserued
him, and that he should haue his libertie would they be
but friends; and to doe vs any hurt it was impossible.
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib. ^ wjf£ the first supply in Virginia. 429
Vpon this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers vpon [1608]
the trees, and one came swimming aboord vs with a Bow How we
tyed on his head, and another with a Quiver of Arrowes, JS^Sh
which they deliuered our Captaine as a present : the Cap- Jjjk^
taine hauing vsed them so kindly as he could, told them Monahoke.
the other three Kings should doe the like, and then the
great King of our world should be their friend ; whose
men we were. It was no sooner demanded but performed,
so [64] vpon a low Moorish poynt of Land we went to
the shore, where those foure Kings came and receiued
Amoroleck : nothing they had but Bowes, Arrowes, Tobacco-
bags, and Pipes : what we desired, none refused to giue
vs, wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had
done : our Pistols they tooke for pipes, which they much
desired, but we did content them with other Commodities.
And so we left foure or flue hundred of our merry
Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and making merry, and
set sayle for Moraughtacund.
In our returnes we visited all our friends, that reioyced J^J*
much at our Victory against the Mannahocks, who many frj«ids with
times had Warres also with them, but now they were wf'
friends; and desired we would be friends with the Rapa-
hanocks, as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captaine
told them, they had twise assaulted him that came onely
in loue to doe them good, and therefore he would now
burne all their houses, destroy their corne, and for euer
hold them his enemies, till they made him satisfaction.
They desired to know what that should be. He told them
they should present him the Kings Bow and Arrowes, and
not offer to come armed where he was ; that they should
be friends with the Moraughtacunds his friends and giue
him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it ; and then
all King lames his men should be their friends. Vpon this
they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meete him at
the place where they first fought, where would be the
Kings of Nantautacund and Pissassac : which according to
their promise were there so soone as we ; where Rapaha-
nock presented his Bow and Arrowes, and confirmed all we
desired, except his sonne, having no more but him he
could not Hue without him, but in stead of his sonne he
would giue him the three women Moraughtacund had
430 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. f n jSw*!k
L A. Todkill.
[1608] stolne. This was accepted : and so in three or foure
Canowes, so many as could went with vs to Moraughtacund,
where Mosco made them such relations, and gaue to his
friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that they no lesse
loued him then admired vs. The 3 women were brought
our Captaine, to each he gaue a chayne of Beads : and
then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco, and Rapahanock stand
before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loued best, and
Moraughtacund chuse next, and to Mosco he gaue the third.
Vpon this, away went their Canowes over the water, to
fetch their venison, and all the provision they could; and
they that wanted Boats swam over the river. The darke
[darkness] commanded vs then to rest.
The next day there was of men, women, and children,
as we coniectured, six or seauen hundred, dauncing, and
singing ; and not a Bow nor Arrow seene amongst them.
Mosco changed his name Vttasantasough, which we interpret
Stranger, for so they call vs. All promising ever to be our
friends, and to plant Corne purposely for vs ; and we to
provide hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed :
giuing them a Volley of shot, and they vs as loud shouts and
cryes as their strengths could vtter.
The That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and
PasaZZ0* discovered it so high as it was navigable ; but the people
were most[ly] a hunting, saue a few old men, women, and
children, that were tending their corne : of which they
promised vs part when we would fetch it, as had done
all the Nations where ever we had yet beene.
In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we
anchored in Gosnolls Bay, but such a suddaine gust sur-
prised vs in the night with thunder and rayne, that we
never thought more to haue seene lames Towne. Yet
running before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the
flashes of fire from heaven, by which light onely we kept
from the splitting shore, vntill it pleased God in that blacke
darknesse to preserue vs by that light to finde poynt Comfort.
There refreshing our selues, because we had onely but
heard of the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds, we thought
it as fit to know all our neighbours neare home, as
so many Nations abroad. So setting sayle for the
Southerne shore, we sayled vp a narrow river vp the
tank.
(A «9.]
Ed. by w. simmonds."] LlB. ^ wM the first supply in Virginia. 43 1
country of Chisapeack ; it hath a good channell, but many [1608]
shoules about the entrance. By that we had sayled six
or seauen myles, we saw two or three little garden plots
with their houses, the shores overgrowne with the greatest
Pyne and Firre trees wee ever saw in the Country.
But not seeing nor hearing any people, and the riuer
very narrow, we returned to the great riuer, to see if
we could finde any of them. Coasting [65] the shore
towards Nandsamund, which is most[ly] Oyster-bankes ; at
the mouth of that riuer, we espied six or seauen Salvages
making their wires [weirs] , who presently fled : ashore
we went, and where they wrought we threw diuers toyes,
and so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came
againe, and began to sing, and daunce, and recall vs : and
thus we began our first acquaintance. At last one of them
desired vs to goe to his house vp that riuer ; into our Boat
voluntarily he came, the rest ran after vs by the shore with
all shew of loue that could be. Seauen or eight myles we
sayled vp this narrow riuer : at last on the Westerne shore
we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little Isle, and
in it was abundance of Corne. The people he told vs were
all a hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he
inuited vs with much kindnesse : to him, his wife, and
children, we gaue such things as they seemed much con-
tented them. The others being come, desired vs also to
goe but a little higher to see their houses : here our host
left vs, the rest rowed by vs in a Canow, till we were so
far past the Isle the riuer became very narrow.
Here we desired some of them to come abord vs, wherat ^S!*f
pausing a little, they told vs they would but fetch their bows the hand.
and arrowes and goe all with vs : but being a shore and thus
armed, they perswaded vs to goe forward, but we could
neither perswade them into their Canow, nor into our Boat.
This gaue vs cause to prouide for the worst. Farre we
went not ere seauen or eight Canowes full of men armed
appeared following vs, staying to see the conclusion.
Presently from each side the riuer came arrowes so fast Jj^fj!1
as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we chhapcacks
returned to get the open. They in the Canowes let fly also w,««w*. *
as fast ; but amongst them we bestowed so many shot ; the
most of them leaped overboord and swam ashore, but two
432
[1608]
The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3.
C
How they
became
friends.
The
proceeding
at lames
Towne.
[/. iao.]
A. Bagnall.
N. Powell.
A. Todkill.
or three escaped by rowing. Being against their playnes:
our Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes,
for wee made not twentie shot ere they all retyred behind
the next trees. Being thus got out of their trap, we
seised on all their Canowes, and moored them in the
midst of the open. More then an hundred arrowes stucke
in our Targets, and about the boat ; yet none hurt, onely
Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and another in his
sleeue. But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it
was, that both the Nandsamunds, and the Chisapeacks were
together ; we thought it best to ryde by their Canowes a
while, to bethinke if it were better to burne all in the
Isle, or draw them to composition till we were prouided
to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our
Colony : but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded.
In the interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes,
and they presently to lay downe their bowes, making
signes of peace. Peace we told them we would accept it,
would they bring vs their Kings bowes and arrowes, with
a chayne of pearle ; and when we came againe giue vs foure
hundred baskets full of Corne : otherwise we would breake
all their boats, and burne their houses, and corne, and all
they had. To performe all this they alledged onely the
want of a Canow ; so we put one a drift and bad them
swim to fetch her : and till they performed their promise,
wee would but onely breake their Canowes. They cryed
to vs to doe no more, all should be as we would : which
presently they performed. Away went their bowes and
arrowes, and tagge and ragge came with their baskets : so
much as we could carry we tooke, and so departing good
friends, we returned to lames Towne, where we safely
arrived the 7. of September, 1608.
There we found Master Scrivener, and divers others well
recovered : many dead ; some sicke : the late President
[Ratcliffe] [a] prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of
Master Scrivener, the haruest gathered ; but the provision
in the store much spoyled with rayne.
Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed
and spent, and nothing done (such was the gouern-
ment of Captaine Rat[c]liffe) but onely this discovery;
wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and in-
Ed.byw.siTnmonds.-j lib# 3 w^ fa sec0nd supply in Virginia. 433
counters this small number passed in that small Barge, [1608]
by the scale of proportion, about three thousand myles,
with such watery dyet in those great waters and barbarous
Countries (till then to any Christian vtterly vnknowne) I
rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous
and experienced Reader, then I would be tedious or
partiall being a partie. [66J
But to this place to come who will adventure,
with incitements guide and reason how to enter :
Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde,
Titer's safer sayle then any where beside.
But 'cause to wanton novices it is
A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss ;
Into the great vast deepe to venter out :
Those shallow rivers let them coast about.
And by a small Boat learne there first, and marke,
How they may come to make a greater Barke.
Written by Anthony Bagnal/, Nathanaell Powell,
and Anas Todkill.
CHAPTER VII. [>.».«.)
The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith : the
A rrivall and rehwne of the second Supply. A nd
what happened.
He tenth of September, by the Election of the
Councell, and request of the Company, Cap-
taine Smith receiued the Letters Patents :
which till then by no meanes he would accept,
though he was often importuned therevnto.
Now the building of Rat[c]lijfcs Pallace stayed, as a thing
needlesse ; the Church was repaired ; the Store-house re-
couered; buildings prepared for the Supplyes we expected;
the Fort reduced to a hue-square forme ; the order of the
Watch renewed ; the squadrons (each setting of the
Watch) trained ; the whole Company euery Saturday
28
434 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lin. 3. [w. phLK\JT^kii
[1608]
Pcnuhatant
scorne
when his
court esie
was most
deserved.
[p. I22-]
No better
way to
overthrow
the busines
then by our
instructors.
exercised, in the plaine by the west Bulvvarke, prepared
for that purpose, we called Smithfield : where sometimes
more then an hundred Salvages would stand in an amaze-
ment to behold, how a fyle would batter a tree, where he
would make them a marke to shoot at ; the boats trimmed
for trade, which being sent out with Lieutenant Percy, in
their Iourney incountred [? Oct. 1608] the second Supply,
that brought them backe to discover the Country olMonacan.
How or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private
Commission, as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a
certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost company
sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh, I know not ; nor why he
brought such a flue peeced Barge, not to beare vs to that
South sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines,
which how farre they extend is yet vnknowne.
As for the Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of
Bason and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead, Clothes, and such costly
nouelties, they had beene much better well spared then so
ill spent, for wee had his favour much better onely for
a playne peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of solicit-
ing, made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he
respected vs as much as nothing at all.
As for the hyring of the Poles and Dutch men, to make
Pitch, Tar, Glasse, Milles, and Sope ashes, when the
Country is replenished with people, and necessaries, would
haue done well : but to send them and seauentie more
without victualls to worke, was not so well aduised nor
considered of, as it should haue beene. Yet this could
not haue hurt vs had they beene 200. though then we were
130 that wanted for our selues. For we had the Salvages
in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered) that
we feared not to get victuals for 500.
Now was there no way to make vs miserable, but to neg-
lect that time to make prouision whilst it was to be had, the
which was done by the direction from England to performe
this strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation, to
loose that time, spend that victualls we had, tyre and
starue our men, hauing no meanes to carry victuals, muni-
tion, the hurt or sicke, but on their owne backes. How or
by whom they were inuented I know not.
But Captaine AT£i£$ort we onely accounted the Author, who
Ed.byw simmonds] LlB ^ w^ ffo seC0nd supply in Virginia. 435
to effect these proiects, had so guilded mens hopes with [1608]
great promises, that both Company and Councell concluded
his resolution [67] for the most part. God doth know
they little knew what they did, nor vnderstood their owne
estates to conclude his conclusions, against all the incon-
veniences the foreseeing President [Smith] alledged.
Of this Supply there was added to the Councell, one Cap- a consult*-
taine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient a\iIth!!rhere
Souldiers, and valiant Gentlemen ; but yet ignorant of the £°u ™^mst
busines, (being but newly arriued.) Rat[c]liffe was also thePresi- "
permitted to haue his voyce, and Master Scrivener, desirous
to see strange Countries : so that although Smith was
President, yet the Maior part of the Councell had the
authoritie, and ruled it as they listed.
As for clearing Smiths obiections, how Pitch and Tarre,
Wainscot, Clapbord, Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be
provided, to relade the ship : or provision got to Hue withall,
when none was in the Country; and that we had, spent,
before the ship departed to effect these projects. The
answer was, Captaine Newport vndertooke to fraught the
Pinnace of twentie tunnes with Corne in going and return-
ing in his Discovery, and to refraught her againe from [/»• i«3-i
W erowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great pro-
portion of victualls from the Ship ; inferring that Smiths
propositions were onely devices to hinder his iourney, to
effect it himselfe ; and that the crueltie he had vsed to
the Salvages might well be the occasion to hinder these
Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation,
all workes were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed
for Newports guard in this Discovery.
But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those seeming
suspitions, that the Salvages were not so desperate as
was pretended by Captaine Newport, and how willing
(since by their authoritie they would haue it so) he was
to assist them what he could, because the Coronation
would consume much time, he vndertooke himselfe their
message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to lames
Towne to receiue his presents. tain
And where Newport durst not goe with lesse then 120. smifi^
he onely tooke with him Captaine Waldo, Master Andrew s°£hw,th
436 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [
R. Wyfhn, J. Abbot.
W. Thittiplace, A.Todkill.
[1608]
Pmvhatan,
when
Newport
feared with
A Virginia
Masko.
[>• "4-1
Tht
W'omens
entertaine-
ment.
Buckler, Edward Brintofi, and Samuel Collier: with these
foure he went over land to Werowocomoco, some 12 myles;
there he passed the river of Pamavnhce in a Salvage Canow.
Powhatan being 30 myles of[f], was presently sent for : in
the meane time, Pocahontas and her women entertained
Captaine Smith in this manner.
In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which,
he sitting vpon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was
heard such a hydeous noise and shreeking, that the [five]
English betooke themselues to their armes, and seized on
two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with
all his power was come to surprise them. But presently
Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were
intended ; and the beholders, which were men, women, and
children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter.
Then presently they were presented with this anticke ;
thirtie young women came naked out of the woods, onely
covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their
bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but
all differing, their leader [? Pocahontas] had a fayre payre of
Bucks homes on her head, and an Otters skinne at her
girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her
backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand ; the next had in her
hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke ; all
horned alike : the rest every one with their severall devises.
These fiends with most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing
from among the trees, cast themselues in a ring about the
fire, singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie,
oft falling into their infernall passions, and solemnly againe
to sing and daunce ; having spent neare an houre in this
Mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed.
Having reaccommodated themselues, they solemnly in-
vited him to their lodgings, where he was no sooner within
the house, but all these Nymphes more tormented him
then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about him,
most tediously crying, Loue you not me ? loue you not me ?
This saluaticn ended, the feast was set, consisting of all
the Salvage dainties they could devise : some attending,
others singing and dauncing about them ; which mirth
being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches they
conducted him to his lodging.
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j jlB^ ^ w^jt fju second supply in Virginia. 437
Thus did they shew their feats of amies, and others art in [1608]
dauncing :
Some other vs'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting. [68]
The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his §SJ"e
message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him message.
Namontack he had sent for England ; desiring him to come
to his Father Newport, to accept those presents, and
conclude their revenge against the Monacans.
Wherevnto this subtile Savage thus replied.
If your King haue sent me Presents, I also am a King, and ^™J*tanl
this is my land : eight dayes I will stay to receiue them. Your
Father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort,
neither will I bite at such a bait : as for the Monacans I can
revenge my owne iniuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where you
say your brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those
parts you suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the moun-
taines, the Relations you haue had from my people are false.
Wherevpon he began to draw plots vpon the ground
(according to his discourse) of all those Regions.
Many other discourses they had (yet both content to
giue each other content in complementall Courtesies) and
so Captaine Smith returned with this Answer.
Vpon this, the Presents were sent by water which is £S£§£
neare an hundred myles, and the Captains went by land [/• «s.)
with fiftie good shot.
All being met at Werowocomoco, the next day was
appointed for his Coronation, then the presents were
brought him, his Bason and Ewer, Bed and furniture
set vp, his scarlet Cloke and apparell with much adoe
put on him, being perswaded by Namontack they would
not hurt him : but a foule trouble there was to make
him kneele to receiue his Crowne, he neither knowing
the maiesty nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of
the knee, endured so many perswasions, examples, and
instructions, as tyred them all ; at last by leaning hard on
his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the
crowne in their hands put it on his head, when by the
warning of a Pistoll the Boats were prepared with such a
volley of shot, that the King start vp in a horrible feare,
till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to
438 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. n8*EWi£88:
[1608] congratulate their kindnesse, he gaue his old shooes and
his mantell to Captaine Newport.
But perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans,
helaboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either
men or guides more then Namontack; and so after some small
complementall kindnesse on both sides, in requitall of his
presents he presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares
that might containe some 7 or 8 Bushels, and as much more
we bought in theTowne: wherewith we returned to the Fort.
The The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons,
SmSS0*" with the first Gentlewoman and woman-seruant that
arrived in our Colony. Captaine Newport with 120 chosen
men, led by Captaine Waldo, Lieutenant Percie, Captaine
Winne, Master West, and Master Scrivener, set forward for
the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the Fort
with about 80. or 90. (such as they were) to relade the Ship.
Arriving at the Falles,we marched by land somefortie myles
in two dayes and a halfe; and so returned downe the same
path we went. Two townes we discovered of the Monacans,
called Massinacak and Mowhemenchonch ; the people neither
vsed vs well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of
their petty Kings, and led him bound to conduct vs the way.
And in our returnes [we] searched many places we sup-
posed Mines, about which we spent some time in refyning,
having one William Colli cut, a refyner fitted for that pur-
[/. i«6.] pose. From that crust of earth we digged, he perswaded
vs to beleeue he extracted some small quantitie of silver;
and (not vnlikely) better stuffe might be had for the digging.
With this poore tryall, being contented to leaue this fayre,
fertile, well watered Country ; and comming to the Falles,
the Salvages fayned there were divers ships come into the
How the Bay, to kill them at lames Towne. Trade they would
ddudf? not, and finde their Corne we could not ; for they had hid
mEJIS. it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at
lames Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with
toyle, famine, and discontent, to haue onely but discovered
our guilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certainties, as
Captaine Smith fortold vs.
But those that hunger seeke to slake,
Which thus abounding wealth would rake :
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib ^ w^ fa second supply in Virginia. 439
Not all the gemmes of Ister shore, [1608]
Nor all the gold of Lydia's store, [69]
Can fill their greedie appetite ;
It is a thing so infinite.
No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed
so many as were able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre,
Pitch, and Sope-ashes, leauing them with the Fort to the
Councels oversight.
But 30 of vs he conducted downe the river some 5
myles from lames towne, to learne to make Clapbord,
cut downe trees, and lye in woods. Amongst the rest
he had chosen Gabriel Beadle, and Iohn Russell, the onely
two gallants of this last Supply, and both proper Gen-
tlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their condi-
tions ; yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or
playing, they but doing as the President did himselfe.
All these things were carried so pleasantly as within a
weeke they became Masters : making it their delight to
heare the trees thunder as they fell ; but the Axes so oft
blistered their tender fingers, that many times every third
blow had a loud othe to drowne the eccho ; for remedie of
which sinne, the President devised how to haue every Apunish-
mans othes numbred, and at night for every othe to haue wearing.
a Cann of water powred downe his sleeue, with which
every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a
man should scarce heare an othe in a weeke.
For he who scornes and makes but tests of cursings, and his
othe,
He doth contemne, not man but God ; nor God, nor man, but
both.
By this, let no man thinke that the President and these
Gentlemen spent their times as common Wood haggers
at felling of trees, or such other like labours ; or that they
were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaues ; for what
they did, after they were but once a little invred, it seemed
and some conceited it, onely as a pleasure and recreation :
yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentleman would doe more \j. 1*7.]
in a day then 100 of the rest that must be prest to it by sM^Mea
compulsion ; but twentie good workemen had beene better theJTioo.
then them all.
44-0 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib.
n r R. Wyffin, J. Abbot.
6' |_W. Phittiplace, A. TodkiU.
[1608]
The Chkka-
hamania's
forced to
contribution.
A bad
reward for
well-doing.
A good
Taverne in
Virginia.
Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne
at the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded
their charge. The President returning from amongst the
woods, seeing the time consumed and no provision gotten,
(and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did nothing)
presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving
order to the Councell to send Lieutenant Percie after him
with the next barge that arrived at the Fort ; two Barges
he had himselfe and 18 men, but arriving at Chickahamania,
that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our
wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and inso-
lency as they could expresse. The President perceiuing
it was Powhatans policy to starue vs, told them he came
not so much for their Come, as to revenge his imprison-
ment, and the death of his men murthered by them ; and
so landing his men and readie to charge them, they im-
mediately fled : and presently after sent their Ambassadors
with corne, fish, foule, and what they had to make their
peace ; (their Corne being that yeare but bad) they com-
plained extreamely of their owne wants, yet fraughted our
Boats with an hundred Bushels of Corne, and in like
manner Lieutenant Percies that not long after arrived,
and having done the best they could to content vs, we
parted good friends, and returned to lames towne.
Though this much contented the Company (that
feared nothing more then starving), yet some so envied
his good successe, that they rather desired to hazzard a
starving, then his paines should proue so much more
effectuall then theirs. Some proiects there were invented
by Newport and Rat[c]liffe, not onely to haue deposed him,
but to haue kept him out of the Fort ; for that being
President, he would leaue his place and the Fort without
their consents : but their homes were so much too short to
effect it, as they themselues more narrowly escaped a
greater mischiefe.
All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them
that had either money or ware as could be desired : by
this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I
meane the souldiers, saylers, and Salvages) as there was
tenne times more care to maintaine their damnable and
private trade, then to provide for the Colony things [70]
Ed.byw.stomonds.-j lib ^ wftfo fa second supply in Virginia. 441
that were necessary. Neither was it a small policy in [1608]
Newport and the Marriners to report in England we had such [/. 128.]
plentie, and bring vs so many men without victuals, when ^bad trade
they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within masters and
six or seauen weeks, of two or three hundred Axes, Chissels, saylers'
Hows, and Pick-axes, scarce twentie could be found : and
for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could
steale from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as
well (and as secretly) how to convey them to trade with
the Salvages for Furres, Baskets, Mussaneeks, young
Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange them with
the Saylers for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aqua vitce,
Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and Oyle : and then fayne all
was sent them from their friends. And though Virginia
affoorded no Furres for the Store, yet one Master in one
voyage hath got so many by this indirect meanes, as he
confessed to haue scld in England for 30/.
Those are the S: int-seeming Worthies of Virgina (that
haue notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and wages) ;
but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both
perceived and prevented.
None hath beene in Virginia, that hath observed anything,
which knowes not this to be true : and yet the losse, the
scorne, the misery, and shame, was the poore Officers, Gen-
tlemen, and carelesse Governours, who were all thus bought
and sold ; the adventurers cousened, and the action over-
throwne by their false excuses, informations, and directions.
By this let all men iudge, how this businesse could prosper,
being thus abused by such pilfring occasions. And had not
Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the President would haue
discharged the ship, and caused him to haue stayed one
yeare in Virginia,to learne to speake of his owne experience.
Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace Master
to Werowocomoco, where he found the Salvages more voyageta*
readie to fight then trade : but his vigilancy was such as ZZ™°'*
prevented their proiects, and by the meanes of Namontack,
[he] got three or foure hogsheads of Corne ; and as much
Pocones, which is a red roote, which then was esteemed an
excellent Dye.
Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of
Pitch, Tarre, Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes ; with
442 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [J-t!
Smith.
1608.
[1608] that Clapboord and Waynscot that could be provided
\p. 129.] met with Master Scrivener at poynt Comfort, and so re-
turned for England, We remaining were about two
hundred.
1" The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and
Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith, then
President in V 1 r g i n i a .
Right Honorable, &c.
Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our
minds are so set vpon faction, and idle conceits in
diuiding the Country without your consents, and
that we feed You but with ifs and ands, hopes, and
some few proof es ; as if we would keepe the mystery of the
businesse to our selues : and that we must expresly follow
your instructions sent by Captaine Newport : the charge of
whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand pounds, the which
\p. 928.] if we cannot defray by the Ships returne, we are like to remain
as banished men. To these particulars I humbly intreat your
Pardons if I offend you with my rude A nswer.
For our factions, vnlesse you would haue me run away and
leaue the Country, I cannot prevent them : because I do make
many stay that would els fly any whether. For the idle Letter
sent [?by Captain Newport's ship in April 1608, p. 389] to my
Lord of Salisbury, by the President [Ratcliffe] and his confe-
derals, for diuiding the Country &c. What it was I know not,
for you saw no hand [71] of mine to it ; nor euer dream't I of
any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, &c. Though
I be no scholer, I am past a schoole-boy ; and I desire but to
know, what either you, and these here, doe know but that I haue
learned to tell you by the continuall hazard of my life. I haue
not concealed from you any thing I know ; but I feare some
cause you to beleeue much more then is true.
Expresly to follow your directions by CaptaineNewport, though
they be performed, I was directly against it ; but according to
our Commission, I was content to be overruled by the maior
part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of vs all ; which now
is generally confessed when it is too late. Onely Captaine
Ed* byjuiy TeSG ^IB- 3- W7'^ ^e second supply in Virginia. 443
Winne and Captaine Waldo / haue sworne of the Councell, [1608]
and Crowned Powhatan according to your instructions.
Forjhe charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds,
we haue not receiued the value of an hundred pounds. And for
the quartred Boat to be borne by the Souldiers over the Falles,
Newport had 120 of the best men he could chuse. If he had
burnt her to ashes, one might haue carried her in a bag ; but as
she is, flue hundred cannot, to a navigable place aboue the
Falles. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a
Mine of gold, or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh :
at our Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. But
during this great discovery of thirtie mylcs, {which might as
well haue beene done by one man, and much more, for the value
of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had the
Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that remained
with me to seme the Fort.
In their absence I followed the new begun workes of Pitch
and Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord ; whereof some
small quantities we haue sent you. But if you rightly con-
sider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia and Swethland,
where the woods are proper for naught els, and though there
be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient
Common- wealths, which many an hundred yeares haue vsed it ;
yet thousands of those poore people can scarce get necessaries
to Hue, but from hand to mouth. And though your Factors
there can buy as much in a week as will fraught you a
ship, or as much as you please ; you must not expect from vs
any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable
soules, that are scarce able to get wherewith to Hue, and defend
our selues against the inconstant Salvages : finding but here
and there a tree fit for the purpose, and want all things els the
Russians haue.
For the Coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you sent
him such presents, I know not ; but this giue me leaue to tell
you, I feare they will be the confusion of vs all ere we heave
from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages
harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it; our
owne not being halfe sufficient for so great a number. As
for the two ships loading of Come Newport promised to pro-
vide vs from Powhatan, he brought vs but four eteene Bushels;
and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke
444 TJie Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [J't!
Smith.
[608.
[1608] and neare famished. From your Ship we had not provision in
victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more then two hundred
to Hue vpon this : the one halfe sicke, the other little better.
For the Saylers (I confesse) they daily make good cheare, but
our dyet is a little meale and water, and not sufficient of that.
Though there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts
in the woods, their bounds are so larget they so wilde, and we
so weake and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine
Newport we much suspect to be the Authour of those inventions.
Now that you should know, I haue made you as great a dis-
covery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you every meale ;
/ haue sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an
annexed [72] Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit
them, as you may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and
such as I take to be good Iron ore at the least ; so devided, as by
their notes yon may see in what places I found them.
The Souldiers say many of your officers maintaine their
families out of that you send vs : and that Newport hath an
hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master
you haue yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an
hundred pound might be spared, which is more then we haue all,
that helps to pay him wages.
Captaine Rat[c]liffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore
counterfeited Imposture. I haue sent you him home, least the
company should cut his throat. What he is, now every one can
tell you : if he and Archer returne againe, they are sufficient
to keepe vs alwayes in factions.
When you send againe I intreat you rather send but thirty
Carpenters, husbandmen, gar diners, fisher men, blacksmiths,
masons, and diggers vp of trees, roots, well provided ; then a
thousand of such as we haue : for except wee be able both to lodge
them, and feed them, the most will consume with want of
necessaries before they can be made good for any thing.
Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the vn~
necessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long
lingering and staying here {for notwithstanding his boasting to
leaue vs victuals for 12 moneths; though we had 89 by this
discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of Come a day for a
man, we were constrained to giue him three hogsheads of that
to viciuall him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or
Poleland/or glasse-men and the rest, till we be able to sustains
Eel. by W. Simmonds.-]
1612-1624.J
Lib. 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 445
our seines, and relieue them when they come. It were better to
giue fine hundred pound a tun for those grosse Commodities in
Denmarke, then send for them hither, till more necessary things
be provided. For in over-toyling our weake and vnskilfull
bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever
recover our selues from one Supply to another.
And I humbly intreat you hereafter, let vs know what we
should receiue, and not stand to the Saylers courtesie to leaue
vs what they please ; els you may charge vs with what you will,
but we not you with any thing.
These are the causes that haue kept vs in Virginia, from
laying such a foundation, that ere this might haue given much
better content and satisfaction ; but as yet you must not looke
for any profitable retumes : so I humbly rest.
[1608]
The Names of those in this Supply, were these : t>- »«•]
with their Proceedings and Accidents.
Captaine Peter Winne,
Captaine Richard Waldo,
were appoynted to be of the
Councell.
Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La VVarre.
Thomas Graues. N
George Burton.
Raleigh Chroshaw.
Thomas Abbay.
Gabriel Beadle.
William Dowman.
.
John Beadle.
Thomas Maxes.
-*-»
G
Iohn Russell.
Michael Lowick.
(L)
O
William Russell.
Master Hunt.
Iohn Cuderington.
Thomas Forrest.
William Sambage.
f3
Iohn Dauxe.
Henry Leigh.
Henry Philpot.
Thomas Phelps.
Harmon Harrison.
Iohn Prat.
— rv?
Daniel Tucker.
Iohn Clarke.
Si
Henry Collings.
Ieffrey Shortridge.
S-'2
03 t^
Hugh Wolleston.
Dionis Oconor.
Iohn Hoidt.
Hugh Winne.
g f
Thomas Norton.
Dauid ap Hugh.
H.S
George Yarington. ,
Thomas Bradley.
[73T
446 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lia 3. [w.^uripESViSdwiL
[1608]
John Burr as.
c
Nicholas Hancock.
Thomas Lavander.
B
Walker.
Henry Bell.
Williams.
Master Powell.
- 0>
Flond.
David Ellis.
u
M or ley.
Thomas Gibson. j
Rose.
Thomas Dawse.
\ £*
Scot.
Thomas Mallard.
§2
Hardwyn.
William Taylcr.
•a*
Milman.
Thomas Fox.
M
Hilliard.
Mistresse Forrest.
and Anne Burras her mai
C/3
CD
>>
o
tion.
[/>. 130.]
eight
Dutch men and Poles, with some others, to the number of
seaventie persons, &c.
Nandsa- These poore conclusions so affrighted vs all with famine,
tTc^tHbu?1 that the President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke
with him Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener, then
returning from Captaine Newport.
These people also long denied him not onely the 400
Baskets of Come they promised [p. 432], but any trade at
all ; (excusing themselues they had spent most they had ;
and were commanded by Powhatan to keepe that they
had, and not to let vs come into their river) till we were
constrained to begin with them perforce.
Vpon the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and
shot not an Arrow ; the first house we came to we set on
fire, which when they perceiued, they desired we would
make no more spoyle, and they would giue vs halfe
they had : how they collected it I know not, but before
night they loaded our three Boats.
And so we returned to our quarter some foure myles
downe the River, which was onely the open woods vnder
the lay of a hill, where all the ground was covered with
snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away and made
a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dryed,
we turned away the fire ; and covering the place with a
mat, there we lay very warme. To keepe vs from the
winde we made a shade of another Mat ; as the winde
turned we turned our shade : and when the ground grew
cold we remoued the fire. And thus many a cold winter
night haue wee laine in this miserable manner, yet those
Ed.byw.simmonds:-| LlB ^ wM t/ie second supply in Virginia. 447
that most commonly went vpon all those occasions, were [1608]
alwayes in health, lusty, and fat.
For sparing them this yeare,the next yeare they promised
to plant purposely for vs ; and so we returned to lames towne.
About this time there was a marriage betwixt John The first
Lay don and Anne Burr as ; which was the first marriage ?S«£.m
we had in Virginia.
Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine
Waldo with two Barges. From Chawopoweanock, and all
parts thereabouts, all the people were fled, as being iealous
of our intents ; till we discovered the river and people of #"^2*
Apamatuck ; where we found not much : that they had we
equally divided ; but gaue them copper and such things as
contented them in consideration.
Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad,
but could find nothing.
The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was
no course to Hue, resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he
knew to be sure in time of need) to surprise Powhatan,
and all his provision, but the vnwillingnesse of Captaine
Winne, and Master Scrivener (for some private respect,
plotted in England to ruine Captaine Smith) [^.460], did their
best to hinder their proiect.
But the President whom no perswasions could perswade to
starue, being invited by Powhatan to come vnto him : and if
he would send him but men to build him a house, giue him a
gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a cock and a hen, with
much copper and beads, he would load his Ship with Corne.
The President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie,yet
vnwilling to neglect any opportunitie, presently sent three
Dutch-men and two English ; having so small allowance,
[that] few were able to doe any thing to purpose : knowing
there needed no better a Castle to effect this proiect, tooke
order with Captaine Waldo to second him, if need required.
Scrivener he left his substitute, and set forth with the Pin-
nace, two Barges, and fortie six men, which onely were such
as voluntarily offered themselues for his Iourney, the which \J 131-]
by reason of Master Scriveners illsuccesse, was censured very
desperate: they all knowingSm^/t would not returne emptie,
if it were to be had ; howsoever, it caused many of those
that he had appointed, to find excuses to stay behinde. [74]
I4^> The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w.pwttiJSS
A: Todkill.
[1608-9]
[/». 13a]
CHAPTER VIII.
Captaine Smiths loumey to Pamavnkee
sjj^He twentie-nine of December [1608] he set forward
for Werowocomoco : his Company were these ;
In the Discovery Barge himself e.
Robert Behethland.
Nathanael Graucs.
John Russell.
Raleigh Chrashow.
Michael Sicklemore.
Richard W or ley.
Anas Todkill.
William Lone.
William Bentley.
Jeffrey Shortridgc.
Edward Pising.
William Ward.
u
o
C/2
In the Pinnace.
Lieutenant Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland.
Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.
William Phittiplace, Captaine of the Pinnace.
Michael Phittiplace.
Ieffrey Abbot, Ser-
ieant.
William Tankard.
George Yarington.
lames Browne.
Edward Brinton.
George Burton.
Thomas Coe.
a
U
o
DO
U
o
10
Ionas Profit, Master.
Robert Ford, Clarke of the
Councell.
Iohn Dods, Souldier.
Henry Powell, Souldier.
Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Saylers ;
Iohn Prat, George Acrig, lames Read, Nicholas Hancock,
lames Watkins, Thomas Lambert, foure Dutch-men, and
Richard Salvage were sent by land before, to build the house
for Powhatan against our Arrivall.
This company being victualled but for three or foure
dayes, lodged the first night at Warraskoyack, where the
President tooke sufficient provision.
This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing
Powhatan ; but perceiuing he could not prevaile, he advised
in this manner.
Ed. by w. s^monds.-j LIB ^ witjz fa secon(i suppiy in Virginia. 449
Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to vse you [1608-9]
kindly : but trust him not, and be sure he haue no JJjJjJg^f
oportunitie to seize on your Armes ; for he hath sent warras-
for you onely to cut your throats. ioyack'
The Captaine thanking him for his good counsell : yet the
better to try his loue, desired guides to Chawwonock ; for he
would send a present to that King, to bind him his friend.
To performe this iourney was sent Master Sicklemore, a very
valiant, honest, and a painefull Souldier : with him two
guides, and directions how to seeke for the lost company of
Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse.
Then we departed thence, the President assuring the
King [of his] perpetuall loue ; and left with him Samuel
Collier his Page to learne the Language.
So this Kings deeds by sacred Oath adiurd.
More wary proues, and circumspect by ods :
Fearing at least his double forfeiture ;
To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods.
The next night [30 Dec. 1608], being lodged at Kecoughtan; rientie of
six or seaven dayes the extreame winde, rayne, frost and victua s'
snow caused vs to keepe Christmas [31 Dec. 1608 — 6 Jan.
1609] among the Salvages, where we were never more
merry, nor fed on more plentie of good Oysters, Fish,
Flesh, Wild-foule, and good bread; nor never had better
fires in England, then in the dry smoaky houses of Kecoughtan.
But departing thence, when we found no houses we were
not curious in any weather to lye three or foure nights
together vnder the trees by a fire, as formerly is sayd [p. 446] . 148 Fouie*
An hundred fortie eight foules the President, Anthony \iiltt*1
Bagnall, and Serieant Pising did kill at three shoots. shootes.
At Kiskiack the frost and contrary winds forced vs three
or foure dayes also (to suppresse the insolency of those \J- 133O
proud Salvages) to quarter in their houses, yet guard our
Barge, and cause them [to] giue vs what we wanted ;
though we were but twelue and himselfe, yet we never
wanted shelter where we found any houses.
The 12 of Ianuary [1609] we arrived at Werowocomoco,
where the river was frozen neare halfe a myle from the shore;
but to neglect [75] no time, the President with his Barge so
far had approached by breaking the ice, as the ebbe left him
2Q
450 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [
R. Wyffin, J. Abbot.
W. I'hittiplace, A. Todkill.
[1609]
Captaine
Smiths
discourse to
Fowhatan.
[/• 134-1
Powhatan*
reply and
flattery.
amongst those oasie shoules, yet rather then to lye there
frozen to death, by his owne example he taught them to
march neere middle deepe, a flight shot through this
muddy frozen oase. When the Barge floated, he ap-
poynted two or three to returne her aboord the Pinnace.
Where for want of water, in melting the ice, they made
fresh water, for the river there was salt. But in this
march Master Russell, (whom none could perswade to stay
behinde) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heauie, so over-
toyled himselfe as the rest had much adoe (ere he got
ashore) to regaine life into his dead benummed spirits.
Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Pow-
hatan for provision ; who sent vs plentie of bread, Turkies,
and Venison.
The next day [13 Jan.] having feasted vs after his ordinary
manner,he began to aske vs when we would be gone: fayning he
sent not for vs, neither had he any come; and his people much
lesse: yetforfortieswordshewouldprocurevsfortieBaskets.
The President shewing him the men there present that
brought him the message and conditions, asked Powhatan how
itchancedhebecamesoforgetfull;thereattheKingconcluded
the matter with a merry laughter, asking for our Commo-
dities, but none he liked without gunnes and swords, valuing
a Basket of Come more precious then a Basket of Copper ;
saying he could rate [eat] his Come, but not the Copper.
Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtill Salvage,
began to deale with him after this manner.
Powhatan, though I had many courses to haue made my pro-
vision, yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected
all to satisfieyour desire : and to testifie my hue, I sent you my
men for your building, neglecting mine owne. What your people
had, you haue engrossed, forbidding them our trade : and now
you thinke by consuming the time, we shall consume for want,
not having to fulfill your strange demands. As for swords and
gunnes, I told you long agoe I had none to spare ; and you
must know those I haue can keepe me from want : yet steale or
wrong you I will not, nor dissolue that friendship we haue
mutually promised, except you constrainc me by our bad vsage.
The King having attentively listned to this Discourse,
promised that both he and his Country would spare him what
he could, the which within two dayes they should receiue. Yet
EuVbyw.simmonds.-| LlB ^ with the second supply inV\xgm\2i. 451
Captaine Smith, sayth the King, some doubt I haue of your [1609]
comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to relieueyou
as I would : for many doe informe me, your comming hither is
not for trade, but to invade my people, and possesse my Country,
who dare not come to bring you come, seeing you thus armed
with your men. To free vs of this feare, leaue aboord your
weapons, for here they are needlesse, we being all friends, and
for ever Powhatans.
With many such discourses, they spent the day; quarter-
ing that night in the Kings houses.
The next day [14 Jan.] he renewed his building, which hee
little intended should proceede. For the Dutch-men finding
his plentie, and knowing our want; and perceiving his
preparations to surprise vs, little thinking we could escape
both him and famine ; (to obtaine his favour) revealed to
him so much as they knew of our estates and proiects, and
how to prevent them. One of them being of so great a
spirit, iudgement, and resolution; and a hireling that was
certaine of his wages for his labour, and ever well vsed both
he and his Countrymen; that the President knew not whom
better to trust: and not knowing any fitter for that imploy-
ment, he sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans intent,
then little doubting his honestie, nor could ever be certaine
of his villa[i]ny till neare halfe a yeare after [p. 467].
Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we [/• »3f.l
wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corne for a copper
Kettell, the which the President perceiving him much to
affect, valued it at a much greater rate ; but in regard of
his scarcity he would accept it, provided we should haue
as much more the next yeare, or els the Country of
Monacan. Wherewith each seemed well contented, and
Powhatan began to expostulate the difference of Peace
and Warre after this manner.
Captaine Smith, you may vnderstand that I having seene ^JJ^JJ
the death of all my people thrice, and not any one lining of those peace and
three generations but my selfe ; I know the difference of Peace
and Warre better then any in my Country. But now I am
old and ere long must die, my brethren [76J , namely Opitcha-
pam, Opechancanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and
their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors. I wish
their experience no lesse then mine, and your loue to them no
452 Tfie Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. PhuriK^-r^ikS.
[1609] lesse then mine to you. But this bruit from Nandsamund, that
you are come to destroy my Country, so much affrighteth all my
people as they dare not visit you. What will it availe you to
take that by force you may quickly haue by hue, or to destroy
them that provide you food. What can you get by warre, when
we can hide our provisions and fly to the woods ? whereby you
m ust famish by wronging vs your friends. A nd why are you thus
iealous of our hues seeing vs vnarmed, and both doe, and are will-
ing still to feede you, with that you cannot get but by our labours ?
Thinke you I am so simple, not to know it is better to eate good
meate, lye well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children,
laugh and be merry with you, haue copper, hatchets, or what I
want being your friend : then be forced to flie from all, to lie
cold in the woods, feede vpon A comes, rootes, and such trash;
and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eate, nor sleepe ;
but my tyred men must watch, and if a twig but breake, every
one cryeth there commeth Captaine Smith : then must I fly I
know not whether : and thus with miserable feare, end my
\p. 136.] miserable life, leaning my pleasures to such youths as you, which
through your rash vnaduisednesse may quickly as miserably end,
for want of that, you never know where to finde. Let this
therefore assure you of our loues, and every yeere our friendly trade
shall furnish you with Come; and now also, if you would come in
friendly manner to see vs, and not thus with your guns and
swords as to invade your foes.
wine ^° ^ls subtill discourse, the President thus replyed.
Reply. Seeing you will not rightly conceiue of our words, we striue
to make you know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made
you of my loue, both my selfe and my men haue kept. As for
your promise I find it euery day violated by some of your sub-
jects : yet we finding your loue and kindenesse, our custome is so
far from being vngratefull, that for your sake onely, we haue
curbed our thirsting desire of revenge ; els had they knowne as
well the crueltie we vse to our enemies, as our true loue and
courtesie to our friends. And I thinke your iudgement suffi-
cient to conceiue, as well by the adventures we haue vndertaken,
as by the advantage we haue (by our A rmes) of yours : that had
we intended you any hurt, long ere this we could haue effected
it. Your people comming to lames Towne are entertained with
their Bowes and A rrowes without any exceptions ; we esteeming it
with you as it is with vs, to weare our armes as our apparell. As
Ed. by W. Simmonds."]
1612-1624.J
Lib. 3. with the second supply z/z Virginia. 453
for the danger of our enemies, in such war res consist our chief est
pleasure : for your riches we haue no vse : as for the hiding your
provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall not so vnad-
visedly starue as you conclude, your friendly care in that behalf e
is needlesse, for we haue a rule to finde beyond your knowledge.
Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to
trade. But the King seeing his will would not be admitted
as a law, our guard [not] dispersed, nor our men disarmed,
he (sighing) breathed his minde once more in this manner.
Captaine Smith, / neuer vse any Werowance so kindely as
your selfe, yet from you I receiue the least kindnesse of any.
Captaine Newport gaue me swords, copper, cloathes, a bed,
towels, or what I desired ; euer taking what I offered him, and
would send away his gunnes when I intreated him : none doth
deny to lye [lay] at my feet, or refuse to doe, what I desire, but
onely you ; of whom I can haue nothing but what you regard not,
and yet you will haue whatso euer you demand. Captaine New-
port you call father, and so you call me ; but I see for all vs
both you will doe what you list, and we must both seeke to con-
tent you. But if you intend so friendly as you say, send hence
your amies, that I may beleeue you; for you see the loue I beare
you, doth cause me thus nakedly to forget my selfe.
Stnith seeing this Salvage but trifle the time to cut his
throat, procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his
Boate might come to fetch his corne and him ; and gaue
order for more men to come on shore, to surprise the King,
with whom also he but trifled the time till his men were
landed : and to keepe him from suspicion, entertained the
time with this reply.
Powhatan you must know, as I haue but one God, I honour
but one King ; and I Hue not here as your subiect, but as your
friend to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you
bestow on me, you gaine more then by trade : yet woiddyou visit
mee as I doe you, you should know it is not our custome, to sell our
curtesies as a vendible commodity. Bring all your [77] countrey
with you for your guard, I will not dislike it as being ouer
iealous. But to content you, to morrow I will leaue my Amies,
and trust to your promise. I call you father indeed, and as a
father you shall see I will loue you : but the small care you- haue of
such a childe caused my men to perswade me to looke to my selfe.
By this time Powhatan hauing knowledge his men were
[1609]
[/• 137-1
Powhatans
importunity
to haue vs
vnarmed to
betray vs.
Captaine
Smiths
discourse to
delay time,
till he found
oportunity
to surprise
the King.
[The last
time Smith
sees Pow-
hatan.]
454 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w.ii*«&^mE
[1609] ready; whilest the ice was a breaking, with his luggage
^t^ftu* women an^ children, fled. Yet to auoyd suspicion, left
murdered two or three of the women talking with the Captaine,
*■**■ whilest hee secretly ran away, and that his men secretly
beset the house. Which being presently discouered to
[>-i38.] Captaine Smith, with his pistoll, sword, and target hee
made such a passage among these naked Diuels ; that at
his first shoot, they next him tumbled one ouer another,
and the rest quickly fled some one way, some another : so
that without any hurt, onely accompanied with Iohn Russell,
hee obtained the corps du guard.
When they perceiued him so well escaped, and with his
eighteene men (for he had no more with him a shore), to
the vttermost of their skill they sought excuses to dissemble
the matter: andPowhatan to excuse his flight and the sudden
a chaine of comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great brace-
STok'toine *et anc* a cname of pearle,by an ancient Oratour that bespoke
fora present, vs to this purpose ; perceiuing euen then from our Pinnace,
a Barge and men departing and comming vnto vs.
Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your gunnes,
and knowing when the ice was broken there would come more
men, sent these numbers but to guard his come from stealing,
that might happen without your knowledge : now though some
bee hurt by your misprision, yet Powhatan is your friend and
so will for euer continue. Now since the ice is open, he would
haue you send away your corne; and if you would haue his
company, send away also your gunnes, which so affrighteth his
people, that they dare not come to you as hee promised they should.
Pretending Then hauing prouided baskets for our men to carry our
men iMded come to the boats, they kindly offered their seruice to guard
we^edts' our Armes, that none should steale them. A great many
t^mdoit they were of goodly well proportioned fellowes, as grim as
Diuels ; yet [at] the very sight of cocking our matches, and
being to let fly, a few wordes caused them to leaue their
bowes and arrowes to our guard, and beare downe our
corne on their backes ; wee needed not importune them to
make dispatch.
But our Barges being left on the oase by the ebbe,
caused vs stay till the next high-water; so that wee
returned againe to our old quarter.
Powhatan and his Dutch-men brusting with desire to haue
Ed. by w. simmonds."] LlB ^ w^ fa seconcl supply in Virginia. 455
the head of Captaine Smith ; for if they could but kill him, [1609]
they thought all was theirs, neglected not any opportunity
to effect his purpose. The Indians with all the merry sports
they could deuise, spent the time till night : then they all
returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making ready
his forces to surprise the house and him at supper.
Notwithstanding the eternall all-seeing God did preuent
him, and by a strange meanes. For Pocahontas his dearest ^^M
iewell and daughter, in that darke night came through the hwfSE*
irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should urn «.to
be sent vs by and by: but Powhatan and all the power he
could make, would after come kill vs all, if they that brought
it could not kill vs with our owne weapons when we were at
supper. Therefore if we would Hue, shee wished vs pre-
sently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted in, he
would haue giuen her : but with the teares running downe
her cheekes, shee said shee durst not be seene to haue any :
for if Powhatan should know it, she were but dead, and so
shee ranne away by her selfe as she came.
Within lesse than an houre came eight or ten lusty fellowes,
with great platters of venison and other victuall, very impor-
tunate to haue vs put out our matches (whose smoake made
them sicke) and sit down to our victuall. But the Captaine
made them taste euery dish, which done hee sent some of
them backe to Powhatan, to bid him make haste for hee
was prepared for his comming. As for them hee knew
they came to betray him at his supper: but hee would
prevent them and all their other intended villanies : so
that they might be gone. Not long after came more mes-
sengers, to see what newes ; not long after them, others.
Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly as they, till it was
high-water, yet seemed to the saluages [78] as friendly as
they to vs : and that wee were so desirous to giue Powha-
tan content, as hee requested, wee did leaue him Edward
Brynton to kill him foule, and the Dutch-men to finish his
house ; thinking at our returne from Pamavnkee the frost
would be gone, and then we might finde a better oppor-
tunity if necessity did occasion it, little dreaming yet of the
Dutch-mens treachery, whose humorwell su[i]tedthisverse:
7s any free, that may not Hue as freely as he list ?
Let vs Hue so, then w'are as free, and bruitish as the best.
Winn*
456 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. PhutSVi^kut
("390 CHAPTER IX.
How wee escaped surprising at Pamavnkee.
E had no sooner set sayle but Powhatan returned,
and sent Adam and. Francis {two stout Dutch-men
[pp. 467, 487]) to lames towne : who faining to
Captaine Winnethat all things were well, and that
Captaine Smith had vse of their armes, wherefore they
requested new (the which were giuen them). They told him
their comming was for some extraordinary tooles, and shift
of apparell ; by which colourable excuse they obtained sixe or
seauen more to their confederacie, such expert theeues, that
presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike-
heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like : Saluages they
had at hand to carry it away; and the next day they returned
vnsuspected, leauing their confederates to follow, and in the
interim to convay them such things as they could : for which
seruice they should Hue with Powhatan as his chiefe affected,
free from those miseries that would happen [to] the Colony.
The Dutch Samuel their other consort Powhatan kept for their pledge,
thensarunages whose diligence had prouided them three hundred of their
with Ames, kinde 0f hatchets ; the rest fifty swords, eight peeces, and
eight pikes.
Brynton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so
diligent to accommodate the Saluages with weapons,
attempted to haue gotten to lames towne; but they were
apprehended, and expected euer when to be put to death.
Within two or three dayes, we arriued at Pamavnkee, the
King as many dayes entertained vs with feasting and much
mirth.
And the day appointed to beginne our trade, the President,
Lieutenant Percie, Master West, Master Russell, Master
Behethland, Master Crashaw, Master Powell, Master Ford,
and some others to the number of fifteene, went vp to
Opechancanonghs house a quarter of a mile from the riuer ;
where wee found nothing but a lame fellow and a boy :
and all the houses round about of all things abandoned.
lA»4o.j Not long wee stayed ere the King arriued, and after him
came diuerse of his people loaden with bowes and arrowes :
but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at
Ed.byw.s;mmonds.-| lib^ with the second supply z# Virginia. 457
Smiths
Speech to
Opechan-
canough.
such a value, as our Captaine began with the King after [1609]
this manner.
Opechancanough, the great hue you prof esse with your tongue,
seemes meere deceit by your actions. Last yeere you kindly
fraughted our ship : but now you haue inuited mee to starue
with hunger : you know my want, and I your plenty ; of which
by some meanes I must haue part : remember it is fit for Kings
to keepe their promise. Here are my commodities, whereof take
your choice; the rest I will proportion fit bargains for your people.
The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better
to colour his proiect, sold vs what they had to our owne con-
tent ; promising the next day, more company, better prouided.
The Barges and Pinnace being committed to the charge
of Master Phetiplace ; the President [the next day] with his
old fifteene marched vp to the Kings house : where wee found
foure or hue men newly arriued, each with a great basket.
Not long after came the King, who with a strained cheer- 7«>. Sai-
fulnesse held vs with discourse what paines he had taken to Slf EngS.
keep his promise ; till Master Russell brought vs in newes that \™s but
we were all betrayed : for at least seuen hundred Saluages well
armed, had inuironed [79] the house, and beset the fields.
The King coniecturing what Russell related, wee could well
perceiue how the extremity of his feare bewrayed his intent :
whereat some of our company seeming dismaied with the
thought of such a multitude ; the Captaine encouraged vs
to this effect.
Worthy Countrey-men, were the mischiefes of my seeming f^("to
friends no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared his
were they as many more : if you dare doe, but as I. But this Company-
is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious Councell
with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such a peace-
breaker {in their opinions in England) as will breake my necke.
I could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me
an oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein I pray you
aid mee with your opinions. Should wee beginne with them
and surprise the King, we cannot keepe him and defend well our
selues. If wee should each kill our man, and so proceed with
all in the house ; the rest will all fly : then shall wee get no more
then the bodies that are slaine, and so starue for victuall. As
for their fury it is the least danger ; for well you know, being
[>. mi]
458 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. phhtjac^xtdkut
[1609]
Smiths offer
to Opechan-
canough.
Opechanca-
nought
deuice to
betray
Smith.
[/• X42.]
Smith
taketh tht
King
prisoner.
alone assaulted with two or three hundred of them, I made them by
the helpe of God compound to saue my life. A nd wee are sixteene,
and they but seauen hundred at the most; and assure your selues,
God will so assist vs, that if you dare stand but to discharge your
pieces, the very smoake will bee sufficient to affright them. Yet
howsoeuer, let vs fight like men, and not die like sheepe : for
by that meanes you know God hath oft deliuered mee, and so I
trust will now. But first, I will deale with them, to bring it to
passe wee may fight for something, and draw them to it by con-
ditions. If you like this motion, promise me you will be valiant.
The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to
execute whatsoeuer hee attempted or die ; whereupon the
Captaine in plaine tearmes told the King this.
J see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I fear e it
not. As yet your men and mine haue done no harme, but by
our direction. Take therefore your Amies, you see mine, my
body shall bee as naked as yours : the Isle in your riuer is a fit
place, if you be contented : and the conquerour (of vs two) shall
be Lord and Master ouer all our men. If you haue not enough,
take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will ; so
euery one bring a basket of come, against all which I will stake
the value in copper : you see I haue but fifteene, and our game
shall be, the Conquerour take all.
The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chiefe
men, seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspicion of vnkind-
nesse, by a great present at the doore, they intreated him
to receiue. This was to draw him out of the doore, where
the bait was guarded with at least two hundred men, and
thirty lying vnder a great tree (that lay thwart as a barri-
cado) each his arrow nocked ready to shoot.
The President commanded one [evidently a soldier] to go see
what kind of deceit this was, and to receiue the present; but
hee refused to doe it; yet the Gentlemen and all the rest were
importunate to goe, but he would not permit them, being
vexed at that Coward : and commanded Lieutenant Percie,
Master West, and the rest to make good the house ; Master
Powell and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the
doore; and in such a rage snatched the King by his long locke
in the middest of his men, with his Pistoll readiebent against
his brest. Thus he led the trembling King, neare dead with
feare amongst all his people : who delivering the Captaine
Ed. by w. simmonds.-| LlB ^ witjt fa seC0nd supply in Virginia. 459
his Vambrace, Bow, and Arrowes, all his men were easily [1609]
intreated to cast downe their Armes, little dreaming any
durst in that manner haue vsed their King : who then to
escape himselfe bestowed his presents in good sadnesse.
And causing a great many of them come before him
vnarmed, holding the King by the hayre (as is sayd), he
spake to them to this effect.
I see (you Pamavnkeesj the great desire you haue to kill me, Smiths
and my long suffering your iniuries hath imboldened you to fo^Ta-
this presumption. The cause I haue forborne your insolencies, n*™*"*-
is the promise I made you (before the God I serue) to be your
friend, till you giue me iust cause to be your enemy. If I keepe
this vow, my God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me; if I breake
it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed
one drop of bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these
Beads, or Copper, I spume here before you with my foot ; you
shall see I will not cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can
heare where to finde one of [80] your Nation that will not deny
the name of Pamavnk. / am not now at Rassaweak halfe
drowned with myre, where you tooke me prisoner ; yet then for
keeping your promise and your good vsage and saving my life,
I so affect you, that your denyals of your trechery doe halfe
perswade me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you
ayme at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised to
fraught my Ship ere I departed, and so you shall ; or I meane to
load her with your dead carcasses : yet if as friends you will !/■ x43-i
come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except
you giue me the first occasion ; and your King shall be free and
be my friend, for I am not come to hurt him or any of you.
Vpon this, away went their Bowes and Arrowes ; and men, ti»
women, and children brought in their Commodities : two or dissemble
three houres they so thronged about the President and so theirintcnt
overwearied him, as he retyred himselfe to rest, leauing
Master Behethland and Master Powellto receiuetheir presents.
But some Salvages perceiuing him fast asleepe, and the
guard somewhat carelesly dispersed, fortie or fiftie of their
choise men each with a club or an English sword in his hand,
began to enter the house with two or hundred others, that
pressed to second them. The noyse and hast they made in,
did so shake the house they awoke him from his sleepe ; and
being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, [he] betooke him
460 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w.PhutiK^T^S:
[1609] strait to his sword and Target; Master Crashaw and some
others charged in like manner ; whereat they quickly
thronged faster backe than before forward. The house thus
cleansed, the King and some of his auncients we kept yet
Their excuse with him, who with a long Oration, excused this intrusion.
and recon- r i i • •
diement. The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse, the
companie againe renewing their presents with their best
provisions, and whatsoever he gaue them they seemed
therewith well contented.
Now in the meane while, since our departure, this hapned
at our Fort.
5 Master Master Scrivener having receiued Letters from England to
scrivener make himselfe either Ccesar or nothing, he began to decline
with°a skiff, in his affection to Captaine Smith [p. 447], that ever regarded
him as himselfe ; and was willing to crosse the surprising of
Powhatan. Some certaine daies after the Presidents depar-
ture, he would needs goe visit the Isle of Hogs, and tooke
with himCaptaineP7fl/rfo(though the President had appointed
him to be ready to second his occasions) with Master A nthony
Gosnoll and eight others ; but so violent was the wind (that
extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but where or how
none doth know. The Skiff was much over-loaden, and would
scarce haue liued in that extreame tempest had she beene
empty: but by no perswasion he could be diverted, though
both Waldo and an hundred others doubted as it hapned.
fA M4-J The Salvages were the first that found their bodies, which
so much the more encouraged them to effect their proiects.
To advertise the President of this heavie newes, none
could be found would vndertake it, but the Iorney was often
refused of all in the Fort, vntill Master Richard Wyffin vnder-
Master tooke alone the performance thereof. In this Iourney he
d2j£e was incountred with many dangers and difficulties in all
iourney. parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with
Powhatan, [at Werowocomoco, see pp. 456, 463] perceiuing
such preparation for warre, not finding the President
there: he did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended.
Pocahontas hid him for a time, and sent them who pursued
him the cleane contrary way to seeke him ; but by her
meanes and extraordinry bribes and much trouble in
three dayes [? 19-22 Jan. 1609] travell, at length he found
be trecher-
ous.
Ed.byw.simmonds.-j LlB ^ with the second supply inWxgim-a.. 461
vs in the middest of these turmoyles [apparently about 22 [1609]
Jan. 1609, *•*•• ow ^ ^JV Smith had seized Opechancanough].
This vnhappy newes the President swore him to conceale
from the company, and so dissembling his sorrow with the
best countenances he could, when the night approched [he]
went safely aboord with all his Souldiers; leauing Opechan-
canough at libertie, according to his promise, the better to
haue Powhatan in his returne.
Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death Powhatan
of his men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine h^men'to
Smith : that the next day, they appointed all the countrey
should come to trade vnarmed : yet vnwilling to be
trecherous, but that they were constrained, hating fighting
with him almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had of
bad successe.
The next morning, the Sunne had not long appeared, but
the fields appeared covered with people and Baskets, to
tempt vs on shore : but nothing was to be had without his
presence, nor they would not indure the sight of a gun. [81]
When the President saw them begin to depart, being The third
vnwilling to loose such a bootie, he so well contrived the bSrayU0
Pinnace and his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as onely with
Lieutenant Percie, Master West, and Master Russell, with
their Armes [he] went on shore ; others he appointed
vnarmed toreceiuewhat was brought. The Salvages flocked
before him in heapes, and the banke serving as a trench for
a retreat, he drew them fayre open to his Ambuscado's.
For he not being to be perswaded to goe [and] visit their
King, the King knowing the most of them [to be] vnarmed,
came to visit him with two or three hundred men, in the
forme of two halfe Moones ; and with some twentie men,
and many women loaden with painted Baskets. But when
they approached somewhat neare vs, their women and [p-ns-i
children fled. For when they had environed and beset the
fields in this manner, they thought their purpose sure,
yet so trembled with feare as they were scarse able to
nock their Arrowes : Smith standing, with his three men
ready bent, beholding them till they were within danger
of our Ambuscado's ; who vpon the word discovered them-
selues, and he retyred to the Barge. Which the Salvages
462 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [w. ^SSSbS&
[1609] no sooner perceived, then away they fled, esteeming their
heeles for their best advantage.
That night we sent Master Chrashaw, and Master Ford
[evidently in a barge], to lames towne to Captaine Winne. In
thewaybetweene Werowocomoco and the Fort, they met foure
or hue of the Dutch-mens Confederates going to Powhatan :
the which to excuse those Gentlemens suspition of their run-
ningto the Salvages, returnedto the Fort andthere continued.
The Salvages hearing our Barge goe downe the river in
the night, were so terribly affrayde, that we sent for more
men (we having so much threatned their ruine, and the
Achayneof rasing of their houses, boats, and wires [weirs]), that the
tPoe3bfalnet next ^av ^e King sent our Captaine a chayne of Pearle,
Peac«. to alter his purpose and stay his men : promising though
they wanted themselues, to fraught our ship and bring it
aboord to avoyd suspition : so that, hue or six dayes after,
from all parts of the Country within ten or twelue myles,
in the extreame frost and snow, they brought vs provision
on their naked backes.
The Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their
poysoneS: art and poyson beene sufficient, the President, with Master
punched?" West, and some others had beene poysoned ; it made them
sicke, but expelled it selfe.
Wecuttanow, a stout young fellow, knowing he was
suspected for bringing this present of poyson, with fortie
or fiftie of his chiefe companions (seeing the President but
with a few men at Potavncak) so proudly braued it, as
though he expected to incounter a revenge. Which the
President perceiving, in the midst of his company, did
not onely beate, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning
to doe him any worse mischiefe. Wherevpon all of them
fled into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter
to haue so well escaped : and the townsmen remaining
[/. 146.] presently fraughted our Barge to be rid of our companies,
framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow, (being sonne
to their chiefe King, but [excepting] Powhatan) and told vs
if we would shew tnem him that brought the poyson, they
would deliver him to vs to punish as we pleased.
Men may thinke it strange there should be such a stirrc
for a little come, but had it beene gold with more ease wee
might haue got it; and had it wanted, the whole Colony had
Ed.byw.simmonds.j lib 3 with the second supply in\\x<g\m&. 463
starued. Wee may be thought very patient to endure all [1609]
those iniuries, yet onely with fearing them wee got what
they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge; then by their
losse, we should haue lost our selues.
We searched also the Countries of Youghtanund and The
Mattapanient,wherQ the people imparted that little they had, wanS
with such complaints and teares from the eyes of women P°vertie-
and children, as he had beene too cruell to haue beene a
Christian, that would not haue beene satisfied and moued
with compassion.
But had this hapned in October, November, and De-
cember, when that vnhappie discovery of Monacan was
made, we might haue fraughted a ship of fortie tuns, and
twise as much might haue beene had from the Rivers of
Rapahanock, Patawomek, and Pawtuxunt.
The maine occasion of our thus temporizing with them
was, to part friends as we did, to giue the lesse cause of
suspition to Powhatan to fly {i.e., from Werowocomoco] ; by
whom we now returned [82] with a purpose to haue
surprised him and his provision. For effecting whereof
(when we came against the Towne) the President sent
Master Wyffin and Master Coe ashore to discover and make
way for his intended proiect.
But they found that those damned Dutch-men had caused ™eijw*-
Powhatan to abandon his new house and Werowocomoco, Si hurt.
and to carry away all his corne and provision : and the
people they found so ill affected, that they were in great
doubt how to escape with their Hues.
So the President finding his intent frustrated, and that
there was nothing now to be had, and therefore an vnfit
time to revenge their abuses, sent Master Michael Phittiplace
by Land to lames towne, whether we sayled with all the
speed we could; wee having in this Iourney (for 25l[bs]. of
Copper, and 5ol[bs]. of Iron and Beads) enough to keepe
46 men six weekes [i.e., from 29 Dec. 1608 to about 8 Feb.
1609], and every man for his reward a moneths provision \p. 147]
extraordinary (no Trade being allowed but for the store).
We got neare 20ol[b] . waight of deere suet, and delivered
to the Cape Merchant 479 Bushels of Corne.
Those temporizing proceedings to some may seeme too
464 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3- [w.phStiSnAJTodkui:
[1609] charitable, to such a daily daring trecherous people : to
others not pleasing, that we washed not the ground with
their blouds, nor shewed such strange inventions in
mangling, murdering, ransacking, and destroying (as did
the Spanyards) the simple bodies of such ignorant soules ;
nor delightfull, because not stuffed with Relations of
heapes and mynes of gold and silver, nor such rare commo-
dities, as the Portugals and Spanyards found in the East
and West Indies. The want whereof hath begot vs (that
were the first vndertakers) no lesse scorne and contempt,
then the noble conquests and valiant adventures beautified
with it, prayse and honour. Too much I confesse the
world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit : and
to cleare vs from the blind worlds ignorant censure, these
few words may suffice any reasonable vnderstanding.
An Apology It was the Spanyards good hap to happen in those parts
Planters"1 where were infinite numbers of people, who had manured
the ground with that providence, it affoorded victualls at
all times. And time had brought them to that perfection,
they had the vse of gold and silver, and the most of such
commodities as those Countries affoorded : so that, what
the Spanyard got was chiefely the spoyle and pillage of
those Countrey people, and not the labours of their owne
hands. But had those fruitfull Countries beene as salvage,
as barbarous, as ill peopled, as little planted, laboured,
and manured, as Virginia : their proper labours it is likely
would haue produced as small profit as ours.
But had Virginia beene peopled, planted, manured, and
adorned with such store of precious Iewels,and rich commo-
dities as was the Indies : then had we not gotten and done as
much as by their examples might be expected from vs, the
r/ 148.] world might then haue traduced vs and our merits, and
haue made shame and infamy our recompence and reward.
But we chanced in a Land even as God made it, where
we found onely an idle, improvident, scattered people,
ignorant of the knowledge of gold and silver, or any com-
modities, and carelesse of any thing but from hand to
mouth, except ba[u]bles of no worth ; nothing to incourage
vs, but what accidentally we found Nature afforded.
Which ere we could bring to recompence our paines,
defray our charges, and satisfie our Adventurers ; we were
Ed. by w. simmonds.j LIB^ with the second supply in Virginia. 465
to discover the Countrey, subdue the people, bring them [1609]
to be tractable, civill, and industrious, and teach them
trades, that the fruits of their labours might make vs
some recompence ; or plant such Colonies of our owne, that
must first make prouision how to Hue of themselues, ere
they can bring to perfection the commodities of the
Country: which doubtlesse will be as commodious for
England as the west Indies for Spaine, if it be rightly
mannaged: notwithstanding all our home-bred opinions,
that will argue the contrary, as formerly some haue done
against the Spanyards and Porhigalls.
But to conclude, against all rumor of opinion, I onely
say this, for those that the three first yeares began this
Plantation ; notwithstanding all their factions, mutinies,
and miseries, so gently corrected, and well prevented £
pervse the Spanish Decades; the Relations of Master Hack-
luit, and tell me how many ever with such small meanes
as a Barge of 22 [or rather two] tuns, sometimes with
seauen, eight, or nine, or but at most, twelue or sixteene
men, did ever discover so [83] many fayre and navigable
Rivers, subiect so many severall Kings, people, and Nations,
to obedience and contribution, with so little bloudshed.
And if in the search of those Countries we had hapned
where wealth had beene, we had as surely had it as
obedience and contribution; but if we haue overskipped it,
we will not enuie them that shall find it : yet can we not
but lament, it was our fortunes to end when we had but
onely learned how to begin, and found the right course
how to proceed.
By Richard Wyffin, William Pbittiplace, Ieffrey
Abbot, and Anas Todkill.
CHAPTER X. [/.i4s
How the Salvages became subiect to the English.
Hen the Ships departed, all the provision of the
Store (but that the President had gotten) was
so rotten with the last Summers rayne, and
eaten with Rats and Wormes, as the Hogges
30
The
Presidents
466 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.-SnES".
L Hon. G. Percy*
[1609] would scarcely eate it. Yet it was the Souldiers dyet till
our returnes [about 8 Feb. 1609J, so that we found nothing
done, but our victuals spent; and the most part of ourtooles,
and a good part of our Armes conveyed to the Salvages.
But now casting vp the Store, and finding sufficient till
the next harvest, the feare of starving was abandoned, and
the company divided into tens, fifteens, or as the busi-
nesse required ; six houres each day was spent in worke,
the rest in Pastime and merry exercises.
But the vntowardnesse of the greatest number caused
the President [to] advise as followeth.
Countrymen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope
jtdvkatotha is sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of
ompany. /^;ww/^ an^ thinke not fnaf either my pains, nor the A Ven-
turers purses, will ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloath.
I speake not this to you all, for divers of you I know deserue
both honour and reward, better then is yet here to be had : but
the greater part must be more industrious, or starue, how euer
you haue beene heretofore tollerated by the authoritie of the
Councell, from that I hauc often commanded you. You see
[/>-i49,i57, now that power resteth wholly in my selfe : you must obey this
and 473"] now for a Law, that he that will not worke shall not eate
{except by sichiesse he be disabled :) for the labours of thirtie
or fortie honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to
maintaine an hundred and fiftie idle loyterers. And though
you presume the authoritie here is but a shadow, and that I
(/. 150.] dare not touch the Hues of any but my owne must answer it :
the Letters patents shall each weeke be read to you, whose
Contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you there-
fore without contempt seeke to obserue these orders set downe,
for there are now no more Counselors to protect you, nor curbe
my endevours. Therefore he that ojfendeth, let him assuredly
expect his due punishment.
He made also a Table [notice board], as a publicke
memoriall of every mans deserts, to incourage the good,
and with shame to spurre on the rest to amendment. By
this many became very industrious, yet more by punish-
ment performed their businesse; for all were so tasked, that
there was no excuse could prevaile to deceiue him.
Yet the Dutch-mens consorts so closely convayed them
Ed.byw.simmonds.-j LlB .3. with the second supply in Virginia. 467
powder, shot, swords, and tooles, that though we could [1609]
find the defect, we could not finde by whom, till it was too
late.
All this time [Feb -Mar. 1609] the Dutch men remaining The Dutch-
with Powhatan (who kindly entertained them to instruct ^muSer
the Salvages the vse of our Armes), and their consorts not §2£jne
following them as they expected ; to know the cause, they
sent Francis their companion [p. 447, 456], a stout young
fellow, disguised like a Salvage, to the Glasse-house, a place
in the woods neare a myle from lames Towne ; where was
their Randezvous for all their vnsuspected villany.
Fortie men they procured to lie in Ambuscado for
Captaine Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutch-man,
but he sent to apprehend him (but he was gone) : yet to
crosse his returne to Powhatan, the Captaine presently
dispatched 20. [84] shot after him; himselfe returning from
the Glasse-house alone.
By the way he incountred the King of Paspahegh, a most
strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions not being able to
perswade him to his Ambush, seeing him onely armed but
with a faucheon, attempted to haue shot him, but the smith
President prevented his shoot by grapling with him, and Kilf*ofhe
the Salvage as well prevented him for drawing his p**tatugk
faucheon, and perforce bore him into the River to haue pnsoner*
drowned him. Long they strugled in the water, till the
President got such hold on his throat, he had neare [>.i5t.l
strangled the King; but having drawne his faucheon to cut
off his head, seeing how pittifully he begged his life, he led
him prisoner to lames Towne, and put him in chaynes.
The Dutch-man ere long was also brought in, whose
villa[i]ny though all this time it was suspected, yet he
fayned such a formall excuse, that for want of language
Captaine Winne vnderstood him not rightly, and for their
dealings with Powhatan, that to saue their Hues they were
constrained to accommodate [him with] his armes, of
whom he extreamely complained to haue detained them
perforce, and that he made this escape with the hazard
of his life, and meant not to haue returned, but was onely
walking in the woods to gather Walnuts.
Yet for all this faire tale, there was so small appearance
of truth, and [also] the plaine confession of Pasbahegh of
468 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" w.i£nEl!.
L Hon. G. Percy!
(1609] his trechery, [that] he went by the heeles: Smith pur-
posing to regaine the Dutch-men, by the saving his [i.e.,
Paspahegb's] life.
The poore Salvage did his best by his daily messengers
to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutch-men would
not returne, neither did Powhatan stay them ; and to
bring them fiftie myles [from Orapaks] on his mens backes
they were not able. Daily this Kings wiues, children, and
people came to visit him with presents, which he liberally
bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in the
Presidents promise: but the King finding his guard negli-
gent, though fettered yet escaped. Captaine Winne thinking
to pursue him found such troupes of Salvages to hinder
his passage, as they exchanged many vollies of shot for
flights of Arrowes.
SSa** Captaine Smith hearing of this, in returning to the Fort
taketh two tooke two Salvages prisoners, called Kemps and Tussore, the
pSerl two most exact villaines in all the Country.
With these he sent Captaine Winne and fiftie choise
men, and Lieutenant Percie, to haue regained the King, and
revenged this iniury.
And so [he] had done, if they had followed his directions,
or beene advised with those two villaines, that would haue
betrayed both King and kindred for a peece of Copper : but
he trifling away the night, the Salvages the next morning
by the rising of the Sunne, braved him to come ashore to
\A 153.] fight. A good time both sides let fly at other, but we heard
of no hurt ; onely they tooke two Canowes, burnt the Kings
house, and so returned to lames towne.
The President fearing those Bravado's would but in-
courage the Salvages, began againe himselfe to try his
conclusions; whereby six or seauen were slaine, [and] as
many made prisoners. He burnt their houses, tooke their
Boats, with all their fishing wires [weirs], and planted
some of them at lames towne for his owne vse, and now
resolved not to cease till he had revenged himselfe of all
them [that] had iniured him.
But in his iourney passing by Paspahegh towards Chicka-
hamania, the Salvages did their best to draw him to their
Ambuscadoes ; but seeing him regardlesly passe their
Country, all shewed themselues in their bravest manner.
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib ^ w^ ffa second supply in Virginia. 469
To try their valours he could not but let fly ; and ere he [1609]
could land, they no sconer knew him, but they threw downe Jhe^ ^
their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was a lustie des.yreges
young fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse Peace*
deserveth to be remembred. And thus it was :
Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in the company, {JJ**"*
thinking it Captaine Winne, and not you, (of him he in- Oration.
tended to haue beene revenged) having never offended him. If
he hath offended you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes
swim, the foules fly, and the very beasts striue to escape the
snare and Hue. Then blame not him being a man. He would
intreat you remember, you being a prisoner, what paines he
tooke to saue your life [pp. 16, 396]. If since he hath iniured
you, he was compelled to it: but howsoeuer,you haue revenged it
with our too great losse. We perceiue and well know you intend
to destroy vs, that are here to intreat and desire your friendship;
and to enioy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you
shall participate: otherwise you will haue the worse by our absence,
for we can plant any where, [85] though with more labour, and
we know you cannot Hue if you want our harvest, and that relief e
we bring you. If you promise vs peace, we will beleeue you; if
you proceed in revenge, we will abandon the Country.
Vpon these tearmes the President promised them peace, IP- 153-1
till they did vs iniury, vpon condition they should bring
in provision. Thus all departed good friends, and so
continued till Smith left the Countrey [4 Oct. 1609].
Arriving at lames Towne, complaint was made to the
President, that the Chickahamanians, who all this while
continued trade and seemed our friends, by colour thereof
were the onely theeues. And amongst other things a
Pistoll being stolne and the theefe fled, there was appre-
hended two proper young fellowes, that were brothers,
knowne to be his confederates.
Now to regaine this Pistoll, the one was imprisoned,
the other was sent to returne the Pistoll againe within
twelue houres, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the
President pittyingthe poore naked Salvage in the dungeon,
sent himvictuall and some Char-coale for a fire. LoolS
Ere midnight his brother returned with the Pistoll, but JJ/^'d
the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smoothered with revered.
470 The Discoveries and Accident sy Lib. 3. [" w.T^nSrd!
L Hon. G. Percy.
[1609] the smoake he had made, and so pittiously burnt, that
wee found him dead. The other most lamentably
beway[l]ed his death, and broke forth into such bitter
agonies, that the President to quiet him, told him that if
hereafter they would not steale, he would make him aliue
againe : but he little thought he could be recovered.
Yet we doing our best with Aqua vita and Vineger, it
pleased God to restore him againe to life ; but so drunke
and affrighted, that he seemed Lunaticke : the which as
much tormented and grieued the other, as before to see
him dead. Of which maladie vpon promise of their good
behaviour, the President promised to recover him : and
so caused him to be layd by a fire to sleepe ; who in the
morning having well slept, had recovered his perfect
senses, and then being dressed of his burning, and each a
peece of Copper giuen them, they went away so well
contented, that this was spread among all the Salvages
Tor a miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a man aliue
that was dead.
Another ingenuous Salvage of Powhatans, having gotten
a great bag of Powder, and the backe of an Armour, at
Werowocomoco amongst a many of his companions, to
shew his extraordinary skill, he did dry it on the backe as
he had seene the Souldiers at lames Towne. But he
dryed it so long, they peeping over it to see his skill, it
tooke fire, and blew him to death, and one or two more;
and the rest [were] so scorched, they had little pleasure to
meddle any more with powder.
These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed
and affrighted both Powhatan, and all his people, that
[/. «54-i from all parts with presents they desired peace ; returning
many stolne things which we never demanded nor thought
of : and after that, those that were taken stealing, both
Powhatan and his people haue sent them backe to lames
towne, to receiue their punishment ; and all the Country
became absoluteflvl as free for vs, as for themselues.
Two or three
Salvages
slaine in
drying
Powder.
^r
Ed.byw.shnmonds.j lib#^ wjth the second supply zW Virginia. 471
CHAPTER XI.
What was done in three moneths having Victualls,
The Store devoured by Rats, how we lined
three moneths of such naturall fruits
as the Country affoorded.
Ow we so quietly followed our businesse, that in [1609]
three moneths [Feb. — April 1609] wee made
three or foure Last of Tarre, Pitch, and Sope
ashes ; produced a tryall of Glasse ; made a
Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water, which till then
was wanting ; built some twentie houses ; re-covered our
Church : provided Nets and W[e]ires for fishing ; and to
stop the disorders of our disorderly theeues, and the Salvages,
built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept by a Garrison
to entertaine [86] the Saluages trade, and none to passe nor
repasse Saluage nor Christian without the presidents order.
Thirtie or forty Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of
three sowes in eighteene moneths, increased 60 and od Piggs.
And neere 500. chickings brought vp themselues without hau-
ing any meat giuen them : but the Hogs were transported
to Hog. Isle : where also we built ablock-house with a garison
to giue vs notice of any shipping, and for their exercise
they made Clapbord and waynscot, and cut downe trees.
We built also a fort for a retreat neere a conuenient
Riuer vpon a high commanding hill, very hard to be
assalted and easie to be defended ; but ere it was finished
this defect caused a stay.
In searching our casked corne [April 1609], we found it fju-emiue
halfe rotten, and the rest so consumed with so many by Rats,
thousands of Rats that increased so fast, but the [i] re originall [/. 155-1
was from the ships, as we knew not how to keepe that little
we had. This did driue vs all to our wits end, for there was
nothing in the country but what nature afforded.
Vntill this time Kemps and Tassore were fettered prisoners,
and did double taske and taught vs how to order and plant
our fields: whom now for want of victuall we set at liberty,
but so well they liked our companies they did not desire
to goe from us.
Bread made
of dried
Sturgeon.
472 The Discoveries and Accidents ; Lib. 3. [" w.i^nSS
LHon.G. Percy.
[1609] And to expresse their loues, for 16. dayes continuance,
the Countrie people brought vs (when least) 100. a day, of
Squirrils, Turkyes, Deere and other wilde beasts.
But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our
works, it being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60. or
80. with Ensigne Laxon was sent downe the riuer to Hue
vpon Oysters, and 20. with liutenant Percy to try for
fishing at Poynt Comfort : but in six weekes they would
not agree once to cast out the net, he being sicke and burnt
sore with Gunpouder. Master West with as many went vp
to the falls, but nothing could be found but a few Acornes ;
of that in store euery man had their equall proportion.
Till this present, by the hazard and indeuours of some
thirtie or fortie, this whole Colony had ever beene fed.
We had more Sturgeon, then could be deuoured by Dog
and Man, of which the industrious by drying and
pounding, mingled with Caviare, Sorell and other whole-
some hearbes would make bread and good meate : others
would gather as much Tockwhogh roots in a day as would
make them bread a weeke, so that of those wilde fruites, and
what we caught, we liued very well in regard of such a diet.
But such was the strange condition of some 150, that
had they not beene forced nolens, volens, perforce to gather
and prepare their victuall they would all haue starued or
haue eaten one another. Of those wild fruits the Salvages
often brought vs, and for that the President would not full-
fill the vnreasonable desire of those distracted Gluttonous
Loyterers, to sell not only our kettells, hows, tooles, and
Iron, nay swords, pieces, and the very Ordnance and howses,
might they haue prevayled to haue beene but Idle : for those
Saluage fruites, they would haue had imparted all to the
[/. 156.] Saluages, especially for one basket of Corne they heard of to
be at Powhatans [his house at Orapaks], fifty myles from our
Fort. Though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie their
humors ; yet to haue had the other halfe, they would haue
sould their soules, though not sufficient to haue kept them
a weeke. Thousands were the[i]re exclamations, sugges-
tions and deuises, to force him to those base inventions to
haue made it an occasion to abandon the Country.
Want perforce constrained him to indure their exclaiming
follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer [p. 168] a most
The[i]re
desire to
destroy
themselues.
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib# 3 wz^ tfc second supply in Virginia. 473
crafty fellow and his ancient Maligner, whom he worthily [1609]
punished, and with the rest he argued the case in this maner.
Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or The
so many to be so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to order for
starue you, or that Powhatan at this present hath come for the drones*
himself e, much lesse for you ; or that I would not haue it, if I
knew where it were to be had. Neither did I thinke any so
malitious as now I see a great many; yet it shal not so
passionate me, but I will doe my best for my most maligner. But
dreame no longer of this vaine hope from Powhatan, not [nor]
that I will longer forbeare to force you from your Idlenesses
and punish you if you rayle. But if I finde any more runners
for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him assuredly looke to
ar[r]iue at the Gallows. You cannot deny but that by the hazard
of my life many a time I haue saued yours, when {might your
owne wills haue preuailed) you [87] would haue starued ; and
will doe still whether I will or noe ; But I protest by that God
that made me, since necessitie hath not power to force you to
gather for your selues those fruites the earth doth yeeld,you
shall not onely gather for your selues, but those that are sicke.
As yet I neuer had more from the store then the worst of you :
and all my English extraordinary prouision that I haue, you
shall see me diuide it amongst the sick.
And this Saluage trash you so scornfully repine at; being
put in your mouthes your stomackes can disgest : if you would
haue better, you should haue brought it ; and therefore I will
take a course you shall prouide what is to be had. The sick
shall not starue, but equally share of all our labours ; and he
that gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next day ^ lS7.]
shall be set beyond the riuer, and be banished from the Fort
as a drone, till he amend his conditions or starue-
But some would say with Seneca.
I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse,
But fury forceth me to follow worse.
My minde is hurried headlong vp and downe :
Desiring better counsell, yet finds none.
This order many murmured was very cruell, but it Butseuen
caused the most part so well [to] bestirre themselues, that fnn^J1^
of 200. (except they were drowned) there died not past seuen : jJ^JJ-Jj.
As for Captaine Winne and Master Leigh they were dead i<toS'>
474 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.Tank£3".
L Hon. G. Percy.
[1609] ere this want hapned, and the rest dyed not for want of
such as preserued the rest.
Many were billetted amongst the Saluages, whereby we
knew all their passages, fields and habitations, how to
gather and vse the[i]re fruits as well as themselues; for
they did know wee had such a commanding power at lames
towne they durst not wrong vs of a pin.
Th« So well those poore Salvages vsed vs that were thus
returner billetted, that diuers of the Souldiers ran away to search
fugume*. Kemps and Tassore our old prisoners. Glad were these
Salvages to haue such an oportunity to testifie their loue
vnto vs, for in stead of entertaining them, and such things
as they had stollen, with all their great Offers, and
promises they made them how to reuenge their iniuryes
vpon Captaine Smith ; Kemps first made himselfe sport, in
shewing his countrie men (by them) how he was vsed,
feeding them with this law, who would not work must not
eat, till they were neere starued indeede, continually
threatning to beate them to death : neither could they get
from him, till hee and his consorts brought them perforce
to our Captaine, that so well contented him and punished
them, as many others that intended also to follow them,
were rather contented to labour at home, then aduenture
to hue idlely amongst the Salvages ; (of whom there was
more hope to make better Christians and good subiects, then
the one halfe of those that counterfeited themselues both.)
For so affraide was al those kings and the better sort
of the people to displease vs, that some of the baser sort
that we haue extreamly hurt and punished for the[ijre
villanies would hire vs, [that] we should not tell it to their
kings, or countrymen ; who would also repunish them, and
yet returne them to lames towne to content the President,
for a testimony of their loues.
(A 158.) Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke ; but
ffkuvto f°und little hope and lesse certaintie of them [that] were
kmeTto' left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The riuer, he saw was not
"JtSr"* great, the people few, the countrey most[ly] over growne
with pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly
Pemminaw, we call silke grasse. But by the riuer the
ground was good, and exceeding furtill.
Ed.byw.shnmonds.-j lib#3# with the second supply inV'xxgxmz. 475
Master Nathanael powell and Anas Todhill were also by [1609]
the Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to Master
search them there: but nothing could they learne but Comejto
they were all dead. SiLw.
This honest proper good promise-keeping king, of all the
rest did euer best affect vs, and though to his false Gods he
was very zealous, yet he would confesse our God as much
exceeded his as our Gunns did his Bow and Arrowes, often
sending our President many presents, to pray to his God
for raine or his corne would perish, for his Gods were angry.
Three dayes iorney theyconducted [88] them through the
woods, into a high country towards the Southwest : where
they saw here and there a little corne field, by some little
spring or smal brooke, but no riuer they could see : the
people in all respects like the rest, except the [i] re language:
they Hue most[ly] vpon rootes, fruites and wilde beasts;
and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter
countryes for dryed fish and corne, for [with] skins.
All this time to recouer the Dutch-men and one Bentley t^
another fugitiue, we imployed one William Volday, a protects.
Zwitzar by birth, with Pardons and promises to regaine
them. Little we then suspected this double villaine of
any villa[i]ny ; who plainly taught vs, in the most trust was
the greatest treason ; for this wicked hypocrite, by the
seeming hate he bore to the lewd conditions of his cursed
country men, (hauing this oportunity by his imployment
to regaine them) conuayed them euery thing they desired
to effect their proiects, to distroy the Colony.
With much deuotion they expected the Spaniard, to whom
they intended good seruice, or any other that would but
carry them from vs. But to begin with the first oportunity ;
they seeing necessitie thus inforced vs to disperse our
selues, importuned Powhatan to lend them but his forces,
and they would not onely distroy our Hoggs, fire our
towne, and betray our Pinnace ; but bring to his seruice
and subiection the most of our company. With this plot
they had acquainted many Discontents, and many were
agreed to their Deuilish practise. But one Thomas Douse,
and Thomas Mallard (whose christian hearts relented at
such an vnchristian act) voluntarily reuealed it to Captaine
Dutch
476 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. r
W. Tankard.
Hon. G. Percy.
[1609] Smith, who caused them to conceale it, perswading Douse
and Mallard to proceed in their confed[e]racie: onely to
bring the irrecla[i]mable Dutch men and the inconstant
[A 159 1 Salvages in such a maner amongst such Ambuscado's as
he had prepared, that not many of them should returne
from ouv Peninsula [i.e., of James Town].
But this bru[i]te comming to the eares of the impatient
multitude they so importuned the President to cut off
those Dutch men, as amongst many that offred to cut
Two their throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was
wnttoThe Lieutenant Percy, and Master lohn Cuderington, two
Germans. Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could possibly be
found. But the President had occasion of other imploiment
for them, and gaue way to Master Wyffin and Sarieant
[p. 508.] Ieffrey Abbot, to goe and stab them or shoot them.
But the Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Volday
whom they supposed had reuealed their proiect, as Abbot
would not ; yet Wyffing would, perceiuing it but deceit.
The King vnderstanding of this their imployment, sent
presently his messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie
it was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men
from executing his command : nor did he nor would he
maintaine them or any, to occasion his displeasure.
The first But whilst this businesse was in hand, Arriued [10 July
SSamf 1609, see p. xcvi] one Captaine Argall, and Master Thomas
Argaii. Sedan t sent by Master Cornelius to truck with the Colony, and
fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well furnished with wine and
much other good provision. Though it was not sent vs, our
necessities was such as inforced vs to take it. He brought
vs newes of a great supply and preparation for the Lord
La Warre, with letters that much taxed our President for
his hard dealing with the Salvages, and not returning the
shippes fraughted. Notwithstanding we kept this ship
till the fleete arriued [11-18 August 1609].
True it is Argall lost his voyage, but we reuictualled
him, and sent him for England, with a true relation of the
causes of our defailments, and how imposible it was to
returne that wealth they expected, or obserue the[i]re
instructions to indure the Salvages insolencies, or doe
any thing to any purpose, except they would send vs men
and meanes that could produce that they so much desired :
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib 3. with the second supply in Virginia. 477
otherwises all they did was lost, and could not but come [1609]
to confusion.
The villany of Volday we still dissembled. Adam vpon
his pardon came home, but Samuell still stayed with
Powhatan to heare further of their estates by this supply.
Now all their plots Smith so well vnderstood, they were
his best advantages to secure vs from any trechery, [that]
could be done by them or the Salvages : which with facility
he could revenge when he would, because all those
countreyes more feared him then Powhatan, and hee had
such parties with all his bordering neighbours : and many
of the rest for loue or feare would haue done any thing
he would haue them, vpon any commotion, [89] though
these fugitiues had done all they could to perswade
Powhatan, [that] King lames would kill Smith, for vsing
him and his people so vnkindly.
By this you may see for all those crosses, trecheries, Note these
and dissentions, how hee wrestled and overcame (without VSnce*.
bloudshed) all that happened : also what good was done ;
how few dyed ; what food the Countrey naturally affoord-
eth ; what small cause there is men should starue, or be
murthered by the Salvages, that haue discretion to mannage
them with courage and industrie.
The two first yeares, though by his adventures, he had
oft brought the Salvages to a tractable trade ; yet you see
how the envious authoritie ever crossed him, and frustrated
his best endevours. But it wrought in him that experience
and estimation amongst the Salvages, as otherwise it had
bin impossible, he had ever effected that he did.
Notwithstanding the many miserable, yet generous and
worthy adventures, he had oft and long endured in the wide
world ; yet in this case he was againe to learne his Lecture k>- i6o-i
by experience. Which with thus much adoe having
obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when he had but
onely learned how to begin.
And though he left those vnknowne difficulties (made
easie and familiar) to his vnlawfull successors, (who onely by
liuing in lames Towne, presumed to know more then all the
world could direct them :) Now though they had all his
Souldiers, with a tripple power, and twice tripple better
478 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.T*nErf.
LHon. G. Percy.
[1609] meanes ; by what they haue done in his absence, the world
may see what they would haue done in his presence, had he
not prevented their indiscretions : it doth iustly proue, what
cause he had to send them for England [pp. 408, 411, 444];
and that he was neither factious, mutinous, nor dishonest.
But they haue made it more plaine since his returne
for England ; having his absolute authoritie freely in their
power, with all the advantages and opportunitie that his
labours had effected. As I am sorry their actions haue made
it so manifest, so I am vnwilling to say what reason doth
compell me, but onely to make apparant the truth, least I
should seeme partiall, reasonlesse, and malicious.
a «*J CHAPTER XII.
The Arrivall of the third Supply.
O redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the
Treasurer, Councell, and Company of Virginia,
not finding that returne and profit they ex-
pected; and them ingaged there, not having
meanes to subsist of themselues ; made meanes to his
Maiestie, to call in their Commission, and take a new in
their owne names, as in their owne publication, 1610. you
may reade at large.
Having thus annihilated the old by vertue of a Com-
mission made to the right Honourable, Sir Thomas West,
Lord de la Warre, to be Generall of Virginia ; Sir Thomas
Gates, his Lieutenant ; Sir George Somers, Admirall ; Sir
Thomas Dale, high Marshall ; Sir Fardinando Wain-man,
Generall of the Horse ; and so all other offices to many
other worthy Gentlemen, for their Hues : (though not any
of them had ever beene in Virginia, except Captaine Newport,
who was also by Patent made vice-Admirall :) those noble
Gentlemen drew in such great summes of money, that they
sent Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captaine
Newport with nine shippes, and fiue hundred people : who
[Gates, Somers, and Newport] had each of them a Commission,
who first arrived to call in the old [Commission], without
the knowledge or consent of them that had endured all
Ed
byW'Sx6T-i624:] Lib. 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 479
those former dangers to beat the path, not any regard [1609]
[being] had at all of them.
All things being ready, because those three Captaines
oculd not agree for place, it was concluded they should goe
all in one ship, so all their three Commissions were in that
Ship with them, called the Sea-Venture.
They set sayle from England in May 1609.
AsmallCatchperishedatSeainaHericano: the Admirall 1609.
[Hag-ship] with an hundred and fiftie men, with the two f^[^omas
Knights, and their new Commission, their Bils of Loading, Treasurer,
with all manner of directions, and the most part of their
provision, arrived not.
With the other [90] seaven Ships as Captaines arrived Th« l<>s.se of
Rat[c]liffe, whose right name (as is sayd [p. 444]) was lr£ima"
Sicklemore, Martin, and Archer ,with Captaine Wood, Captaine
Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine King, Captaine Davis, and
divers Gentlemen of good meanes, and great parentage.
But the first [i.e., Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer] as they had
beene troublesome at Sea, began againe to marre all ashore :
for though (as is said) they were formerly sent for England
[pp. 105, 107, 408, 411, 444], yet now returning againe,
graced by the titles of Captaines of the passengers, seeing
the Admirall wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse,
strengthened themselues with those new companies, sc
exclaiming against Captaine Smith, that they mortally
hated him ere ever they saw him.
Who vnderstanding by his Scouts [of] the arrivall of such
a Fleet, little dreaming of any such supply, supposed them
Spanyards. But he quickly so determined and ordered our
affaires, as we little feared their Arrivall, nor the successe
of our incounter ; nor were the Salvages any way negligent {/. 162.]
for the most part, to ayd and assist vs with their best power.
Had it so beene we had beene happy; for we would The
not haue trusted them but as our foes, where [as] receiuing offir*?fighi
them as our Countreymen and friends, they did what they ^fir™'
could to murther our President, to surprise the Store, the
Fort, and our lodgings, to vsurpe the government, and make
vs all their servants and slaues, till they could consume
vs and our remembrance ; and rather indeed to supplant
vs then supply vs, as master William Box an honest r/.so*.
Gentleman in this voyage thus relateth.
480 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. V w.'*.k!S3:
L Hon.' G. Fercy.
[1609] In the tayle of a Hericano wee were separated from
the Admirall, which although it was but the remainder
of that Storme, there is seldome any such in England,
or those Northerne parts of Europe. Some lost their
Masts, some their Sayles blowne from their Yards ;
the Seas so over-raking our Ships, much of our
prouision was spoyled, our Fleet separated, and our
men sicke, and many dyed : and in this miserable
estate we arrived in Virginia.
But in this Storme,
When ratling Thunder ran along the Clouds ;
Did not the Saylers poore, and Masters proud
A terror feele as strucke with feare of God ?
Did not their trembling ioynts then dread his rod ?
Least for foide deeds and black mouth? d blasphemies ,
The ru[e]full time be come that vengeance cryes.
Mutinies. To a thousand mischiefes those lewd Captaines [Ratcliffe
&c] led this lewd company, wherein were many vnruly Gal-
lants packed thither by their friends to escape ill destinies,
and those would dispose and determine of the government,
sometimes to one, the next day to another ; to day the old
Commission must rule, to morrow the new, the next day
neither; in fine they would rule all, or ruine all: yet in
charitie we must endure them thus to destroy vs ; or by
correcting their follies, haue brought the worlds censure
vpon vs to be guiltie of their blouds. Happie had we
beene had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned,
and as we were left to our fortunes : for on earth, for the
number, was never more confusion, or misery, then their
factions occasioned.
The President seeing the desire those Braues had to
rule ; seeing how his authoritie was so vnexpectedly
changed, would willingly haue left all, and haue returned
for England. But seeing there was small hope this new
Commission would arriue, longer he would not suffer those
factious spirits to proceede.
It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible ;
should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and
practices, he daily escaped amongst this factious crew ; the
chiefe whereof he quickly layd by the heeles, till his leasure
£d.byw.s^m,nonds.-] LIB> j with the third supply inV'vcgmia.. 481
The plant-
ing [of]
Nandsa-
tnund.
better served to doe them iustice : and to take away all [1609]
occasions of further mischiefe, Master Percie had his request
granted to returne for England, being very sicke; and
Master West with an hundred and twentie of the best he
could chuse, he sent to the Falles ; Martin with neare as
many to Nandsamund, with their due proportions of all
provisions according to th[e]ir numbers. [91J
Now the Presidents yeare being neare expired, he made
Captaine Martin President, to follow the order for the elec-
tion of a President every yeare : but he knowing his owne
insufficiency, and the companies vntowardnesse and little
regard of him within three houres after resigned, it againe \p. 163.]
to Captaine Smith; and at Nandsamund thus proceeded.
The people being contributes vsed him kindly; yet such The breach
was his iealous feare, in the midst of their mirth, he did sur- JK
prise this poore naked King, with his Monuments, houses, Salvaees-
and the Isle he inhabited, and there fortified himselfe;
but so apparantly distracted with feare, as imboldened the
Salvages to assault him, kill his men, release their King,
gather and carry away a thousand bushels of Corne, he not
once offering to intercept them ; but sent to the President,
then at the Falles, for thirtie good shot ; which from lames
Towne immediately was sent him. But he so well
imployed them they did iust nothing, but returned com-
plaining of his tendernesse : yet he came away with them
to lames Towne, leauing his company to their fortunes.
Here I cannot omit the courage of George Forrest, that
had seauenteene Arrowes sticking in him, and one shot
through him, yet liued sixe or seauen dayes, as if he had
small hurt ; then for want of Chirurgery dyed.
Master West having seated his men by the Falles, pre-
sently returned to reuisit lames Towne : the President
followed him to see that company seated ; met him by the
way, wondering at his so quicke returne ; and found his
company planted so inconsiderately, in a place not onely
subiect to the rivers invndation, but round invironed with
many intollerable inconueniences.
For remedie whereof he presently sent to Powhatan to jjjjj^'gj
sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him copper. °'
against the Monacans. And these should be his Conditions
3*
482 The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.t^w.
L Hon. G. Percy.
R. Pots,
uikard.
Percy.
[1609] [He] (with his people) to resigne him the Fort and
houses, andall that Countrey for a proportion of Copper;
that all stealing offenders should be sent him, there to re-
ceiue their punishment; that every house as aCustome
should pay him aBushell of Corne for an inch square of
Copper, and a proportion of Pocones, as a yearely tribute
to King lames for their protection, as a dutie; what else
they could spare to barter at their best discretions.
Mutinies. But both this excellent place and those good Conditions
did those furies refuse ; contemning both him, his kinde
care and authoritie. So much they depended on the Lord
Generals new Commission, as they regarded none : the
worst they could doe to shew their spights they did;
supposing all the Monacans Country, gold; and none
should come there but whom they pleased. I doe more
then wonder to thinke how onely with hue men, he either
durst or would adventure as he did, (knowing how greedie
[p. 164.] they were of his bloud) to land amongst them, and commit
to imprisonment all the Chieftaines of those mutinies, till
SeSelS" by tnen* multitudes being an hundred and twentie they
hundred and forced him to retyre : yet in that interim he surprised one
of their Boates, wherewith he returned to their ship, where
in deed was their prouision ; which also he tooke, and well it
chanced he found the Marriners so tractable and constant,
or there had beene small possibilitie he had ever escaped.
There were divers other of better reason and experience,
that from their first landing, hearing the generall good
report of his old Souldiers, and seeing with their eyes his
actions so well mannaged with discretion, as Captaine
Wood, Captaine Webbe, Captaine Moone, Captaine Fitz
lames. Master William Powell, Master Partridge, Master
White, and divers others, when they perceiued the malice
of Rat[c\liffe and Archer, and their faction, left their
companies, and ever rested his faithfull friends.
Breach of But the worst was that the poore Salvages, that daily
iheCsaWages brought in their contribution to the President, that
attheFalle*- disorderly company so tormented those poore soules, by
stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them,
breaking their houses and keeping some prisoners ; that
they daily complained to Captaine Smith, he had brought
Ed. by w. simmonds.-j lib# 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 483
them for Protectors, worse enemies then the Monacans [1609]
themselues : which though till then, for his loue they had
endured, they desired pardon if hereafter they defended
themselues ; since he would not correct them, as they
had long expected he would. So [92] much they impor-
tuned him to punish their misdemeanors, as they offered
(if he would leade them) to fight for him against them.
But having spent nine dayes [Aug -Sept. 1609] in seeking
to reclaime them ; shewing them how much they did abuse
themselues with these great guilded hopes of the South
Sea Mines, commodities, or victories, they so madly
conceived; then seeing nothing would prevaile, he set
sayle for lames Towne.
Thus oft we see from small greene wounds, and from a little
griefe,
A greater sore and sicknesse growes, then will admit relief e :
For thus themselues they did beguile, and with the rest play'd
theefe.
Now no sooner was the Ship vnder sayle, but the £nthealt
Salvages assaulted those hundred and twentie in their Fort, Salvages
finding some stragling abroad in the woods: they slew many,
and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners escaped, and ^- l6s]
they safely retyred, with the swords and cloakes of those
they had slaine.
But ere wee had sayled halfe a league, our ship grounding,
gaue vs once more libertie to summon them to a parley ;
where we found them all so strangely amazed with this
poore silly assault of twelue Saluages, that they submitted
themselues vpon any tearmes to the Presidents mercy; who
presently put by the heeles sixe or seauen of the chiefe
offenders.
The rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in that Salvage
Fort, readie built, and prettily fortified with poles and
barkes of trees, sufficient to haue defended them from all
the Salvages in Virginia, dry houses for lodgings, and neere
two hundred acres of ground ready to be planted, and no
place we knew so strong, so pleasant and delightfull in ?^e0fant-
Virginia for which we called it Non-such. Non-such.
The Salvages also hee presently appeased, redeliuering |^ ^
to either party their former losses. appeased.
484
[1609]
The Discoveries and Accidents, Lib. 3. T w.i5;£SS!
Lllon. G. Percy.
Thus all were friends. New officers appointed to
command, and the President againe ready to depart.
At that instant arriued Captaine West, whose gentle
nature, by the perswasions and compassion of those
mutinous prisoners (alledging they had onely done this
for his honor) was so much abused, that to regaine their
old hopes, new turboyles did arise. For they a-shore
being possessed of all the[i]re victuall, munition, and euery
thing, grew to that height in their former factions, as the
President left them to their fortunes : they returned againe
to the open ayre at Wests Fort, abandoning Non-such, and
he to lames towne with his best expedition.
Captaine But this hapned him in that Iourney. Sleeping in his
bbwne vp Boate, (for the ship was returned two daies before) acci-
withpowder- dentallie, one fired his powder-bag, which tore the flesh
from his body and thighes, nine or ten inches square in a
most pittifull manner ; but to quench the tormenting fire,
frying him in his cloaths he leaped over-board into the
deepe river, where ere they could recouer him he was neere
drowned. In this estate without either Chirurgian, or
Chirurgery he was to goe [by water] neere an hundred myles.
Arriving at lames towne, causing all things to be prepared
for peace or warres [and] to obtaine provision.
Whilest those things were Tpvovi<\mg,Rat[c]liffeyA rcJier, and
the rest of their Confederates, being to come to their trials ;
their guiltie consciences fearing a iust reward for their
deserts, seeing the President vnable to stand, and neere bereft
of his senses by reason of his torment, they had plotted to
haue murdered" him in his bed. But his heart did faile
him that should haue giuen fire to that mercilesse Pistoll.
So not finding that course to be the best, they ioyned
together to vsurpe the government, thereby to escape their
punishment.
The President had notice of their proiects, the which to
withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but per-
mit them to take their heads that would resist his command,
Ihy?S ve* ne would not suffer them ; but sent for the Masters of the
couSre ships, and tooke order with them for his returne for England.
and hisey Seeing there was neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery in
Commit ^ port tQ cure j1£s ilur^ and the ship to depart the next
[A 166.]
A bloudy
intent.
Ed. by w. s«nmonds.j lib 3. with the third supply in Virginia. 485
day [about 13 Sept 1609, seep. 486], his Commission to be [1609]
suppressed he knew not why, himselfe and souldiers to be
rewarded he knew not how, and a [93] new commission
granted they knew not to whom (the which disabled that
authority he had, as made them presume so oft to those
mutinies as they did :) besides so grievous were his wounds,
and so cruell his torments (few expecting he could Hue) nor
was hee able to follow his busines to regaine what they had
lost, suppresse those factions', and range the countries for
provision as he intended ; and well he knew in those affaires
his owne actions andpresence was as requisit as his directions,
which now could not be: he went presently abroad, resoluing
there to appoint them governours, and to take order for the
mutine[e]rs ; but he could finde none hee thought fit for it,
would accept it. In the meane time, seeing him gone, they
perswaded Master Percy to stay, who was then to goe for
England, and be their President.
Within lesse then an houre was this mutation begun
and concluded.
For when the Company vnderstood Smith would leaue
them, and saw the rest in Armes called Presidents and
Councellors, divers began to fawne on those new commanders,
that now bent all their wits to get him [to] resigne them his
Commission : who after much adoe and many bitterrepulses ; [p. 167.]
that their confusion (which he tould them was at their
elbowes) should not be attributed to him, for leauing the
Colony without a Commission, he was not vnwilling they
should steale it, but never would he giue it to such as they.
And thus, Strange violent forces drew vs on vnwilling :
Reason perswading 'gainst our loues rebelling.
We saw and knew the better, ah curse accurst !
That notwithstanding we imbrace the worst.
But had that vnhappie blast not hapned, he would
quickly haue qualified the heate of those humors and
factions, had the ships but once left them and vs to our
fortunes ; and haue made that provision from among the
Salvages, as we neitherfeared Spanyard, Salvage, nor famine;
nor would haue left Virginia, nor our lawfull authoritie,
but at as deare a price as we had bought it, and payd for it.
What shall I say, but thus we left [lost] him, that in
486 The Discoveiies and Accidents, Lib. 3. [" w !*„£?£
LHon. G. Percy.
L1609] all his proceedings, made Iustice his first guide, and ex-
perience his second, even hating basenesse, sloath, pride,
and indignitie, more then any dangers ; that neuer allowed
more for himselfe, then his souldiers with him; that vpon
no danger would send them where he would not lead them
himselfe ; that would never see vs want, what he either had,
or could by any meanes get vs ; that would rather want
then borrow, or starue then not pay; that loued action
more then words, and hated falshood and covetousnesse
worse then death ; whose adventures were our Hues, and
whose losse our deaths.
Leaving vs thus with three ships, seaven boats, com-
modities readie to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten
weeks provision in the store, foure hundred nintie and od
persons, twentie-foure Peeces of Ordnance, three hundred
Muskets Snaphances and Firelockes ; Shot Powder and
Match sufficient; Curats Pikes Swords and Morrio[n]s,more
then men; the Salvages, their language, and habitations well
knowne to an hundred well trayned and expert Souldiers ;
Nets for fishing; Tooles of all sorts to worke ; apparell to
supply our wants ; six Mares and a Horse ; fiue or sixe hun-
dred Swine ; as many Hennes and Chickens ; some Goats ;
some sheepe. What was brought or bred there, remained.
But they, regarding nothing but from hand to mouth, did
consume that wee had, tooke care for nothing but to perfect
some colourable complaints against Captaine Smith. For
effecting whereof three weekes longer [i.e., from about 13
y. 168.] Sept, to 4 Oct. 1609, seep.xcxiii] they stayed the Ships, till they
could produce them. That time and charge might much
better haue beene spent, but it su[i]ted well with the rest
of their discretions.
Besides lames towne that was strongly Pallizadoed,
containing some fiftie or sixtie houses, he left fiue or sixe
other severall Forts and Plantations : though they were
not so sumptuous as our successors expected, they were
better then they provided any for vs. All this time we
had but one Carpenter in the Countrey, and three others
[94] that could doe little, but desired to be learners ; two
Blacksmiths ; two saylers ; and those we write labourers
were for most part footmen, and such as they that were
Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as they
Ed. by w. s«jmonds.-j lib ^ w^h ffa third supply in Virginia. 487
could perswade to goe with them, that neuer did know [1609]
what a dayes worke was: except the Dutch-men and Poles,
and some dozen other. For all the rest were poore Gentle-
men, Trad[e]smen, Serving-men, libertines, and such like,
ten times more fit to spoyle a Common-wealth, then either
begin one, or but helpe to maintaine one. For when neither
the feare of God, nor the law, nor shame, nor displeasure of
their friends could rule them here [in England], there is small
hope ever to bring one in twentie of them ever to be good there
[in Virginia] . Notwithstanding, I confesse divers amongst
them, had better mindes and grew much more industrious
then was expected : yet ten good workemen would haue r/A 6^.930.]
done more substantiall worke in a day, then ten of them in
a weeke. Therefore men may rather wonder how we
could doe so much, then vse vs so badly because we did
no more, but leaue those examples to make others beware;
and the fruits of all, we know not for whom.
But to see the justice of God vpon these Dutch-men ; J\eh*nds
Valdo before spoke of, made a shift to get for England, DutcA-mm.
where perswading the Merchants what rich Mines he had
found, and great service he would doe them, was very well
rewarded, and returned with the Lord LaWarre[June 1610]:
but being found a meere Impostor, he dyed most miserably.
Adam and Francis his two consorts were fled againe [in
the winter 1609-10] to Powhatan, to whom they promised at
the arrivall of my Lord [June 1610], what wonders they
would doe, would he suffer them but to goe to him. But
the King seeing they would be gone, replyed ; You that
would haue betrayed Captaine Smith to mee, will certainely
betray me to this great Lord for your peace : so caused his
men to beat out their braines.
To conclude, the greatest honour that ever belonged to
the greatest Monarkes, was the inlarging their Dominions,
and erecting Common-weales. Yet howsoever any of them
haue attributed to themselues, the Conquerors of the
world : there is more of the world never heard of them,
then ever any of them all had in subiection : for the Medes,
Persians, and Assyrians, never Conquered all Asia; nor the
Grecians but part of Europe and Asia. The Romans indeed
had a great part of both, as well as Affrica : but as for all
488 The Discoveries and Accidents. Ltb. 3. [" W.T^S5!
LHon. G. Percy.
[1609] the Northerne parts of Europe and i4s/a, the interior
Southern and Westerne parts of Affrica, all America and
T^rra incognita, they were all ignorant : nor is our know-
ledge yet but superficiall. That their beginnings, ending,
and limitations were proportioned by the Almightie is most
evident : but to consider of what small meanes many of
them haue begun is wonderfull. For some write that even
Rome her selfe, during the Raigne of Romulus, exceeded
not the number of a thousand houses. And Carthage grew
so great a Potentate, that at first was but incirculed in the
thongs of a Bulls skinne, as to fight with Rome for the
Empire of the world. Yea Venice at this time the admira-
tion of the earth, was at first but a Marish, inhabited by
poore Fishermen. And likewise Ninivie, Thebes, Babylon,
Debts, Troy, Athens, Mycena and Sparta, grew from small
beginnings to be most famous States, though now they
retaine little more then a naked name. Now this our yong
Common-wealth in Virginia, as you haue read once con-
sisted but of 38 persons [p. 402], and in two yeares increased
but to 200. yet by this small meanes so highly was approved
the Plantation in Virginia, as how many Lords, with worthy
Knights, and braue Gentlemen pretended [intended] to see it,
and some did ; and now after the expence of fifteene yeares
more [1609-1624], and such massie summes of men and
money, grow they disanimated ? If we truely consider our
Proceedings with the Spanyards, and the rest, we haue no
reason to despayre, for with so small charge, they never
had either greater Discoveries, with such certaine tryals of
more severall Commodities, then in this short time hath
beene returned from Virginia, and by much lesse meanes.
i/>. 240-142, New England was brought out of obscuritie, and affoorded
as6-»59-] fraught for neare 200 sayle of ships, where there is now
erected a braue Plantation [the settlement of the Pilgrim
1/. 749] Fathers at New Plymouth], For the happines of Summer
Isles, they are no lesse then either, and yet those haue had
a far lesse, and a more difficult beginning, then either
Rome, Carthage, or Venice,
Written by Richard Pots, Clarke of the Councell,
William Tankard, and G. P. [95]
The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, S° the Summer Isles.
The two intercalated pages, 95 and 96.
A reprint of
Co mp lim entary Ve rses.
490
[It will be convenient here to deal with the bibliographical myth,
that Sig. O, being pages 97 to 104, was suppressed in all copies.
Smith, in his Prospectus of 1623, p. cxxvi, estimated the matter of
the General History ; as " composed in [i.e., written to fill] less than
eighty sheets," which, at four pages to the folio, or eight pages to the
signature, equals 320 pp. The actual printed text occupies 12 un
numbered, and 240 pages, wrongly numbered after p. 96 ; or 252
printed//, in all : that is, nearly a fourth less than the original estimate.
The explanation of this is very simple, and is due to the acuteness
of H. Stevens, Esq., F.S.A.
The manuscript had passed the licenser by the 12 July 1624 (as the
entry at Stationers' Hall,/. 274, proves) ; and it being desired to print
it with all possible speed, it was given out to two out of the twenty to
twenty-five printing houses then existing in London : the " copy " being
roughly divided between them. This is confirmed by the variation of
the initial letters, and of the style of the headings, on and after/. 105
of the original edition, from those before that page.
If the matter fell short for the latter part of the book, that would
make no difference ; but if it fell short in the earlier part, there would
be a hiatus : and a hiatus there was, of 10 folio pages. Two of these,
the Author filled up with this reprint of Complimentary Verses from
the Description of New England, presumably, by then, out of print,
beginning with the words on the opposite page.
" Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare, that you
should not be altogether cloyed with Prose ; such Verses as my
worthy Friends bestowed upon New England, I here present you.,
because with honestie I can neither reiect, nor omit their courtesies."
The remaining two sheets or eight pages, which should have made
Sig. O, he left simply a gap, without any explanation at all.
That the General History was pushed through the press with all
possible speed, is hard to prove now : but it seems to be confirmed
by the above ; and it is manifest from the Preface of foure Poynts at
p. 278, that the History was written to sustain the public interest in
the Colonizing movement, after the disgraceful collapse of the London
Virginia Company and while its legal dissolution was in progress.
" The which losse [ofl/ie Massacre on 22 March 1622] to repaire the
company did what they could, till they had consumed all their stocke
[capital] as is said ; then they broke [became bankrupt], not making
any account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers,
nor any ; whose noble intents had referred the managing of this
intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it. So that his Maiesty
recalled their Commission [June 1624]." />. 931.
In the original edition of 1624, the Fourth Book has, by an error of
the second printer, not got Lib. 4 in the headline. We have inserted
it in the present edition, for the sake of uniformity.]
Now seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare, that
you should not be altogether cloyed with Prose ; such
Verses as my worthy Friends bestowed vpon New-
England, i" here present you, because with honestie
I can neither reiect, nor omit their courtesies.
In the deserued Honour of the Author, & au]
Captaine Iohn Smith, and his Worke.
Amn'd Envie is a sp'rite, that ever haunts [1616]
Beasts, mis-nam'd Men ; Cowards, or Ignorants.
But, onely such shee followes, whose deare WORTH
(Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth.
If this faire Overture, then, take not ; It
Is Envie's spight {deare friend) in men of wit ;
Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mouths possesse,
Might fall from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse.
If either ; (I hope neither) thee they raise ;
Thy * Letters are as Letters in thy praise ; * Hindered
Who, by their vice, improue (when they reprooue)
Thy vertue ; so, in hate, procure thee Loue.
Then, On firme Worth : this Monument I frame ;
Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame.
Iohn Davies, Heref;
492 [Reprint of Complimentary Ferses. J,Ndsm5!
1616.
b».,8x,! To his worthy Captaine the Author.
[1C16] ^^J^^Ha^ which wee call the subiect of all Storie,
Is Truth : which in this Worke of thine giues glorie
To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight
Of Envie ; which doth no mans Merits right.
My sword may helpe the rest : my Pen no more
Can doe, but this ; Fane said enough before.
Your sometime Souldier, /. Codrinton, now
Tempi er.
fAi82.i To my Worthy Friend and Cosen,
Captaine lohn Smith.
T over-ioyes my heart, when as thy Words
Of these designes, with deeds I doe compare.
Here is a Booke, such worthy truth affords,
None should the due desert thereof impare :
Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages,
Much paine hast ta'en for this our Kingdomes good,
In Climes vnknowne, *Mongst Turks and Salvages,
T'inlarge our bounds ; though with thy losse of blood.
Hence damn'd Detraction : stand not in our way,
Envie, it selfe, will not the Truth gainesay.
N. Smith.
R. Crashaw, M. Phettiplace.
W. Phettiplace, R. Wiffing.
1616.
Reprint of Complimentary Verses.~] 493
In the deserved Honour of my honest
and worthy Captaine, lohn Smith, and
his Worke.
Aptaine and friend ; when I pervse thy Booke
(With Iudgements eyes) into my heart / looke:
And there I finde (what sometimes Albion knew)
A Souldier, to his Countries-honour, true.
Some fight for wealth ; and some for emptie praise ;
But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise. [96]
With due discretion, and vnda[u]nted heart,
/ (oft) so well haue seene thee act thy Part
In deepest plunge of hard extreamitie,
As fore H the troups of proudest foes to flie.
Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert
Would Pish away thy Praise, it can not start
From the true Owner : for, all good mens tongues
Shall keepe the same. To them that Part belongs.
If, then, Wit, Courage, and Successe should get
Thee Fame ; the Muse for that is in thy debt :
A part whereof (least able though I be)
Thus here I doe disburse, to honor Thee.
Raleigh Crashaw.
IA 184.]
[1616]
Michael Phettiplace, Wil: Phettiplace, \t.*%\
and Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen, and Souldiers
vnder Captaine Smiths command : In his deserved
honour for his Worke, and Worth.
Hy may not wee in this Worke haue our Mite,
That had our share in each black day and night,
When thou Virginia foild'st, yet kepfst vnstaind ;
And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind.
494 [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. w.phet^ce.
1016.
[1616] Thou all alone this Salvage sterne didst take,
Pamavnkees King wee saw thee captiue make
A mong seauen hundred of his stoutest men,
To murther thee and vs resolved ; when
Fast by the hayre thou ledst this Salvage grimt
Thy Pistoll at his breast to governe him :
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest
(Sith their drad Soveraigne thou had'st so distrest)
That thou and wee (poore sixteene) safe retired
Vnto our helplesse Ships. Thou (thus admir'd)
Didst make proud Powhatan, his subiects send
To lames his Towne, thy censure to attend:
And all Virginia's Lords, and pettie Kings,
Awyd by thy vertuc, crouch, and Presents brings
To gaine thy grace ; so dreaded thou hast beenc :
And yet a heart more milde is seldome seene;
So, making Valour Vertue, really ;
Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or site ;
If in the sleight be not the truest Art,
That makes men famoused for f aire desert.
Who saith of thee, this sauors of vaine-gloriet
Mistakes both thee and vs, and this true Storic.
If it be ill in Thee, so well to doe ;
Then, is ill in Vs, to praise thee too.
But, if the first be well done ; it is well,
To say it doth (if so it doth) excell.
Praise is the guerdon of each deare desert
Making the praised act the praised part
With more alacritie ; Honours Spurre is Praise ;
Without which, it (regardlesse) soone decaies.
And for this paines of thine wee praise thee rather,
That future Times may know who was the father
Of that rare Worke (New England) which may bring,
Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King. [105
The Generall Historic of Virginia, New England, &* the Summer Isles.
The Fourth Book.
1624.
The History of Virginia,
1609-1624.
This History of Virginia from the departure of Captain Smith
from James town, on 4 October 1609, to the dissolution of the London
Virginia Company, in June 1624 ; is in nothing like the detail of the
previous part of this Volume. It should be supplemented by a study
of the Works specified on/, cxxxiii.
The Fovrth Booke.
TO
MAKE PLAINE THE TRVE
PROCEEDINGS OF THE HISTORIE
for 1609. we must follow the examinations of
Doctor Simons, and two learned Orations
published by the Companie ; with the rela-
tion of the Right Honourable the
Lord De la Ware.
What happened in the first gouernment after the
alteration, in the time of Captaine George
Piercie their Gouernour.
HEday before fcOct. 1609] Captaine Stow*/* [1609]
returned [4 Oct. 1609, see pp. 167, 170]
for England with the ships, Captaine [A «t»J
Dauis arriued in a small Pinace, with
some sixteene proper men more : To
these were added a company from
lames towne, vnder the command of
Captaine Iohn Sickelmore alias Rat [cjliffe,
to inhabit Point Comfort. Captaine Martin and Captaine
West, hauing lost their boats and neere halfe their men
among the Saluages, were returned to lames towne; for the 1609
Saluages no sooner vnderstood Smith was gone, but they
11 reuolted, and did spoile and murther all they incountered.
32
The plant
ing Point
Comfort.
49$ The gouernment resigned to Lib. 4. [Rev- W>5S3£
[1609] Now wee were all constrained to Hue onely on that Smith
had onely for his owne Companie, for the rest had consumed
their proportions. And now they had twentie Presidents
with all their appurtenances: Master Piercie, our new Pre-
sident, was so sicke hee could neither goe nor stand. But
ere all was consumed, Captaine West and Captaine Sickel-
more, each with a small ship and thirtie or fortie men well
appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore vpon the
confidence of Powhatan, with about thirtie others as
carelesse as himselfe ; were all slaine ; onely Jeffrey Short-
(/o8i45' ™dge escaped; and Pokahontas the Kings daughter saued a
boy called Henry Spilman [pp. 172, 503, 528, 586, 606J,
that liued many yeeres after, by her meanes, amongst the
Patawomekes.
Powhatan still, as he found meanes, cut off their Boats,
denied them trade : so that Captaine West set saile for
England.
Now we all found the losse of Captaine Smith, yea his
greatest maligners could now curse his losse: as for corne
prouision and contribution from the Saluages, we had
nothing but mortall wounds, with clubs and arrowes ; as
for our Hogs, Hens, Goats, Sheepe, Horse, or what liued,
our commanders, officers and Saluages daily consumed
them, some small proportions sometimes we tasted, till
all was deuoured; then swords, armes, pieces, or any
thing, wee traded with the Saluages, whose cruell fingers
were so oft imbrewed in our blouds, that what by their
crueltie, our Gouernours indiscretion, and the losse of our
ships, of fiue hundred within six moneths after Captaine
Smiths departure [Oct. 1609 — Mar. 1610], there remained
not past sixtie men, women and children, most miserable
and poore creatures ; and those were preserued for the
most part, by roots, herbes, acornes, walnuts, berries, now
and then a little fish : they that had startch in these
extremities, made no small vse of it ; yea, euen the very
skinnes of our horses.
Nay, so great was our famine, that a Saluage we slew
and buried, the poorer sort tooke him vp againe and eat
him ; and so did diuers [106] one another boyled and
stewed with roots and herbs : And one amongst the rest
Ed,byjuiyS"6t'] LlB- 4- Sir Thomas Gates, 1610. 499
did kill his wife, powdered [salted] her, and had eaten part [1609-10]
of her before it was knowne ; for which hee was executed,
as hee well deserued: now whether shee was better roasted,
boyled or carbonado'd, I know not ; but of such a dish as
powdered wife I neuer heard of.
This was that time, which still to this day [1624] we [The
called the staruing time ; it were too vile to say, and Time!]ng
scarce to be beleeued, what we endured : but the occasion
was our owne, for want of prouidence industrie and gouern-
ment, and not the barrennesse and defect of the Countrie,
as is generally supposed ; for till then in three yeeres, for
the numbers were landed vs, we had neuer from England
prouision sufficient for six moneths, though it seemed by
the bils of loading sufficient was sent vs, such a glutton
is the Sea, and such good fellowes the Mariners ; we as
little tasted of the great proportion sent vs, as they of our
want and miseries, yet notwithstanding they euer ouer-
swayed and ruled the businesse, though we endured all
that is said, and chiefly liued on what this good Countrie
naturally afforded. Yet had wee beene euen in Paradice
it selfe with these Gouernours, it would not haue beene
much better withe vs ; yet there was amongst vs, who had
they had the gouernment as Captaine Smith appointed,
but that they could not maintaine it, would surely haue
kept vs from those extremities of miseries. This in ten
daies more, would haue supplanted vs all with death.
But God that would not this Countrie should be [*if*l
vnplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers Jfh|i"riua11
with one hundred and fiftie people most happily preserued Thomas
by the Bermudas to preserue vs [21 May 1610] : strange it
is to say how miraculously they were preserued in a
leaking ship, as at large you may reade in the insuing
Historie of those Hands [p. 635].
J&
500
The government deuolued to Lib. 4. [
W. Box.
T- !_? June i6ix.
1610.
[1610]
lames
towne
abandoned.
T/ie gouernment resigned to Sir Thomas
Gates, 1 6 10.
Hen these two Noble Knights did see our
miseries, being but strangers in that Countrie,
and could vnderstand no more of the cause,
but by coniecture of our clamours and com-
plaints, of accusing and excusing one another : They
embarked vs with themselues, with the best meanes they
could, and abandoning lames towne [7 June 1610], set saile
for England : whereby you may see the euent of the gouern-
ment of the former Commanders [Ratcliffe, Martin, and
Archer] left to themselues; although they had liued there
many yeeres, as formerly hath beene spoken (who hindred
now their proceedings, Captaine Smith being gone).
At noone they fell to the He of Hogs, and the next
morning [8 June] to Mulbery point, at what time they descried
the Long-boat of the Lord la Ware ; for God would not haue
it so abandoned. For this honourable Lord, then Gouer-
nour of the Countrie, met them with three ships exceedingly
well furnished with all necessaries fitting; who againe
returned them to the abandoned lames towne.
Out of t/ie obseruations of William Simmons
Doctor of Diuinitie.
The arriuall
of the Lord
la Ware.
Ifi. 171.]
The gouernment devalued to the Lord la Ware.
,Is Lordship arriued the ninth of Iune 1610.
accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Waynman,
Captaine Houlcroft, Captaine Lawson, and diuers
other Gentlemen of sort ; the tenth he came vp
with his fleet, went on shore, heard a Sermon, read his Com-
mission, and entred into consultation for the good of the
Colonie : in which secret counsell we will a little leaue them,
that we may duly obserue the reuealed counsell of God.
Hee that shall but turne vp his eie, and behold the
byjiiys^:] Lib. 4. the Lord la Ware. 501
tangled canopie of heauen, or shall but cast downe his eie, [1610]
idconsiderthe embroydered carpet of the earth, and withall
rail marke how the heauens heare the earth, and the earth
le Corne and Oile, and they relieue the necessities of man,
iat man will acknowledge Gods infinite [107] prouidence.
lut hee that shall further obserue, how God inclineth all
:asuall euents to worke the necessary helpe of his Saints,
lust needs adore the Lords infinite goodnesse.
Neuer had any people more iust cause, to cast them-
jelues at the very foot-stoole of God, and to reuerence his
lercie, than this distressed Colonie; for if God had not
:nt Sir Thomas Gates from the Bermudas, within foure daies
iey had almost beene famished ; if God had not directed
the heart of that noble Knight to saue the Fort from
fiering at their shipping [embarkation], for many were very
importunate to haue burnt it, they had beene destitute
of a present harbour and succour : if they had abandoned
the Fort any longer time, and had not so soone returned,
questionlesse the Indians would haue destroied the Fort,
which had beene the meanes of our safeties amongst them
and a terror. If they had set saile sooner, and had
lanched into the vast Ocean ; who would haue promised
they should haue incountered the Fleet of the Lord la
Ware : especially when they made for Newfound land, as
they intended; a course contrarie to ourNauie approaching.
If the Lord la Ware had not brought with him a yeeres
prouision, what comfort would those poore soules haue
receiued, to haue beene relanded to a second distruction ?
This was the arme of the Lord of Hosts, who would
haue his people passe the red Sea and Wildernesse, and
then to possesse the land of Canaan : It was diuinely
spoken of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be carefull,
why should man bee ouer-distrustfull ? for he hath so
tempered the contrary qualities of the Elements,
That neither cold things want heat, nor moist things dry,
Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby,
Yet make they music all content of contrarietie,
Which conquer 'd, knits them in such links together.
They doe produce euen all this whatsoeuer.
The Lord Gouernour, after mature deliberation, deliuered
502 The gouernment deuolued to Lib. 4. [?Jl^®°*;
[1610] some few words to the Companie, laying iust blame vpon
them, for their haughtie vanities and sluggish idlenesse,
earnestly intreating them to amend those desperate follies
lest hee should be compelled to draw the sword of Iustice
and to cut off such delinquents, which he had rather draw
to the shedding of his vitall bloud, to protect them from
iniuries ; heartning them with relation of that store hee had
brought with him, constituting officers of all conditions, to
rule ouerthem, allotting euery man his particular place, to
watch vigilantly, and worke painfully.
This Oration and direction being receiued with a generall
applause, you might shortly behold the idle and restie
diseases of a diuided multitude, by the vnitie and authoritie
of this gouernment to be substantially cured. Those that
knew not the way to goodnesse before, but cherished
singularitie and faction, can now chalke out the path of all
respectiue dutie and seruice : euery man endeuoureth to
outstrip other in diligence : the French preparing to plant the
Vines, the English labouring in the Woods and grounds ;
euery man knoweth his charge, and dischargeth the same
with alacritie.
Neither let any man be discouraged, by the relation of
their daily labour (as though the sap of their bodies should
bee spent for other mens profit) the setled times of work-
ing, to effect all themselues, or as the Aduenturers need
[Divine scr- desire, required no more paines than from six of the clocke
i!S.aInd m tne rnorning, vntill ten, and from two in the afternoone,
4 /•>*.] till foure ; at both which times they are prouided of spirituall
and corporall reliefe. First, they enter into the Church,
1/-957-] anc* make their praiers vnto God; next they returne to
their houses and receiue their proportion of food. Nor
should it bee conceiued that this businesse excludeth
Gentlemen, whose breeding neuer knew what a daies
labour meant : for though they cannot digge, vse the Spade,
nor practice the Axe, yet may the staied spirits of any
condition, finde how to imploy the force of knowledge,
the exercise of counsell, the operation and power of theii
best breeding and qualities.
1/957] The houses which are built, are as warme and defensiue
against wind and [108] weather, as if they were tiled and
slated, being couered aboue with strong boards, and some
Ed. by J. Smith.") T tt»
Julyi624.J L-IB'
the Lord la Ware.
503
Sir Gtorge
Sommers
returne
to the
Bermudas.
matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as [1610]
are able to tame the furie and trecherie of the Saluages: Our
Forts assure the Inhabitants, and frustrate all assaylants.
And to leaue no discouragement in the heart of any,
who personally shall enter into this great action, I [i.e.,
W. Box] will communicate a double comfort ; first, Sir
George Sommers, that worthy Admirall hath vndertaken a
dangerous aduenture for the good of the Colonic
Vpon the 15. [or 19,^. 639] of Iune [1610], accompanied
withCaptaine Samuel A r gall, hee returned in two Pinaces
vnto the Bermudas, promising (if by any meanes God will
open a way to that Hand of Rocks) that he would soone
returne with six moneths prouision of flesh ; with much
crosse weather at last hee there safely arriued, but Captaine
Argall was forced backe againe to lames towne : whom the
Lord De la Ware not long after sent to the Riuer of Pata-
womeke, to trade for Corne ; where finding [in Sept. 1610] [/-17a-]
an English boy, one Henry Spilman [pp. 172, 498, 528, 586,
606], a young Gentleman well descended, by those people
preserued from the furie of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had
such good vsage of those kinde Saluages, that they fraughted
his ship with Corne, wherewith he returned to lames towne.
The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built The
two new Forts, the one called Fort Henry, the other Fort &« Xf«r,
Charles, in honour of our most noble Prince, and
hopefull brother, vpon a pleasant plaine, and neare a
little Riuilet they call Southampton Riuer ; they stand in
a wholsome aire, hauing plentie of Springs of sweet water,
they command a great circuit of ground, containing Wood,
Pasture and Marsh, with apt places for Vines, Corne and
Gardens ; in which Forts it is resolued, that all those that
come out of England, shall be at their first landing
quartered, that the wearisomnesse of the Sea may bee
refreshed in this pleasing part of the Countrie.
And Sir Thomas Gates hee sent for England[i$ July 1610].
But to correct some iniuries of the Paspahegs, he sent
Captaine Pearcie, Master Stacy, and fiftie or threescore
shot : where the Saluages flying, they burnt their houses,
tooke the Queene and her children prisoners, whom not
long after they slew.
The fertilitie of the soile, the temperature of the climate
U : 0 and Fort
b Charlit.
504 The government of the Lord la. Ware. Lib. 4. [?j™e'S£
[1611] the forme of gouernment, the condition of our people, their
daily inuocating of the Name of God being thus expressed;
why should the successe, by the rules of mortall iudgement,
bee disparaged ? why should not the rich haruest of our
hopes be seasonably expected ? I dare say, that the
resolution of Cczsar in France, the designes of Alexander,
the discoueries of Hernando Cortes in the West, and of
Emanuel King of Portugal in the East, were not encouraged
vpon so firme grounds of state and possibilitie.
But his Lordship being at the fal[ljes, the Saluages
assaulted his troopes and slew three or foure of his men.
Not long after, his Honour growing very sicke, he returned
for England the 28. of March [161 1] ; in the ship were about
hue and fiftie men, but ere we arriued at Fyall, fortie of vs
were neare sicke to death, of the Scuruie, Callenture, and
other diseases : the Gouernour, being an English-man,
kindly vsed vs, but small reliefe we could get but Oranges,
of which we had plenty ; whereby within eight daies wee
recouered, and all were well and strong by that they came
into England.
Written by William Box.
The Counsell of Virginia finding the smalnesse of that
returne which they hoped should haue defrayed the charge
of a new supply, entred into a deep consultation, whether
it were fit to enter into a new Contribution, or in time to
send for them home and giue ouer the action, and there-
fore they adiured Sir Thomas Gates to deale plainly with
them, who with a solemne and a sacred oath replyed,
That all things before reported were true : and that all
men know that wee stand at the deuotion of politicke
Princes and States, who for their proper vtilitie, deuise
all courses to grind our Merchants, and by all pretences
to confiscate their goods, and to draw from vs all manner
of gaine by their inquisitiue inuentions; when in Virginia,
a fewyeeres labour by planting and husbandry, will furnish
all [109] our defects with honour and securitie.
Out of a Declaration published by the Counsell, 16 10.
The
Relation cf
the Lord In
The gouernment left againe to ieu.
Captaine George Piercie, and the
returne of the Lord la Ware, with his
Relation to the Councell.
Y Lords, now by accident returned from [1611]
my charge at Virginia, contrary either sfr ?*«»«*
to my owne desire, or other mens ex- Treasurer,
pectations, who spare not to censure
me, in point of dutie, and to discourse
and question the reason, though they
apprehend not the true cause of my
returne ; I am forced out of a willing-
nesse to satisfie euery man, to deliuer vnto your Lordships xw<£c
and the rest of this assemblie, in what state I haue liued
euer since my arriuall to the Colonie, what hath beene the
iust cause of my sudden departure, and on what tearmes
I haue left the same : the rather because I perceiue, that
since my comming into England, such a coldnesse and
irresolution is bred in many of the Aduenturers, that some
of them seeke to withdraw their payments, by which the
action must be supported, making this my returne colour
of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction:
which that you may the better vnderstand, I was welcomed
to lames towne by a violent ague ; being cured of it, within
three weekes after I began to be distempered with other
grieuous sicknesses which successiuely and seuerally as-
sailed me, for besides a relapse into the former disease, which
with much more violence held me more than a moneth, and
brought me to greater weaknesse ; the flux surprised mee,
and kept me manydaies; then the crampe assaulted my weake
body with strong paines ; and after, the gout : all those drew
me to that weaknesse, being vnable to stirre, [that] brought
vponme thescuruie; which though in others it be a sicknesse
of slothfulnesse, yet was it in me an effect of weaknesse,
which neuer left me, till I was ready to leave the world.
In these extremities I resolued to consult with my
506 The gouernment surrendred to Capt. Piercie. [Lor ji*^";
[1611] friends, who finding nature spent in me, and my body
almost consumed, my paines likewise daily increasing,
gaue me aduice to preferre a hopefull recouerie before an
assured ruine ; which must necessarily haue ensued, had I
liued but twentie daies longer in Virginia, wanting at thai,
instant both food and Physicke fit to remedie such extra-
ordinary diseases : wherefore I shipped [2SMar. 1611] my selfe
with Doctor Bohun and Captained rg<z// for Menisinthe West
Indies, But being crossed with Southerly winds, I was forced
to shape my course for the Westerne lies [Azores'], where
I found helpe for my health, and my sicknesse asswaged, by
the meanes of fresh dyet, especially Oranges and Limons,
an vndoubted remedie for that disease : then I intended to
haue returned backe againe to Virginia, but I was aduised
not to hazard my selfe, before I had perfectly recouered my
strength : so I came for England. In which accident, I
doubt not but men of iudgement will imagine, there would
more preiudice haue happened by my death there, than I
hope can doe by my returne.
For the Colony, I left it to the charge of Captaine George
Piercie, a Gentleman of honour and resolution, vntill the
comming of Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission was like-
wise to bee determined vpon the arriuall of Sir Thomas
Gates, according to the order your Lordships appointed :
the number I left were about two hundred, the most in
health, and prouided of at least ten moneths victuall, and
the Countrie people tractable and friendly.
What other defects they had, I found by Sir Thomas Gates,
at the Cowes,his Fleet was sufficiently furnished with sup-
plies : but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale,
ITd :S>ne anc* Sir Thomas Gates shall arriue in Virginia with the extra-
Swinesentto ordinarie supply of 100. Kine, and 200. Swine, besides
vtreimm. store 0f 0ther prouision, for the maintenance of the Colonie,
there will appeare that successe in the action, as shall
giue no man cause of distrust, that hath already aduentured,
but incourage euery good minde to further so good a
worke, as will redound both to the glory of God, to the
credit of our [110] nation, and the comfort of all those
that haue beene instruments in the furthering of it.
Out of the Lord la Wares discourse, published
by Author itie, 1 6 1 1 .
The gouernment surrendred to Sir 1611.
Thomas Dale, who arriued in Virginia
the tenth of May, 1 6 1 1 . out of Master
Hamors Booke.
Efore the Lord la Ware arriued in P-611]
England, the Councell and Companie fj„[^mas
had dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale Treasurer,
with three ships, men, and cattell, and Jfhgirrriua11
all other prouisions necessarie for a rww
yeere ; all which arriued well the tenth DaU'
of May 1611 : where he found them
growing againe to their former estate
of penurie, being so improuident as not to put Corne in the
ground for their bread ; but trusted to the store, then
furnished but with three moneths prouision. His first care
therefore was to imploy all hands about setting of Corne, at
the two Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles ; whereby,
the season then not [being] fully past, though about the end
of May, wee had an indifferent crop of good Corne.
This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust ^saration
of it committed to his vnder-Ofncers, to lames towne he *oblvld,aD
hastened, where most of the companie were at their
daily and vsuall works, bowling in the streets : these
hee imployed about necessarie workes, as felling of
Timber, repayring their houses ready to fall on their
heads, and prouiding pales, posts and railes, to impale
his purposed new towne, which by reason of his ignorance,
being but newly arriued, hee had not resolued where
to seat. Therefore to better his knowledge, with one
hundred men he spent some time in viewing the Riuer
new towne.
508 The gouernment surrendered to Sir T '. Dale. [l8j;2^J;
[1611] of Nansanwnd, in despight of the Indians then our enemies ;
then our owne Riuer to the Fal[ljes, where vpon a high land,
inuironed with the maine Riuer, some twelue miles from the
Fal[l]es, by Arsahattock, he resolued to plant his new towne.
It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely
to good order, being of so ill a condition, as may well
witnesse his seueritie and strict imprinted booke of
Articles, then needfull with all extremitie to be executed;
now much mitigated : so as if his Lawes had not beene
so strictly executed, I see not how the vtter subuersion
of the Colonie should haue beene preuented, witnesse
Webbes and Prices designe the first yeere, since that of
Abbots and others, more dangerous than the former.
Here I entreat your patience for an Apologie, though
not a pardon. This Jeffrey Abbots, how euer this Author
censures him, and the Gouernour executes him ; I know
he had long serued both in Ireland and Netherlands. Here
hee was a Sargeant of my Companie, and I neuer saw
[#. 108, 131, in Virginia, a more sufficient Souldier, lesse turbulent,
159, 4». 44, a better wjtj more hardy or industrious, nor any more
forward to cut off them that sought to abandon the
Countrie, or wrong the Colonie; how ingratefully those
deserts might bee rewarded, enuied or neglected, or his
farre inferiors preferred to ouer-top him, I know not : but
such occasions might moue a Saint, much more a man, to
an vnaduised passionate impatience, but how euer, it
seemes he hath beene punished for his offences, that was
neuer rewarded for his deserts.
miufn7e[s] And euen tn^s Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three
suppressed, more, bending their course to Ocanahowan, hue daies iourney
from vs, where they report are Spaniards inhabiting. These
were cut off by the Saluages, hired by vs to hunt them home
to receiue their deserts.
So as Sir Thomas Dale hath not beene so tyrannous nor
seuere by the halfe, as there was occasion, and iust cause for
it ; and though the manner was not vsuall, wee were rather
to haue regard to those, whom we would haue terrified and
made fearefull to commit the like offences, than to the
offenders iustly condemned : foramongst them so hardned in
Ed' byjuiySG The gouernment returned to Sir T. Gates. 509
euill, the feare of a cruell painfull and vnusuall death more [1611}
restraines them, than death it selfe. This much I haue pro-
ceeded of his endeuours, vntill the comming of Sir Thomas
Gates, in preparing himselfe to proceed as he intended. [Ill]
Now in England againe, to second this noble Knight,
the Counsell and Companie with all possible expedition
prepared for Sir Thomas Gates six tall ships, with three
hundred men, and one hundred Kine and other Cattell,
with munition and all other manner of prouision that
could be thought needfull ; and about the first or second
of August, 1 61 1. [they] arriued safely at lames towne.
The gouernment returned againe to Sir
Thomas Gates, 161 1.
Hese worthy Knights being met, after their ™fu^°nfd
welcoming salutations, Sir Thomas Dale sir r/iomai
acquainted him what he had done, and
what he intended : which designe Sir Thomas
Gates well approuing, furnished him with three hundred
and fiftie men, such as himselfe made choice of.
In the beginning of September, 1611. hee set saile, and
arriued where hee intended to build his new towne : within
ten or twelue daies he had inuironed it with a pale, and in
honour of our noble Prince Henry, called it Henrico. The
next worke he did, was building at each corner of the
Towne a high commanding Watch-house, a Church, and
Store-houses : which finished, hee began to thinke vpon
conuenient houses for himselfe and men, which, with all
possible speed hee could, he effected, to the great content
of his companie, and all the Colonic
This towne is situated vpon a necke of a plaine rising Thebmid.
land, three parts inuironed with the maine Riuer, the Enrico.
necke of land well impaled, makes it like an He ; it hath
three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church,
and the foundation of a better laid (to bee built of Bricke),
besides Store-houses, Watch-houses, and such like.
Vpon the verge of the Riuer there are fiue houses, wherein
liue the honester sort of people, as Farmers in England,
and they keepe continuall centinell for the townes securitie.
510 The gouernment returned to Lib. 4. [l8^;
Hamor.
une 1614.
[1611] About two miles from the towne, into the Maine, is another
pale, neere two miles in length, from Riuer to Riuer,
guarded with seuerall Commanders, with a good quantitie
of Corne-ground impailed, sufficiently secured to maintaine
more than I suppose will come this three yeeres.
On the other side of the Riuer, for the securitie of the
towne, is intended to be impaled for the securitie of our
Hogs, about two miles and a halfe, by the name of Hope
in Faith, and Coxendale, secured by fiue of our manner of
Forts, which are but Palisadoes, called Charitic Fort,
Mount Malado (a guest house [hospital] for sicke people) a
high seat and wholsome aire, Elisabeth Fort, and Fort
Patience : And here hath Master Whitaker chosen his Par-
sonage, impaled a faire framed Parsonage, and one hundred
acres called Rocke hall, but these are not halfe finished.
Thejwiiding About Christmas following, in this same yeere 1611. in
mmimt. regard of the iniurie done vs by them of Apamatuck, Sir
Thomas Dale, without the losse of any, except some few
Saluages, tooke it and their Come, being but fiue miles by
land from Henrico : and considering how commodious it
might be for vs, resolued to possesse and plant it, and at the
instant called it the new Bermudas ; whereunto hee hath laid
out and annexed to the belonging freedome and corporation
for euer, many miles of Champian and Woodland ground in
seuerall hundreds, as the vpper and nether hundreds, Roch-
dale hundred, West Sherly hundred, and Digs his hundred.
In the nether hundred he first began to plant, for
there is the most Corne-ground, and with a pale of two
miles, cut ouer from Riuer to Riuer, whereby we haue
secured eight English miles in compasse : vpon which
circuit, within halfe a mile of each other, are many faire
houses already built ; besides particular mens houses neere
to the number of fiftie. Rochdale, by a crosse pale welnigh
foure miles long, is also planted with houses along the pale,
in which hundred our Hogs and Cattell haue twentie miles
circuit to graze in securely. The building of the Citie is
referred till our haruest [1612] be in, which he intends
to make a retreat against any forraigne enemie.
About fiftie miles from these is lames towne, vpon a
fertill peninsula, which although [112] formerly scandaled
Ed byjiiys"62t4.j Lib. 4. Sir Thomas Gates. 5 1 1
for an vnhealthfull aire, wee finde it as healthfull as any [1611-12]
other part of the Countrie ; it hath two rowes of houses of
framed timber, and some of them two stories and a garret
higher, three large Store-houses ioined together in length,
and hee hath newly strongly impaled the towne. This
He, and much ground about it, is much inhabited.
VoKecoughtan we accounted it fortie miles, where they Hue
well with halfe that allowance the rest haue from the store,
because of the extraordinarie quantitie of Fish, Fowle and
Deere ; as you may reade at large in the Discoueries of
Captaine Smith. And thus I haue truly related vnto you the
present estate of that small part of Virginia wee frequent
and possesse.
Since there was a ship fraughted with prouision, and 1612-
fortie men ; and another since then with the like number ^SJtk"1"1
and prouision, to stay twelue moneths in the Countrie, with Treasurer-
Captaine Argall, which was sent not long after. After Captaine
hee had recreated and refreshed his Companie, hee was amCLu.
sent to the Riuer Patawomeake, to trade for Corne : the
Saluages about vs hauing small quarter, but friends and
foes as they found aduantage and opportunitie.
But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captaine
Argall, hauing entred into a great acquaintance with
Iapazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smiths, and so to all
our Nation, euer since hee discouered the Countrie: h[e]ard
by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captaine Smiths
Relations intituleth the Numparell of Virginia [pp. 38,
169], and though she had beene many times a preseruer
of him and the whole Colonie, yet till this accident shee was
neuer seene at lames towne since his departure [^Oct. 1609].
Being at Patawomeke, as it seemes, thinking her selfe
vnknowne, was easily by her friend Iapazaws perswaded
to goe abroad with him and his wife to see the ship : for
Captaine Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to
bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, but
keepe her till they could conclude a peace with her father;
the Saluage for this Copper Kettle would haue done any
thing, it seemed by the Relation.
For though she had seene and beene in many ships, yet ^^ktH/ai
hee caused his wife to faine how desirous she was to see was taken
one, that hee offered to beat her for her importunitie, tiH pr,soner•
512 How Pocahontas was taken prisoner. Lib. 4.
[R. Hamor.
18 June 1614.
[1613]
letter of
June 1613
(in Purchas
iv., 1764,
Ed. 1625), it
would
appear that
Pocahontas
was
captured
in the
beginning
of April
1613.]
Seuen
English
returned
from
Powhatan
prisoners.
she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would goe
with her, hee was content : and thus they betraied the poore
innocent Pocahontas aboord, where they were all kindly
feasted in the Cabbin. Iapazaws treading oft on the
Captaines foot, to remember he had done his part ; the
Captaine when he saw his time, perswaded Pocahontas to
the Gun-roome, faining to haue some conference with
Iapazaws, which was onely that she should not perceiue hee
was any way guiltie of her captiuitie : so sending for her
againe, hee told her before her friends, she must goe with
him, and compound peace betwixt her Countrie and vs,
before she euer should see Powhatan ; whereat the old lew
and his wife began to howle and crie as fast as Pocahontas,
that vpon the Captaines faire perswasions, by degrees paci-
fying her selte, and Iapazaws and his wife, with the Kettle and
other toies, went merrily on shore ; and shee to lames towne.
A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his
daughter Pocahontas he loued so dearely, he must ransome
with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, &c. hee trecherously
had stolne.
This vnwelcome newes much troubled Powhatan, because
hee loued both his daughter and our commodities well, yet
it was three moneths after [July 1613] ere hee returned vs
any answer : then by the perswasion of the Councell, he
returned seuen of our men, with each of them an vnseruice-
able Musket, and sent vs word, that when wee would deliuer
his daughter, hee would make vs satisfaction for all iniuries
done vs, and giue vs fiue hundred bushels of Corne, and
for euer be friends with vs.
That he sent, we receiued in part of payment, and
returned him this answer: That his daughter should be
well vsed ; but we could not beleeue the rest of our armes
were either lost or stolne from him, and therefore till hee
sent them, we would keepe his daughter.
This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we
heard no more from him for a [113] long time after : when
with Captaine Argals ship, and some other vessels belong-
ing to the Colonie ; Sir Thomas Dale, with a hundred and
fiftie men well appointed, went vp into his owne Riuer, to
his chiefe habitation, with his daughter.
Ed'bVuiyST624.*] LlB- 4- sir Thomas Gates 513
With many scornfull brauado's they affronted vs, [1613]
proudly demanding Why wee came thither ; our reply
was, Wee had brought his daughter, and to receiue the
ransome for her that was promised, or to haue it perforce.
They nothing dismayed thereat, told vs, We were wel-
come if wee came to fight, for they were prouided for vs :
but aduised vs, if wee loued our Hues to retire ; else they
would vse vs as they had done Captaine Ratcliffe : We [/• cm.]
told them, Wee would presently haue a better answer;
but we were no sooner within shot of the shore than
they let flie their Arrowes among vs in the ship.
Being thus iustly prouoked, wee presently manned our a man she:
Boats, went on shore, burned all their houses, and spoiled forlhead.
all they had we could finde; and so the next day proceeded
higher vp the Riuer, where they demanded Why wee burnt
their houses, and wee, Why they shot at vs : They replyed,
it was some stragling Saluage, with many other excuses,
they intended no hurt, but were our friends : We told
them, Wee came not to hurt them, but visit them as
friends also.
Vpon this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they
dispatched messengers to Powhatan ; whose answer, they
told vs, wee must expect foure and twentie houres ere
the messengers could returne : Then they told vs, our
men were runne away for feare we would hang them,
yet Powhatans men were runne after them ; as for our
Swords and Peeces, they should be brought vs the next
day, which was only but to delay time; for the next
day they came not.
Then we went higher, to a house of Powhatans, called
Matchot, where we saw about foure hundred men well
appointed ; here they dared vs to come on shore, which
wee did ; no shew of feare they made at all, nor offered
to resist our landing, but walking boldly vp and downe
amongst vs, demanded to conferre with our Captaine,
of his comming in that manner, and to haue truce
till they could but once more send to their King to
know his pleasure, which if it were not agreeable to their
expectation, then they would fight with vs, and defend
their owne as they could. Which was but onely to deferre
the time, to carrie away their prouision ; yet wee pro-
33
514 The gouernment returned to Sir T . Gates. Lib. 4. [ R "^^
sonnes come
to see
Pocahontas.
[1613-14] mised them truce till the next day at noone, and then if
they would fight with vs, they should know when we
would begin by our Drums and Trumpets.
Two of Vpon this promise, two of Powhatans sonnes came vnto
Powhatan* vs ^0 see their sister : at whose sight, seeing her well,
though they heard to the contrane, they much reioiced,
promising they would perswade her father to redeeme her,
and for euer be friends with vs. And vpon this, the two
brethren went aboord with vs ; and we sent Master Iohn
Rolfe and Master Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint him
with the businesse : kindly they were entertained, but not
admitted [to] the presence of Powhatan, but they spoke with
Opechancanough, his brother and successor ; hee promised
to doe the best he could to Powhatan, all might be well.
So it being Aprill [1613], and time to prepare our
ground and set our Corne, we returned to lames Towne,
promising the forbearance of their performing their
promise, till the next haruest.
maria e of Long before this, Master Iohn Rolfe, an honest Gentle-
p^lahotuas man, and of good behauiour, had beene in loue with Poca-
/oAn^o/fe. hontas, and she with him : which thing at that instant I
1613 made knowne to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him,
sw Thomas wherein hee intreated his aduice, and she acquainted her
Tourer, brother with it, which resolution Sir Thomas Dale well
approued: the bru[i]te of this mariage came soone to the
knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to him, as
appeared by his sudden consent, for within ten daies he
sent Opachisco, an old Vncle of hers, and two of his sons,
to see the manner of the mariage, and to doe in that
behalfe what they were requested, for the confirmation
thereof, as his deputie ; which was accordingly done about
the first of Aprill [1614]. And euer since wee haue had
friendly trade and commerce, as well with Powhatan
himselfe, as all his subiects. [114]
friendship.
JamaitT Besides this, by the meanes of Powhatan, we became in
league with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias, a
lustie and a daring people, free of themselues. These
people, so soone as they heard of or peace with Pow-
hatan, sent two messengers with presents to Sir Thomas
Articles of
Peace.
^•^juiyT^'.] Lib. 4. The Articles of peace. 515
Dale, and offered them his [him their] seruice, excusing all [1614]
former iniuries, hereafter they would euer be King lames his
subiects, and relinquish the name of Chickahamania, to be
called Tassautessus, as they call vs ; and Sir Thomas Dale
the[i]reGouernour, as the Kings Deputie; onely they desired
to be gouerned by their owne Lawes, which is eight of their
Elders as his substitutes. This offer he kindly accepted,
and appointed the day hee would come to visit them.
When the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and
Captaine Argall with fiftie men well appointed, went to
Chickahamania, where wee found the people expecting our
comming ; they vsed vs kindly, and the next morning sate
in counsell, to conclude their peace vpon these conditions:
First, they should for euer bee called Englishmen, and bee
true subiects to King lames and his Deputies.
Secondly, neither to kill nor detaine any of our men, nor
cattell, but bring them home.
Thirdly, to bee alwaies ready to furnish vs with three hundred
men, against the Spaniards or any.
Fourthly, they shall not enter our townes, but send word they
are new Englishmen.
Fiftly, that euery fighting man, at the beginning of haruest,
shall bring to our store two bushels of Come, for tribute, for
which they shall receiue so many Hatchets.
Lastly, the eight chief e men should see all this performed, or
receiue the punishment themselues : for their diligence they
should haue a red coat, a copper chaine, and King lames his
picture, and be accounted his Noblemen.
All this they concluded with a generall assent, and a
great shout to confirme it : then one of the old men began
an Oration, bending his speech first to the old men, then
to the young, and then to the women and children, to
make them vnderstand how strictly they were to obserue
these conditions, and we would defend them from the
furie of Powhatan, or any enemie whatsoeuer, and furnish
them with Copper, Beads, and Hatchets : but all this was
rather for feare Powhatan and we, being so linked together,
would bring them againe to his subiection ; the which to
preuent, they did rather chuse to be protected by vs, than
tormented by him, whom they held a Tyrant.
And thus wee returned againe to lames towne.
516 TJie government left to Lib. 4. [R ,U*S£
[1613-14] When our people were fed out of the common store, and
SubCTtuf1 laDoured iointly together, glad was he could slip from his
in the labour, or slumber ouer his taske he cared not how, nay,
planters. ^e most honest among them would hardly take so much
true paines in a weeke, as now for themselues they will
doe in a day : neither cared they for the increase, pre-
suming that howsoeuer the haruest prospered, the
generall store must maintaine them, so that wee reaped
not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie, as now
three or foure doe prouide for themselues.
To preuent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath allotted euery
man three Acres of cleare ground, in the nature of Farmes,
except the Bermudas [p. 510] : who are exempted, but for one
moneths seruice in the yeere, which must neither bee in
seed-time, nor haruest; for which doing, no other dutie they
pay yeerely to the store, but two barrels and a halfe of Corne.
Ensigne From all those Farmers (whereof the first was William
fimFanncr Spence, an honest, valiant, and an industrious man, and hath
mvirginia. continued from 1607. to this present [1614]) from those is
expected such a contribution to the store, as wee shall
neither want for our selues, nor to entertaine our sup-
plies ; for the rest, they are to worke eleuen moneths for
the store, and hath one moneth onely allowed them to
get prouision to keepe them for twelue, except two bushels
of Corne they haue out of the store. If those can Hue so,
why should any feare staruing ; and it were much better
to denie them passage that would not, ere they come, bee
content to ingage themselues to those conditions: for
onely from the slothfull and idle [115] drones, and none
else, hath sprung the manifold imputations, Virginia inno-
cently hath vndergone ; and therefore I would deter such
from comming here, that cannot well brooke labour,
except they will vndergoe much punishment and penurie,
if they escape the skuruie : but for the industrious, there
is reward sufficient, and if any thinke there is nothing but
bread, I referre you to his [Smith's] relations that discouered
the Countrie first.
M,bVui|?£;3 LiB- 4- Sir Thomas Dale.
5i7
The gouemment left to Sir Thomas Dale, vpon
Sir Thomas Gates returne for
England.
Ir Thomas Dale vnderstanding there was a plan-
tation of Frenchmen in the north part of Vir-
ginia, about the degrees of 45. sent Captaine
Argall to Port Royall and Sancta Crux; where
finding the Frenchmen abroad dispersed in the Woods, [he]
surprized their Ship and Pinnace, which was but newly come
from France, wherein was much good apparel and other
prouision, which he brought to lames towne : but the men
escaped, and liued among the Saluages of those Countries.
It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my returne to Eng-
land, because I would be able to speake somewhat of my
owne knowledge, to giue mee leaue to visit Powhatan and
his Court : being prouided, I had Thomas Saluage with
mee, for my Interpreter ; with him and two Saluages for
guides, I went from the Bermuda [£.510] in the morning, and
came to Matchot the next night, where the King lay vpon
the Riuer of Pamavnke. His entertainment was strange to
me, the boy he knew well, and told him ; My child, I gaue
you leaue [pp. cii-ciii, 27, 31, 37, 102], being my boy, to goe
see your friends, and these foure yeeres [1610-1614] I haue
not seene you, nor heard of my owne man Namoutack I
sent to England [pp. 31, 102, 124 ; he had been murdered
by another Indian at the Bermuda Islands in 1610, see p. 638],
though many ships since haue beene returned thence.
Hauing done with him, hee began with mee, and
demanded for the chaine of pearle he sent his brother Sir
Thomas Dale at his first arriuall, which was a token betwixt
them, when euer hee should send a messenger from him-
selfe to him, he should weare that chaine about his necke,
since the peace was concluded, otherwaies he was to
binde him and send him home.
It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word,
and gaue his Page order to giue it me, but he forgot
it, and till this present I neuer heard of it, yet I replyed
I did know there was such an order, but that was
when vpon a sudden he should haue occasion to send
[1614]
Captaine
A rgals
voyage to
Port
RoyalL
1614.
Sir Thomax
Smith
Treasurer.
Master
Hamars
Journey to
Powhatan.
5 1 8 William Parkers recouerie Lib. 4. [R-
Hamor.
1615-
[1614] an Englishman without an Indian Guide ; but if his
owne people should conduct his messenger, as two of
his did me who knew my message, it was sufficient ;
with which answer he was contented, and so conducted vs
to his house, where was a guard of two hundred Bow-men
that alwaies attend his person.
The first thing he did, he offered me a pipe of Tobacco,
then asked mee how his brother Sir Thomas Dale did,
and his daughter, and vnknowne sonne, and how they
liued, loued and liked ; I told him his brother was well, and
his daughter so contented, she would not Hue againe with
him ; whereat he laughed, and demanded the cause of my
comming : I told him my message was priuate, and I was
to deliuer it onely to himselfe and Papaschicher, one of my
* guides that was acquainted with it ; instantly he com-
manded all out of the house, but onely his two Queenes,
that alwaies sit by him, and bade me speake on.
misa e to * to^ ^im, Dy my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath
Powhatan sent you two pieces of Copper, hue strings of white
and blue Beads, fiue woodden Combes, ten Fish-
hookes, a paire of Kniues, and that when you would
send for it, hee would giue you a Grind-stone ; all this
pleased him : but then I told him his brother Dale,
hearing of the fame of his youngest daughter, desiring
in any case he would send her by me vnto him, in
testimonie of his loue, as well for that he intended to
marry her, as the desire her sister had to see her,
because being now one people, and hee desirous for
euer to dwell in his Countrie, he conceiued there
could not be a truer assurance of peace and friendship,
than in such a naturall band of an vnited vnion. [116]
I needed not entreat his answer by his oft interrupting
mee in my speech, and presently with much grauitie he
thus replyed.
Powhatan* \ gladly accept your salute of loue and peace, which
while I Hue, I shall exactly keepe ; his pledges thereof
I receiue with no lesse thanks, although they are not
so ample as formerly he had receiued: but for my
daughter, I haue sold her within this few daies to a
great Werowance, for two bushels of Rawrenoke, three
daies iournie from me.
I
Ed byjuiyn?624.] Lib. 4. from among the Saluages. 519
I replyed, I knew his greatnesse in restoring the [1614]
Rawrenoke, might call her againe to gratifie his
brother, and the rather, because she was but twelue
yeeres old, assuring him, besides the band of peace,
hee should haue for her, three times the worth of the
Rawrenoke, in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, &c.
His answer was, he loued his daughter as his life, and
though hee had many children, hee delighted in none so
much as shee, whom if he should not often behold, he
could not possibly Hue, which she liuing with vs he could
not do, hauing resolued vpon no termes to put himselfe
into our hands, or come amongst vs; therefore desired
me to vrge him no further, but returne his brother this
answer: That I desire no former assurance of his friendship
than the promise hee hath made, from me he hath a
pledge, one of my daughters, which so long as she Hues
shall be sufficient, when she dies, he shall haue
another: I hold it not a brotherly part to desire to
bereaue me of my two children at once. Farther, tell
him though hehad no pledge at all, hee need not distrust
any iniurie from me or my people ; there haue beene
too many of his men and mine slaine, and by my occa-
sion there shall neuer be more, (I which haue power to
performe it, haue said it) although I should haue iust
cause, for I am now old, and would gladly end my daies
in peace ; if you offer me iniurie, my countrie is large
enough to goe from you : Thus much I hope will satisfie
my brother. Now because you are wearie, and I
sleepie, wee will thus end.
So commanding vs victuall and lodging, we rested that
night, and the next morning he came to visit vs, and kindly
conducted vs to the best cheere hee had.
William Parker.
Hile I here remained, by chance came an wunam
Englishman, whom there had beene surprized Scoured
three yeeres agoe [1611] at Fort Henry, grown e
so like, both in complexion and habit like a Sal-
uage, I knew him not, but by his tongue : hee desired mee
to procure his libertie, which I intended, and so farre vrged
5 20 [Extracts from letters from Virginia, *jf S3E
1615.
[1614] Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told mee, You
haue one of my daughters, and I am content : but
you cannot see one of your men with mee, but you
must haue him away, or breake friendship ; if you
must needs haue him, you shall goe home without
guides, and if any euill befall you, thanke your selues.
I told him I would, but if I returned not well, hee
must expect a reuenge ; and his brother might haue
iust cause to suspect him.
So in passion he left me till supper, and then gaue me
such as hee had with a cheerefull countenance:
About midnight he awaked vs, and promised in the
morning my returne with Parker ; but I must remember
his brother to send him ten great pieces of Copper, a
Shauing-knife, a Frowe, a Grind-stone, a Net, Fish-hookes,
and such toies ; which lest I should forget, he caused me
[to] write in a table-booke he had; how euer he got it, it was
a faire one, I desired hee would giue it me ; he told me, no,
it did him much good in shewing to strangers, yet in the
morning when we departed, hauing furnished vs well with
prouision, he gaue each of vs a Bucks skin as well dressed
as could be, and sent two more to his sonne and daughter :
And so we returned to lames towne.
Written by Master Ralph Hamor and Iohn Rolph.
Haue read the substance of this relation, in a
Letter written by Sir Thomas Dale, another by
Master W hitakcr y&nd a third by M aster Iohn Rolfe ;
how carefull they were to instruct her in Chris-
tianity, and how capable and desirous shee was thereof,
after she hadbeene some time thus tutored, shee neuerhad
desire to goe to her father, nor could well endure the society
of her owne nation : the true affection she constantly bare her
husband was much, and the strange apparitions and violent
passions he endured for her loue, as he deeply protested,
was wonderful [117], and she openly renounced her countries
idolatry, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptized.
But either the coldnesse of the aduenturers, or the bad
vsage of that was collected, or both, caused this worthy
Knight [Sir Thomas Dale] to write thus.
Ed" byiuiys^4.' Extracts from letters from Virginia.'] 521
Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen [1614]
ingage themselues, and thereby intermedling herein,
haue caused a number of soules transport themselues,
and be transported hither ? Why should they, I say,
relinquish this so glorious an action : for if their ends
be to build God a Church, they ought to perseuere ;
if otherwise, yet their honour ingageth them to be
constant ; howsoeuer they stand affected, here is enough
to content them. These are the things [which] haue
animated me to stay a little season from them, I am
bound in conscience to returne vnto ; leauing all
contenting pleasures and mundall delights, to reside
here with much turmoile, which I will rather doe
than see Gods glory diminished, my King and Country
dishonoured, and these poore soules I haue in charge
reuiued, which would quickly happen if I should
leaue them ; so few I haue with me fit to command
or manage the businesse :
Master Whitaker their Preacher complaineth, and much
museth, that so few of our English Ministers, that
were so hot against the surplice and subscription
come hether, where neither is spoken of. Doe they
not wilfully hide their talents, or keepe themselues at
home, for feare of losing a few pleasures ; be there
not any among them of Moses his minde, and of the
Apostles, that forsooke all to follow Christ, but I
refer them to the Iudge of all hearts, and to the King
that shall reward euery one according to his talent.
From Virginia, Iune 18. 16 14.
The businesse being brought to this perfection, Cap-
taine Argall returned for England, in the latter end of
Iune, 1614. ariuing in England, and bringing this good
tidings to the Councell and company by the assistances of
Sir Thomas Gates, that also had returned from Virginia but
the March before [1614]; it was presently concluded, that to
supply this good successe with all expedition, the standing
Lottery should be drawne with all diligent conueniency,
and that posterity may remember vpon occasion to vse
the like according to the declaration, I thinke it not
amisse to remember thus much.
The Contents of the declaration
of the Lottery published by the
Counsel/.
T is apparent to the world, by how many
former Proclamations, we manifested our
intents, to haue drawn out the great
standing Lottery long before this, which
not falling out as we desired, and others
expected whose monies are aduentured
therein, we thought good therefore for
the auoiding all vniust and sinister con-
structions, to resolue the doubts of all indifferent minded,
in three speciall points for their better satisfaction.
But ere I goe any farther, let vs remember there was a
running Lottery vsed a long time in Saint Pauls Church-
yard, where this stood, that brought into the Treasury
good summes of mony dayly, though the Lot was but small.
Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the
Aduenturers came in so slackly for the yeere past, without
preiudice to the generality ; in losing the blankes and
prises, we were forced to petition to the honourable Lords,
who out of their noble care to further this Plantation,
haue recommended their Letsenters to the Countries,
Cities, and good townes in England, which we hope by
[adjding in their voluntary Aduenturers, will sufficiently
supply vs.
The second for satisfaction to all honest well affected
minds, is, that though this expectation answer not our
hopes, yet wee haue not failed in our Christian care, the
**A?353 Lib. 4. Z^ Zotory. 523
good of that Colony, to whom we haue lately sent two [1616]
sundry supplies, and were they but now supplied with
more hands, wee should soone resolue the diuision of the
Country by Lot, and so lessen the generall charge.
The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our
credits are so farre ingaged [118] to the honourable Lords
and the whole State, for the drawing this great Lottery, (A cxxv.j
which we intend shall be without delay, the 26. of Iune
next [1616], desiring all such as haue vndertaken with bookes
to solicit their friends, that they will not with-hold their
monies till the last moneth be expired, lest we be vn-
willingly forced to proportion a lesse value and number
of our Blankes and Prises which hereafter followeth.
Welcomes.
Crownes.
O him that first shall be drawne out with
a blanke, 100
To the second, 50
To the third, 25
To him that euery day during the drawing of this
Lottery, shall bee first drawne out with a blanke, 10
Prizes. Crownes.
1 Great Prize of 4500
2 Great Prizes, each of 2000
4 Great Prizes, each of 1000
6 Great Prizes, each of 500
10 Prizes, each of 300
20 Prizes, each of 200
100 Prizes, each of 100
200 Prizes, each of 50
400 Prizes, each of 20
1000 Prizes, each of 10
1000 Prizes, each of 8
1000 Prizes, each of 6
4000 Prizes, each of 4
1000 Prizes, each of 3
1000 Prizes, each of 2
524 The Lottery. Lib. 4. [EdbVulys^h4:
Rewards.
Crownes.
*§0 him that shall be last drawne out with
a blanke, 25
To him that putteth in the greatest Lot,
vnder one name, 400
To him that putteth in the second greatest number, 300
To him that putteth in the third greatest number, 200
To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, 100
If diuers be of equall number, their rewards are to be
diuided proportionally.
Addition of new Rewards.
Crownes.
He blanke that shall bee drawne out next
before the great Prize shall haue 25
The blanke that shall be drawne out next
after the said great Prize 25
The blancks that shall be drawne out immediatly
before the two next great Prizes, shall haue each of
them 20
The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall
haue 20
The seuerall blankes next before the foure great
Prizes [of 1000 crowns each], each shall haue 15
The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall
haue 15
The seuerall blankes next before the six great Prizes
[of 500 crowns each], each shall haue 10
The seuerall blankes next after them, each shall
haue 10 [119
The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be payed in
ready Mony, Plate, or other goods reasonably rated ; if
any dislike of the plate or goods, he shall haue mony,
abating only the tenth part, except in small prizes of ten
Crownes or vnder.
The mony for the Aduenturers is to be paied to Sir
Thomas Smith, Knight, and Treasurer for Virginia, or
Bd-byjuiyT625: Arrival of a Spanish skip in Virginia.'] 525
!
such Officers as he shall apoint in City or Country, vnder [1616]
the common seale of the company for the receit thereof.
All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawne where euer
they dwell, shall of the Treasurer haue present pay, and
whosoeuer vnder one name or poesie payeth three pound in
eady money, shall receiue six shillings and eight pence,
or a siluer spoone of that value at his choice.
About this time it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and fh^-n1!;h
againe before point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their Virginia.
boat, as desirous of a Pilot. Captaine lames Dauis the
gouernor, immediatly gaue them one : but he was no
sooner in the boat, but a way they went with him, leauing
three of their companions behind them ; this sudden
accident occasioned some distrust, and a strict examina-
tion of those three thus left, yet with as good vsage as
our estate could afford them. They only confessed, hauing
lost their Admirall, accident had forced them into those
parts; and two of them were Captaines, and in chiefe
authority in the fleet : thus they liued till one of them was
found to be an Englishman, and had been the Spaniards
Pilot for England in [i5]88. and hauing here induced some
male-contents, to beleeue his proiects, to run away with a
small barke, which was [who were] apprehended, some exe-
cuted, and he expecting but the Hangmans curtesie, directly
confessed that two or three Spanish ships was at Sea,
purposely to discouer the estate of the Colony : but their
Commission was not to be opened till they arriued in the
Bay, so that of any thing more he was vtterly ignorant.
One of the Spaniards at last dyed ; the other was sent for
England, but this reprieued, till Sir Thomas Dale hanged
him at Sea in his voyage homeward : the English Pilot
they carried for Spaine, whom after a long time imprison-
ment, with much su[i]te was returned for England.
Whilstthosethingswere effecting, Sir Thomas Dale, hauing 1616.
setled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice s^lfJ/l°max
of one Master George Yearly, to be Deputy-Gouernour in Treasurer.
his absence, and so returned for England; accompanied
with Pocahontas the Kings Daughter, and Master Rolfe her [/As29,s33.l
husband : and arriued at Plimmoth the 12. of June. 1616.
[1616]
A degres-
sion.
The gouernment left to
Captaine Yearly.
Ow a little to commentary vpon all these
proceedings, let me leaue but this as a
caueat by the way ; if the alteration
of gouernment hath subuerted great
Empires, how dangerous is it then in
the infancy of a common-weale ? The
multiplicity of Gouernors is a great
damage to any State ; but vncertaine
daily changes are burdensome, because their entertain-
ments are chargeable, and many will make hay whilst
the sunne doth shine, how euer it shall faire with the
generality.
This deare bought Land with so much bloud and cost,
hath onely made some few rich, and all the rest losers.
But it was intended at the first, the first vndertakers
should be first preferred and rewarded, and the first
aduenturers satisfied, and they of all the rest are the most
neglected ; and those that neuer aduentured a groat,
neuer see the Country, nor euer did any seruice for it,
imploied in their places, adorned with their deserts, and
inriched with their mines : and when they are fed fat,
then in commeth others so leane as they were, who
through their omnipotency doth as much. Thus what
one Officer doth, another vndoth, only ayming at their
owne ends; thinking all the world derides his dignity, [who]
cannot fill his Coffers being in authority with any thing.
Euery man hath his minde free, but he can neuer be a
true member to that estate, that to enrich himselfe beggers
Ed' bYuiySS;:] Lib. 4. The gouernment left to Capt. Yearly. 527
[120J all the Countrie. Which bad cou*ise, there are [1616]
many yet in this noble plantation, whose true honour and
worth as much scornes it, as the others loues it ; for the
Nobilitie and Gentrie, there is scarce any of them expects
my thing but the prosperitie of the action : and there are
some Merchants and others, I am confidently perswaded,
loe take more care and paines, nay, and at their continual!
^reat charge, than they could be hired to for the loue of
loney ; so honestly regarding the generall good of this great
/orke, they would hold it worse than sacrilege, to wrong it
>ut a shilling, or extort vpon the common souldier a penny.
But to the purpose, and to follow the Historic
Master George Yearly now inuested Deputie Gouernour The
>y Sir Thomas Dale, applied himselfe for the most part If "capS
n planting Tobacco, as the most present commoditie they Yearley-
:ould deuise for a present gaine, so that euery man be-
:ooke himselfe to the best place he could for the purpose :
low though Sir Thomas Dale had caused such an abun-
lance of corne to be planted, that euery man had sufficient,
fet the supplies were sent vs, came so vnfurnished, as
quickly eased vs of our superfluitie.
To relieue their necessities, he sent to the Chichahamanias
for the tribute Corne Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Argall
lad conditioned for with them : But such a bad answer
they returned him, that hee drew together one hundred of
lis best shot, with whom he went to Chickahamania ; the
)eople in some places vsed him indifferently, but in most
)laces with much scorne and contempt, telling him he
was but Sir Thomas Dales man, and they had payed his
Master according to condition, but to giue any to him
they had no such order, neither would they obey him as
they had done his Master; after he had told them his
authoritie, and that he had the same power to enforce
:hem that Dale had, they dared him to come on shore to
fight, presuming more of his not daring, than their owne
valours.
Yearly seeing their insolencies, made no great diffi-
cultie to goe on shore at Ozinies, and they as little to
incounter him : but marching from thence towards
Mamanahunt, they put themselues in the same order they
528 Thegouernmentof ^C^. Yearly. Lib. 4. [w*<^l3K£2£
[1616] see vs, lead by their Captaine Kissanacomen, Gouernour of
Ozinies, and so marched close along by vs,each as threatning
other who should first begin. But that night we quartered
against Mamanahunt, and they passed the Riuer.
The next day we followed them ; there are few places
in Virginia had then more plaine ground together,
nor more plentie of Corne, which although it was but
newly gathered, yet they had hid it in the woods where
we could not finde it : a good time we spent thus in
arguing the cause, the Saluages without feare standing
in troupes amongst vs, seeming as if their countenances
had beene sufficient to dafu]nt vs : what other practises they
had I know not ; but to preuent the worst, our Captaine
caused vs all to make ready, and vpon the word, to let
flie among them, where he appointed : others also he
commanded to seize on them they could for prisoners ; all
which being done according to our direction, the Captaine
Twdue gaue the word, and wee presently discharged, where twelue
Sainef" lay, some dead, the rest for life sprawling on the ground,
goners twelue more we tooke prisoners, two whereof were brothers,
taken, and two of their eight Elders, the one tooke by Sergeant
concluded. Boothe, the other by Robert a Polonian.
Neere one hundred bushels of Corne we had for their
ransomes, which was promised the Souldiers for a reward,
but it was not performed : now Opechankanough had agreed
with our Captaine for the subiecting of those people, that
neither hee nor Powhatan could euer bring to their obedi-
ence ; and that he should make no peace with them
without his aduice : in our returne by Ozinies with our
prisoners wee met Opechankanough, who with much adoe,
fained with what paines hee had procured their peace, the
which to requite, they called him the King of Ozinies,
and brought him from all parts many presents of Beads,
Copper, and such trash as they had.
Here as at many other times wee were beholding to Cap-
taine Henry Spilman our Interpreter, a Gentleman [that J had
liued long time in this Countrie, and sometimes a prisoner
among the Saluages [pp. ci-cxiv, 172, 498, 503, 586, 606] ;
and done much good seruice, though but badly rewarded.
From hence we ma relit towards lames towne, we had three
[121] Boats loaded with Corne and other luggage; the one of
Ed- by/uiyT624.] Lib. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. 529
I them being more willing to be at lames towne with the [1616-7]
newes than the other, was ouerset, and eleuen men cast ^"|^en
away with the Boat, Corne and all their prouision. Not-
withstanding this put all the rest of the Saluages in that
feare, especially in regard of the great league we had with
Opechankanough, that we followed our labours quietly, and
in such securitie that diuers saluages of other Nations,
I daily frequented vs with what prouisions they could get,
and would guide our men on hunting, and oft hunt for vs
themselues. Captaine Yearly had a Saluage or two so a bad
well trained vp to their peeces, they were as expert as any £S«,«J2].
of the English, and one hee kept purposely to kill him
fowle. There were diuers others had Saluages in like
manner for their men.
Thus we liued together, as if wee had beene one people,
all the time Captaine Yearley staied with us, but such
grudges and discontents daily increased among our selues,
that vpon the arriuall of Captaine Argall, sent by the
Councell and Companie to bee our Gouernour, Captaine
Yearley returned for England in the yeere 1617.
From the writings of Captaine Nathaniel Powell,
William Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, Edward
Gurganey.
instructions
During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, Pocahontas
daughter to Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master I dim
Rolfe her husband and his friends, [w]as taught to speake
such English as might well bee vnderstood, well instructed
in Christianitie, and was become very formall and ciuill
after our English manner; shee had also by him a childe
which she loued most dearely, and the Treasurer and
Company tooke order both for the maintenance of her and
it, besides there were diuers persons of great ranke and
qualitie had beene very kinde to her ; and before she
arriued at London, Captaine Smith to deserue her former
courtesies, made her qualities knowne to the Queenes
most excellent Maiestie and her Court, and writ a little
booke to this effect to the Queene : An abstract whereof
followeth.
34
To the most high and vertuous
Princesse, Queene Anne of
Great Brittanie.
Most admired Queene,
[1616] t^ggC^^Sf7He loue I beare my God, my King and
1 Countrie, hath so oft emboldened mee
in the worst of extreme dangers, that
now honestie doth constraine mee [toj
presume thus farre beyond my selfe, to
present your Maiestie this short dis-
course : if ingratitude be a deadly poyson
to all honest vertues, I must bee guiltie
of that crime if I should omit any meanes to bee thankfull.
So it is,
That some ten yeeres agoe [i.e., Jan. 1608] being in
Virginia, and taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan
their chiefe King, I receiued from this great Saluage
exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne
Nantaquaus, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest
spirit, I euer saw in a Saluage, and his sister Pocahontas,
the Kings most deare and wel-beloued daughter, being
but a childe of twelue or thirteene yeeres of age
[therefore Smith,in June 161 6, estimated Pocahontas to have
been born in 1595, or 1596; and consequently, in 1616, to
be 21 or zoyears old : but in June 1608, he looked upon her
as a child of 10 years of age (p. 38), or born in 1598; which
would make her only 18 in 16 16. But that she was the
older of these two estimates , is evident from the inscription
A relation
to Queene
Anne, of
Pocahontas.
jinfTe'SG Lib. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. 531
on her picture; which is further confirmed by the text [1616]
at p. 169], whose compassionate pitifull heart, of my
desperate estate, gaue me much cause to respect her : \j>. cxxxvi.]
I being the first Christian this proud King and his
grim attendants euer saw: and thus inthralled in
their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least
occasion of want that was in the power of those my
mortall foes to preuent, notwithstanding al their
threats. After some six weeks [or rather about three
weeks, Smith was altogether away from James town, from
10 Dec. 1607 to 8 Jan. 1608, i.e., four complete weeks
and portions of two others : see pp. lxxxv-vi] fatting
amongst those Saluage Courtiers, at the minute of
my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her
owne braines to saue mine ; and not onely that, but
so preuailed with her father, that I was safely con-
ducted to lames towne : where I found about eight
and thirtie miserable poore and sicke creatures, to
keepe possession of all those large territories of Vir-
ginia ; such was the weaknesse of this poore Common-
wealth, as had the Saluages not fed vs, we directly
had starued. And this reliefe, most gracious
Queene, was commonly brought vs by this [122]
Lady Pocahontas.
Notwithstanding all these passages, when inconstant
Fortune turned our peace to warre, this tender Virgin
would still not spare to dare to visit vs, and by her
our iarres haue beene oft appeased, and our wants
still supplyed ; were it the policie of her father thus
to imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make
her his instrument, or her extraordinarie affection to
our Nation, I know not: but of this I am sure;
when her father with the vtmost of his policie and
power, sought to surprize mee [at Werowocomoco, about
15 Jan. 1609, see pp. 138, 455], hauing but eighteene
with mee, the darke night could not affright her from
comming through the irkesome woods, and with
watered eies gaue me intelligence, with her best
aduice to escape his furie ; which had hee knowne,
hee had surely slaine her.
lames towne with her wild traine she as freely
532 Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. Lib. 4. \j^
Smith,
une 1616.
[1616] frequented, as her fathers habitation ; and during the
time of two or three yeeres [1608-9], sne next vnder
God, was still the instrument to preserue this Colonie
from death, famine and vtter confusion ; which if in
those times, [it] had once beene dissolued, Virginia
might haue line [lain] as it was at our first arriuall to
this day.
Since then, this businesse hauing beene turned and
varied by many accidents from that I left it at [on
4 Oct. 1609, see p. 497]: it is most certaine, after a long
and troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt
her father and our Colonie ; all which time shee was
not heard of.
[/. 5"l About two yeeres after [April 1613] shee her selfe
was taken prisoner, being so detained neere two
yeeres longer, the Colonie by that meanes was
relieued, peace concluded ; and at last reiecting her
[/ Sx4.] barbarous condition, [she] was maried [1 April 1614] to
an English Gentleman, with whom at this present she
is in England ; the first Christian euer of that Nation,
the first Virginian euer spake English, or had a childe
in mariage by an Englishman : a matter surely, if my
meaning bee truly considered and well vnderstood,
worthy a Princes vnderstanding.
Thus, most gracious Lady, I haue related to your
Maiestie, what at your best leasure our approued Histories
will account you at large, and done in the time of your
Maiesties life ; and howeuer this might bee presented you
from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest
heart, as yet I neuer begged any thing of the state, or any :
and it is my want of abilitie and her exceeding desert ;
your birth, meanes and authoritie ; hir birth, vertue, want
and simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to
beseech your Maiestie to take this knowledge of her,
though it be from one so vnworthy to be the reporter, as
my selfe, her husbands estate not being able to make her
fit to attend your Maiestie. The most and least I can doe,
is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my
selfe, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how euer
her stature [Pocahontas was therefore not a tall woman] : if
junfTele.] Lib. 4. Concerning the Princesse Pocahontas. 533
she should not be well receiued, seeing this Kingdome may [1616]
rightly haue a Kingdome by her meanes ; her present loue
to vs and Christianitie might turne to such scorne and
furie, as to diuert all this good to the worst of euill :
where[as] rinding so great a Queene should doe her some
honour more than she can imagine, for being so kinde to
your seruants an subiects, would so rauish her v/ith
content, as endeare her dearest bloud to effect that, your
Maiestie and all the Kings honest subiects most earnestly
desire.
And so I humbly kisse your gracious hands.
Being about this time preparing to set saile for New- Pocahontas
England, I could not stay to doe her that seruice I desired, £»S°
and she well deserued ; but hearing shee was at Branford Sptaine
with diuers of my friends, I went to see her. After a Smith>
modest salutation, without any word, she turned about,
obscured her face, as not seeming well contented ; and in
that humour her husband, with diuers others, we all left
her two or three houres, repenting my selfe to haue writ
she could speake English. But not long after, she began
to talke, and remembred mee well what courtesies shee
had done : saying,
You did promise Powhatan what was yours should
bee his, and he the like to you ; you called him father
being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason
so must I doe you :
which though I would haue excused, -I durst not allow
of that title, because she was a Kings daughter ; with a
well set countenance she said,
Were you not afraid to come into my fathers
Countrie, and caused feare in him and all his people
(but mee), and feare you here I should call you father;
I [123] tell you then I will, and you shall call mee
childe, and so I will bee for euer and euer your
Countrieman. They did tell vs alwaies you were
dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth
[on 12 June 1616, p. 525]; yet Powhatan did command ™J%"^'
Vttamatomakktn to seeke you, and know the truth, ualtionsoT"
because your Countriemen will lie much. havsage.
534 Concerning the Princess Pocahontas. Lib 4. [j
J Smith,
line 1616.
[1616-7] This Saluage, one of Powhatans Councell, being amongst
them held an vnderstanding fellow ; the King purposely
sent him, as they say, to number the people here, and
informe him well what wee were and our state. Arriuing
at Plimoth, according to his directions, he got a long sticke,
whereon by notches hee did thinke to haue kept the num-
ber of all the men hee could see, but he was quickly wearie
of that taske.
Comming to London, where by chance I met him, hauing
renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous to
heare and see his behauiour, hee told me
Powhatan did bid him to finde me out, to shew him
our God, the King, Queene, and Prince, I so much
had told them of.
Concerning God, I told him the best I could, the King
I heard he had seene, and the rest hee should see when
he would ; he denied euer to haue seene the King, till by
circumstances he was satisfied he had : Then he replyed
very sadly,
You gaue Powhatan a white Dog, which Powhatan
fed as himselfe ; but your King gaue me nothing, and
I am better than your white Dog.
Pocahontas
her enter-
tainment
with the
Queene.
The small time I staid in London, diuers Courtiers and
others, my acquaintances, hath gone with mee to see her,
that generally concluded, they did thinke God had a great
hand in her conuersion, and they haue seene many English
Ladies worse fauoured, proportioned, and behauioured ;
and as since I haue heard, it pleased both the King and
Queenes Maiestie honourably to esteeme her, accom-
panied with that honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware,
and that honourable Lord her husband, and diuers other
persons of good qualities, both publikely at the maskes
and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content, which
doubtlesse she would haue deserued, had she liued to
arriue in Virginia,
§8
The gouernment deuolued to iei7.
Captaine Samuel Argall, 1617.
L^||§>f He Treasurer, Councell and Companie, [1617]
hauing well furnished Captaine Samuel |ir T%°mas
A rgall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca, Treasurer,
with her husband and others, in the
good ship called the George ; it pleased
God at Grauesend to take this young The death
Lady to his mercie, where shee made f0££t
not more sorrow for her vnexpected
death, than ioy to the beholders to heare and see her
make so religious and godly an end. Her little childe
Thomas Rolfe therefore was left at Plimoth with Sir Lewis
Stukly, that desired the keeping of it.
Captaine Hamar his vice-Admirall was gone before, but
hee found him at Plimoth. In March they set saile 1617.
and in May he arriued at lames towne, where hee was
kindly entertained by Captaine Yearley and his Companie
in a martiall order, whose right hand file was led by an
Indian. In lames towne he found but fiue or six houses,
the Church downe, the Palizado's broken, the Bridge in
pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled ; the Store-house
they vsed for the Church ; the market-place, and streets,
and all other spare places planted with Tobacco : the
Saluages as frequent in their houses as themselues,
whereby they were become expert in our armes, and had
a great many in their custodie and possession ; the Colonie
dispersed all about, planting Tobacco.
536
The gouernment of
LIB. 4. L J. Rolfe.
[1617-8] Captaine Argall not liking those proceedings, altered
them agreeable to his owne minde, taking the best
order he could for repairing those defects which did
exceedingly trouble vs ; we were constrained euery
yeere to build and repaire our old Cottages, which were
alwaies a decaying in all places of the Countrie : yea,
the very Courts of Guard built by Sir Thomas Daley was
ready to fall, and the Palizado's not sufficient to keepe out
Hogs. Their number of people were about 400. but not
past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage : we found there in
all one hundred twentie eight cattell, and fourescore and
eight Goats, besides innumerable numbers of Swine, and
good [124] plentie of Corne in some places, yet the next
yeere [1618] the Captaine sent out a Frigat and a Pinnace,
that brought vs neere six hundred bushels more, which did
greatly relieue the whole Colonic For from the tenants
wee seldome had aboue foure hundred bushels of rent
Corne to the store, and there was not remaining of the
Companies companie, past foure and fiftie men women
and Children.
This yeere hauing planted our fields, came a great
drought ; and such a cruell storme of haile, which did such
spoile both to the Corne and Tobacco, that wee reaped but
small profit : the Magazine that came in the George, being
fiue moneths in her passage, proued very badly conditioned;
but ere she arriued, we had gathered and made vp our
Tobacco, the best at three shillings the pound, the rest at
eighteene pence.
To supply vs, the Councell and Company with all pos-
sible care and diligence, furnished a good ship of some
two hundred and fiftie tunne, with two hundred people
and the Lord la Ware. They set saile in Aprill [1618], and
tooke their course by the westerne lies, where the Gouer-
nour of the He of Saint Michael receiued the Lord la Ware,
and honourably feasted him, with all the content hee could
giue him.
Going from thence, they were long troubled with con-
trary winds, in which time many of them fell very
sicke ; thirtie died, one of which number was that most
honourable Lord Gouernour the Lord la Ware, whose
most noble and generous disposition is well knowne to
1000. [f 600]
bushels
of Corne
from the
Saluages.
1618.
Sir Thomas
Smith
Treasurer.
The death
of the Lord
la Ware.
EdbyjJuiyST6lS:] LlB- 4- Captaine Samuel Argall. 537
his great cost, had beene most forward in this businesse [1618]
for his Countries good.
Yet this tender state of Virginia was not growne to
that maturitie, to maintaine such state and pleasure
as was fit for such a personage, with so braue and
great attendance : for some small number of aduentrous
Gentlemen to make discoueries, and lie in Garrison
ready vpon any occasion to keepe in feare the inconstant
Saluages, nothing were more requisite ; but to haue more
to wait and play than worke, or more commanders and
officers than industrious labourers was not so necessarie.
For in Virginia, a plaine Souldier that can vse a Pick-axe
and spade, is better than fiue Knights, although they
were Knights that could breake a Lance : for men of great
place, not inured to those incounters, when they finde
things not su ijtable, grow many times so discontented, they
forget themselues, and oft become so carelesse, that a dis-
contented melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and
to others much miserie.
At last they stood in for the coast of New-England; ^EJSIr,
where they met a small Frenchman [i.e., a ship], rich of ^-e
Beuers and other Furres. Though wee had here but Engla,td-
small knowledge of the coast nor countrie ; yet they tooke
such an abundance of Fish and Fowle, and so well
refreshed themselues there with wood and water, as by
the helpe of God thereby, hauing beene at Sea sixteene
weekes [April-August 1618], [they] got to Virginia, who
without this reliefe had beene in great danger to perish.
The French-men made them such a feast, with such an
abundance of varietie of Fish, Fowle and Fruits, as they
all admired, and little expected that wild wildernesse could
affoord such wonderfull abundance of plentie.
In this ship came about two hundred men, but very little
prouision : and the ship called the Treasurer came in againe
not long after with fortie passengers.
The Lord la Wares ship lying in Virginia three moneths
[Aug. — Nov. 1618], wee victualled her with threescore
bushels of Corne, and eight Hogsheads of flesh, besides
other victuall she spent whilest they tarried there : this ship
brought vs aduice that great multitudes were a preparing in
England to bee sent, and relied much vpon that victuall
538 Gouernement of Capt. Samuel Argall. Lib. 4. [sjAR^e.
[1618]
Richard
Killingbeck
and foure
other
murdered
by the
Saluages.
Their
Church and
Store-house.
Far/ax,
three
children
and two
boyes also
murdered.
they should finde here: whereupon our Captaine [Argall}
called a Councell, and writ to the Councell here in England
the estate of the Colonie, and what a great miserie would
insue, if they sent not prouision as well as people ; and what
they did suffer for want of skilfull husbandmen, and meanes
to set their Ploughs on worke : hauing as good ground as
any man can desire, and about fortie Bulls and Oxen; but
they wanted men to bring them to labour, and Irons for the
Ploughs, and harnesse for the Cattell. Some thirtie or fortie
acres wee had sowne with one Plough, but it stood so long
on the ground before it was reaped, it was most[ly] shaken ;
and the rest spoiled with the [125] Cattell and Rats in the
Barne, but no better Corne could bee for the quantitie.
Richard Killingbeck being with the Captaine [Argall] at
Kekoughtan, desired leaue to returne to his wife at Charles
hundred, hee went to lames towne by water, there he got
foure more to goe with him by land, but it proued that he
intended to goe trade with the Indies [Indians] of Chicka-
hamania: where making shewof the great quantitie of trucke
they had, which the Saluages perceiuing, partly for their
trucke, partly for reuenge of some friends they pretended
should haue beene slaine by Captaine Yearley ; one of them
with an English peece shot Killingbeck dead, the other
Saluages assaulted the rest and slew them, stripped them,
and tooke what they had. But fearing this murther would
come to light, and might cause them to suffer for it, would
now proceed to the perfection of villanie ; for presently
they robbed their Machacomocko house of the towne, stole
all the Indian treasure thereout, and fled into the woods,
as other Indians related.
On Sunday following, one Farfax that dwelt a mile from
the towne, going to Church, left his wife and three small
children safe at home, as he thought, and a young youth :
she supposing praier to be done, left the children, and
went to meet her husband ; presently after came three or
foure of those fugitiue Saluages, entred the house, and slew
a boy and three children : and also another youth that stole
out of the Church in praier time, meeting them, was like-
wise murdered.
Of this disaster the Captaine [Argall] sent to Opechan-
Ed. by J. Smith."]
July 1624.J
Lib. 4. A relation from Master I. Rolfe. 539
kanough for satisfaction, but he excused the matter, as
altogether ignorant of it ; at the same time the Saluages
that were robbed were complaining to Opechankanough, and
much feared the English would bee reuenged on them : so
that Opechankanough sent to Captaine Argall, to assure him
the peace should neuer be broken by him, desiring that he
would not reuenge the iniurie of those fugitiues vpon the
innocent people of that towne; which towne he should haue,
and sent him a basket of earth, as possession giuen of it,
and promised, so soone as possibly they could catch these
robbers, to send him their heads for satisfaction, but he
neuer performed it.
Samuel Argall, lohn Rolfe.
[1618]
A relation from Master lohn Rolfe, Iune 15, 161 8.
Oncerning the state of our new Common-wealth,
it is somewhat bettered, for we haue sufficient
to content our selues, though not in such abun-
dance as is vainly reported in England.
Powhatan died this last Aprill [1618], yet the Indians
continue in peace. Itopatin his second brother succeeds
him, and both hee and Opechankanough haue confirmed our
former league.
On the eleuenth of May, about ten of the clocke in the
night, happened a most fearefull tempest, but it continued
not past halfe an houre, which powred downe hailestones
eight or nine inches about, that none durst goe out of their
doores, and though it tore the barke and leaues of the
trees, yet wee finde not they hurt either man or beast ; it
fell onely about lames towne, for but a mile to the East,
and twentie to the West there was no haile at all.
Thus in peace euery man followed his building and
planting without any accidents worthy of note.
Some priuate differences happened betwixt Captaine
Bruster and Captaine Argall, and Captaine Argall and the
Companie here in England ; but of them I am not fully
informed, neither are they here for any vse, and therefore
vnfit to be remembred.
In December [1617] one Captaine Stallings, an old planter
Po-whatam
death.
Haile-
stones
eight inches
about.
54Q
The gouernment of
Lib. 4. [j.
Rolfe.
1618.
[1617-9] in those parts, being imployed by them of the West countrie
for a fishing voyage in New-England, fell foule of a French-
man [i.e., ship] whom hee tooke, leauing his ovvne ship to
returne for England, himselfe with a small companie
remained in the French barke, some small time after vpon
the coast, and thence returned to winter in Virginia. L126]
1619.
JVaras~
koyock
planted.
The gouernment surrendred to Sir George Yearley.
Or to begin with the yeere of our Lord, 1619.
there arriued a little Pinnace priuatly from
England about Easter [Easier Sunday 0. S. was
28 Mar. in 1619] for Captained rga//; who taking
order for his affaires, within foure or flue daies returned in
her, and left for his Deputy, Captaine Nathaniel Powell.
On the eighteenth of Aprill, which was but ten or twelue
daies after, arriued Sir George Yearley, by whom we vnder-
stood Sir Edwin Sand[y]s was chosen Treasurer, and Master
Iohn Farrar his Deputy ; and what great supplies was a
preparing to be sent vs, which did rauish vs so much with
ioy and content, we thought our selues now fully satisfied
for our long toile and labours, and as happy men as any
in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident hapned
Captaine Stallings, [that] the next day his ship was cast
away, and he not long after slaine in a priuate quarrell.
Sir George Yearly to beginne his gouernment, added to
be of his councell, Captaine Francis West, Captaine
Nathaniel Powell, Master Iohn Pory, Master Iohn Rolfe,
and Master William Wick[h]am, and Master Samuel Macocke,
and propounded to haue a generall assembly with all
expedition.
Vpon the twelfth of this Moneth [April 1619], came in a
Pinnace of Captaine Bargraues ; and on the seuenteenth
[April 1619] Captaine Lownes, and one Master Euans, who
intended to plant themselues at Waraskoyack : but now
Ophechankanough will not come at vs, that causes vs
[to] suspect his former promises.
In May [1619J came in the Margaret of Bristoll, with foure
and thirty men, all well and in health ; and also many deuout
gifts : and we were much troubled in examining some scan-
Ed. by J. Smith. "1 T TT> ,
July 1624 J A'IB- 4-
Sir George Yearley.
54i
dalous letters sent into England, to disgrace this Country [1619]
with barrennesse, to discourage the aduenturers, and so
bring it and vs to ruine and confusion. Notwithstanding,
we finde by them of best experience, an industrious man
not other waies imploied, may well tend foure akers of
Corne, and 1000. plants of Tobacco; and where they say an
aker will yeeld but three or foure barrels, we haue ordin- a barren
arily foure or flue, but of new ground six, seuen, and eight, account
and a barrell of Pease and Beanes, which we esteeme as buSeis.
good as two of Corne, which is after thirty or forty bushels
an aker, so that one man may prouide Corne for fiue; and
apparell for two by the profit of his Tobacco. They say also
English Wheat will yeeld but sixteene bushels an aker,
and we haue reaped thirty : besides to manure the Land,
no place hath more white and blew Marble [? marl]tha.n here,
had we but Carpenters to build and make Carts and Ploughs,
and skilfull men that know how to vse them, and traine
vp our cattell to draw them ; which though we indeuour to
effect, yet our want of experience brings but little to per-
fection but planting Tobaco. And yet of that, many are so
couetous to haue much, they make little good; besides
there are so many sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England^
were it neuer so bad, they would sell it for Verinas, and the
trash that remaineth should be Virginia-, such deuilish bad
mindes we know some of our owne Country-men doe beare,
not onely to the businesse, but also to our mother England
her selfe ; could they or durst they as freely defame her.
The 25. of June [1619] came in the Triall with Corne and
Cattell all in safety, which tooke from vs cleerely all feare
of famine ; then our gouernour and councell caused Bur-
gesses to be chosen in all places, and met at a generall Sneof
Assembly, where all matters were debated [that were] Parlament-
thought expedient for the good of the Colony, and Captaine
Ward was sent to Monahigan in new England, to fish in
May, and returned the latter end of May, but to small
purpose, for they wanted Salt. The George also was sent
to New-found-land with the Cape Merchant: there she
bought fish, that defraied her charges, and made a good
voyage in seuen weekes.
About the last of August [1619] came in a dutch man of
warre that sold vs twenty Negars [this was the first intro-
542 A relation from Lib. 4. p'*^;
[1619] duction of Negro slavery into Virginia] : and Iapazous King of
Patawomeck, came to lames towne, to desire two ships to
come trade in his Riuer, for a more plentifull yeere of Come
had not beene in a long time, yet very contagious, and by
the trechery of one Poide, in a manner turned heathen, wee
[127] were very iealous the Saluages would surprize vs.
Foure The Gouernours haue bounded foure Corporations ;
corporations ^j^ js me Companies, the Vniuersity, the Gouernours
and Gleabe land : Ensigne Wil. Spencer, and Thomas Barret
a Sergeant, with some others of the ancient Planters being
set free, weare the first farmers that went forth ; and haue
chosen places to their content : so that now knowing their
owne land, they striue who should exceed in building and
planting.
The fourth of Nouember [1619], the Bona noua came in
with all her people lusty and well ; not long after one
Master Dirmer sent out by some of Plimoth for New-
England, arriued in a Barke of fiue tunnes, and returned
the next Spring.
Notwithstanding the ill rumours of the vnwholsomnesse
of lames towne, the new commers that were planted at old
Paspaheghe, [a] little more then a mile from it, had their
healths better then any in the Country.
captaine In December [1619J, Captaine Ward returned from
wpiou. Patawomeck, the people there dealt falsly with him, so
that hee tooke 800. bushels of Come from them perforce.
Captaine Woddiffe of Bristol came in not long after, with
all his people lusty and in health : and we had two par-
ticular Gouernours sent vs, vnder the titles of Deputies to
the Company, the one to haue charge of the Colledge
Lands, the other of the Companies.
Now you are tovnderstand,that because there haue beene
many complaints against the Gouernors, Captaines, and
Officers in Virginia: for buying and selling men and boies,
or to bee set ouerfrom one to another for a yeerely rent, was
held in England a thing most intolerable ; or that the tenants
or lawfull seruants should be put from their places, or
abridged their Couenants, was so odious, that the very report
thereof brought a great scandall to the generall action.
The Councell in England did send many good and worthy in-
structions for the amending [of] those abuses, and appointed
Ed-by/uiyT<£:] Lib. 4. Master Iohn Rolfe.
543
a hundred men should at the Companies charge be allotted
and prouided to serue and attend the Gouernour during
the time of his gouernment, which number he was to make
good at his departure, and leaue to his Successor in like
lanner; fifty to the Deputy-Gouernour of the College land,
tnd fifty to the Deputy of the Companies land, fifty to the
treasurer, to the Secretary fiue and twenty, and more to^the
larshall and Cape merchant ; which they are also to leaue
to their successors; and likewise to euery particular Officer
such a competency, as he might Hue well in his Office,
without oppressing any vnder their charge : which good
law I pray God it be well obserued, and then we may truly
>ay in Virginia, we are the most happy people in the world.
By me Iohn Rolfe.
[1619]
Here went this yeere by the Companies records, JsiSu«amd
11. ships, and 1216. persons to be thus disposed men.lpsai
on : Tenants for the Gouernors land fourescore,
besides fifty sent the former spring; for the
Companies land a hundred and thirty, for the College a
hundred, for the Glebe land fifty, young women to make
wiues ninety, seruants for publike seruice fifty, and fifty
more whose labours were to bring vp thirty of the infidels
children : the rest were sent to priuate Plantations.
Two persons vnknowne haue giuen faire Plate and Gifts sIuen
Ornaments for two Communion Tables, the one at the
College, the other at the Church of Mistris Mary Robinson,
who towards the foundation gaue two hundred pound.
And another vnknowne person sent to the Treasurer fiue
hundred and fifty pounds, for the bringing vp of the saluage
children in Christianity. Master Nicholas Farrar deceased,
hath by his Will giuen three hundred pounds to the
College, to be paid when there shall be ten young Saluages
placed in it, in the meane time foure and twenty pound
[i.e., the interest on £300 at the then rate of £6 per cent.]
yeerely to bee distributed vnto three discreet and godly
young men in the Colony, to bring vp three wilde young
infidels in some good course of life.
Also there were granted eleuen Pattents, vpon condition to ^J*^
transport people and cattle to increase the Plantations. [128] tEmrnM
A French
man [i.e. , a
French ship\
cast away at
Gunrda-
lupo.
A desperat Sea-fight betwixt two
Spanish men of warre, and a small
English ship, at the He of Dominica^
going to Virginia^ by Captaine
Anthojiy Chester.
I Airing taken our iourney towards Virginia
in the beginning of February, a ship
called the Margaret and Iohn, of one
hundred and sixty tuns, eight Iron Peeces
and a Falcon, with eightie Passengers
besides Sailers ; After many tempests
and foule weather, about the foureteenth
of March [1620] we were in thirteene
degrees and an halfe of Northerly latitude, where we
descried a ship at hull ; it being but a faire gale of wind,
we edged towards her to see what she was, but she
presently set saile, and ran vs quickly out of sight.
This made vs keepe our course for Mettalina, and the
next day passing Dominica, we came to an anchor at
Guardalupo, to take in fresh water. Six French-men there
cast away sixteene moneths agoe [? Nov. 1618] came
aboord vs; they told vs a Spanish man of Warre but
seuen daies before was seeking his consort, and this was
she we descried at hull.
At Metiis we intended to refresh our selues, hauing
beene eleuen weeks [Feb. — April 1620] pestered in this
vnwholsome ship ; but there we found two tall ships with
the Hollanders colours ; but necessitie forcing vs on shore,
we anchored faire by them, and in friendly manner sent to
Ed' byjuiy TeS.'] Lib. 4. A desperat Sea-fight at Dominica. 545
ha[i]le them : but seeing they were Spaniards, retiring to our [1620]
ship, they sent such a volley of shot after vs, that shot the JJ*^ .
Boat, split the Oares, and [shot] some thorow the clothes, begin!*'' *
yet not a man hurt ; and then followed with their great
Ordnance, that many times ouer-racked our ship, which
being so cumbred with the Passengers prouisions, our
Ordnance was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should
haue beene.
But perceiuing what they were, we fitted our selues the
best we could to preuent a mischiefe. Seeing them warp
themselues to windward, we thought it not good to be
boorded on both sides at an anchor; we intended to set The vice-
saile, but that the Vice-Admirall battered so hard our star- ^irsdl
boord side, that we fell to our businesse, and answered ^JJ^J
their vnkindnesse with such faire shot from a Demiculuer- water,
ing, that shot her betweene wind and water, whereby she
was glad to leaue vs and her Admirall together.
Comming faire by our quarter, he tooke in his Holland
flag, and put forth his Spanish colours, and so ha[i]led vs.
We quietly and quickly answered him, both what wee
were, and whither bound ; relating the effect of our Com-
mission, and the cause of our comming thither for water,
and not to annoy any of the King oiSpaines Subiects,nor any.
She commanded vs amaine for the King of Spaine.
We replied with inlarging the particulars what friends
both the Kings our Masters were ; and as we would doe
no wrong, we would take none.
They commanded vs aboord to shew our Commission ;
which we refused, but if they would send their Boat to
vs willingly they should see it. But for answer they made ^*£?nna
two great shot at vs, with a volley of small shot, which fighteir
caused vs to leaue the decks ; then with many ill words
they laid vs aboord, which caused vs to raise our maine
saile, and giue the word to our small shot which lay close
and ready, that paid them in such sort, they quickly retired.
The fight continued halfe an houre, as if we had beene
inuironed with fire and smoke, vntill they discouered the
waste of our ship naked, where they brauely boorded vs
loofe for loofe, hasting with pikes and swords to enter; but
it pleased God so to direct our Captaine, and encourage
our men with valour, that our pikes being formerly placed
35
546 A desperat Sea-fight Lib. 4. ["-^^
[1620] vnder our halfe deck, and certaine shot lying close for that
purpose vnder the Port holes, encountred them so rudely,
that their fury was not onely rebated, but their hastinesse
intercepted, and their whole company beaten backe. Many
of our men were hurt, but I am sure they had two for one.
In the end they were violently repulsed, vntill they were
reinforced to charge [129] againe by their commands, who
standing vpon their honors, thought it a great indignity
to be so affronted, which caused a second charge, and that
answered with a second beating backe : whereat the Cap-
taine grew inraged, and constrained them to come on
againe afresh, which they did so effectually, that question-
lesse it had wrought an alteration, if the God that tosseth
Monarchies, and teareth Mountaines, had not taught vs
to tosse our Pikes with prosperous euents, and powred
out a volley of small shot amongst them, whereby that
Sjtain. valiant Commander was slaine, and many of his Souldiers
turn*. dropped downe likewise on the top of the hatches.
This we saw with our eies, and reioyced with it at our
hearts, so that we might perceiue good successe comming
on, our Captaine presently tooke aduantage of their dis-
comfiture, though with much comiseration of that resolute
Captaine, and not onely plied them againe with our
Ordnance, but had more shot vnder the Pikes, which was
bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with
the suddennesse.
a worthy Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenters Mate, must
ISm. not be forgotten, who perceiuing a way how to annoy
them ; As they were thus puzled and in a confusion, drew
out a Minion vnder the halfe decke, and there bent it
vpon them in such a manner, that when it was fired, the
cases of stones and peeces of Iron fell vpon them so thick,
as cleared the decke, and slew many; and in short time we
saw few assailants, but such as crept from place to place
couertly from the fury of our shot, which now was thicker
than theirs : for although as far as we may commend our
enemies, they had done something worthy of commenda-
tions; yet either wanting men, or being ouertaken with
the vnlooked for valour of our men, they now began to
shrinke, and giue vs leaue to be wanton with our aduantage.
Yet we could onely vse but foure peece of Ordnances,
^'^juiy^l;:] Lib. 4. at the He of Dominica. 547
but they serued the turne as well as all the rest : for [1620]
she was shot so oft betweene wind and water, we saw
they were willing to leaue vs, but by reason she was fast
in the latch of our cable, which in haste of weighing our
anchor hung aloofe, she could not cleare her selfe as she
wrought to doe, till one cut the Cable with an axe, and
was slaine by freeing vs. Hauing beene aboord vs two
houres and an halfe, seeing her selfe cleere, all the shot
wee had, plaied on both sides, which lasted till we were
out of shot ; then we discouered the Vice-Admirall com-
ming to her assistance, who began a farre off to ply vs
with their Ordnances, and put vs in minde we had another
worke in hand. Whereupon we separated the dead and
hurt bodies, and manned the ship with the rest, and were
so well incouraged wee waifed them amaine.
The Admirall stood aloofe off, and the other would not
come within Falcon shot, where she lay battering vs till
shee receiued another paiment from a Demiculuering,
which made her beare with the shore for smooth water
to mend her leakes.
The next morning they both came vp againe with vs,
as if they had determined to deuour vs at once, but
it seemed it was but a brauado, though they forsooke
not our quarter for a time within Musket shot ; yet all the
night onely they kept vs company, but made not a shot.
During which time we had leasure to prouide vs better
than before : but God bethanked they made onely but
a shew of another assault, ere suddenly the Vice-admirall
fell a starne, and the other lay shaking in the wind, and
so they both left vs.
The fight continued six houres, and was the more Theeuent
vnwelcome, because we were so ill prouided, and had no ofthefight
intent to fight, nor giue occasion to disturbe them. As
for the losse of men, if Religion had not taught vs what
by the prouidence of God is brought to passe, yet daily
experience might informe vs, of the dangers of wars,
and perils at sea, by stormes tempests, shipwracks, en-
counters with Pirats, meeting with enemies, crosse winds,
long voiages, vnknowne shores, barbarous Nations, and
an hundred inconueniences, of which humane pollicies
are not capable, nor mens coniectures apprehensiue.
548 A desperat Sea-fight at Dominica. Lib,
4TEd. by J. Smith.
July 1634.
[1620]
t/.5°6.]
We lost Doctor Bohun, a worthy valiant Gentleman, (a
long time brought vp amongst the most learned Surgeons
and Physitions in Netherlands, and this his second iourney
to Virginia :) and seuen slaine out right ; two died shortly
of their wounds; sixteene was shot, whose limbs [130] God
be thanked was recouered without maime, and [they are]
now setled in Virginia.
How many they lost we know not, but we saw a great
many lie on the decks, and their skuppers runne with
bloud. They were about three hundred tunnes apeece,
[and] each [of] sixteene or twentie Brasse-peeces.
Captaine Chester, who in this fight had behaued himselfe
like a most vigilant, resolute, and a couragious souldier,
as also our honest and valiant Master, did still so comfort
and incourage vs by all the meanes they could.
At last, to all our great contents, we arriued in Virginia^
and from thence returned safely to England,
The Names of the Aduenturers
for Virginia^ Alphabetically set downe,
according to a printed Booke, set out by the
Treasurer and Councell in this present
yeere, 1620.
Edward Allen.
Edmund A lien Esquire.
John Allen.
Thomas Allen.
William A tkinson, Esquire.
Richard Ashcroft,
Nicholas Andrews.
Iohn Andrews the elder,
Iohn A ndrews the younger.
lames Ascough.
Giles Allington,
Morris A bbot.
Ambrose Asten.
lames Askew.
Ir William A liffe.
Sir Roger Aston.
Sir Anthony Ashley.
Sir Iohn A kland.
Sir Anthonie Aucher,
Sir Robert Askwith.
Doctor Francis A nthony.
Charles Anthony.
Anthony Abdey.
Iohn Arundell, Esquire,
[1620]
B
Edward, Earle of Bedford,
lames, Lord Bishop of Bathe
and Wells.
Sir Francis Barrington.
Sir Morice Barkley.
Sir Iohn Benet.
Sir Thomas Beamont.
Sir A mias Bamfield,
Sir Iohn Bourcher*
55o
[1620]
The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. 4. [EdbyjJ]ys^.
Sir Edmund Bowyer.
Iohn Baker.
Sir Thomas Bladder,
Iohn Bustoridge.
Sir George Bolles.
Francis Burley.
Sir John Bingley.
William Browne.
Sir Thomas Button.
Robert Barker.
Sir Henry Beddingfield.
Samuel Bumham.
Companie of Barbers - Sur-
Edward Barkley.
geons.
William Bennet.
Companie of Bakers,
Captaine Edward Brewster.
Richard Banister.
Thomas Brocket.
Iohn Bancks.
Iohn Bullock.
Miles Bancks.
George Bache.
Thomas Barber.
Thomas Bayly.
William Bonham.
William Barkley.
lames Bryerley.
George Butler.
William Barners.
Timothie Bathurst.
Anthony Barners, Esquire.
George Burton.
William Brewster.
Thomas Bret.
Richard Brooke.
Captaine Iohn Brough.
Hugh Brooker, Esquire.
Thomas Baker.
A mbrose Brewsey.
Iohn Blunt.
Iohn Brooke.
Thomas Bayly.
Matthew Bromridge.
Richard and Edward Blunt.
Christopher Brooke, Esquire.
Mineon Burrell.
Martin Bond.
Richard Blackmore.
Gabriel Beadle.
William Beck.
Iohn Beadle.
Beniamin Brand.
Dauid Borne.
Iohn Busbridge.
Edward Barnes.
William Burrell.
Iohn Badger.
William Barret.
Edmund Branduell.
Francis Baldwin.
Robert Bowyer, Esquire.
Edward Barber.
Robert Bateman.
Humphrey Basse.
Thomas Britton.
Robert Bell.
Nicholas Benson. [131]
Matthew Bromrick.
Edward Bishop.
Iohn Beaumont.
Peter Burgoney.
George Barkley.
Thomas Burgoney.
Peter Bartle.
Robert Burgoney.
Thomas Bretton.
Christopher Baron.
Iohn Blount.
Peter Benson.
Arthur Bromfeld Esquire.
Ed. by J. Smith."]
July 1624.J
Lib. 4. The names of the Aduenturers.
551
William Berbloke.
Charles Beck.
George, Lord Archbishop of
Canterburie.
William Lord Cranborne,
now Earle of Salisburie.
William, Lord Compton, now
Earle of North-hampton.
William Lord Cauendish,
now Earle of Deuonshire.
Richard, Earle of Clanricard.
Sir William Cauendish now
Lord Cauendish.
Gray, Lord Chandos,
Sir Henry Cary.
Sir George Caluert.
Sir Lionell Cranfield.
Sir Edward Cecill.
Sir Robert Cotten.
Sir Oliuer Cromwell.
Sir Anthony Cope.
Sir Walter Cope.
Sir Edward Carr.
Sir Thomas Conisbie.
Sir George Cary.
Sir Edward Conwey.
Sir Walter Chute.
Sir Edward Culpeper.
Sir Henry Cary, Captaine.
Sir William Crauen.
Sir Walter Couert.
Sir George Coppin.
Sir George Chute.
Sir Thomas Couentry.
Sir Iohn Cutts.
Lady Cary.
Company of Cloth-workers.
Citie of Chichester.
Robert Chamberlaine.
Richard Chamberlaine.
Francis Couill.
William Coyse, Esquire.
A braham Chamberlaine.
Thomas Carpenter.
Anthony Crew.
Richard Cox.
William Crosley.
lames Chatfeild.
Richard Caswell.
Iohn Cornelis.
Randall Carter.
Executors of Randall Carter*
William Canning.
Edward Carue, Esquire.
Thomas Cannon, Esquire.
Richard Champion.
Rawley Crashaw.
Henry Collins.
Henry Cromwell.
Iohn Cooper.
Richard Cooper. [132]
Iohn Casson.
Thomas Colthurst.
Allen Cotten.
Edward Cage.
Abraham Carthwright.
Robert Coppin.
Thomas Cenock.
Iohn Clapham.
Thomas Church.
William Carpenter,
Laurence Campe.
lames Cambell.
Christopher Cletheroe.
Matthew Cooper.
George Chamber.
Captaine Iohn Cooke.
Captaine Thomas Conwey,
Esquire
[1620]
552 The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. 4. [^ byjJiysS£5;
[1620] Edward Culpeper, Esquire.
Master William Crashaw.
Abraham Colmer.
Iohn Culpeper.
Edmund Colbey.
Richard Cooper.
Robert Creswell.
Iohn Cage, Esquire.
Matthew Caue.
William Crowe.
Abraham Carpenter.
Iohn Crowe.
Thomas Cordell.
Richard Connock, Esquire.
William Compton.
William Chester.
Thomas Couel.
Richard Carmarden, Esquire.
William and Paul Canning.
Henry Cromwell, Esquire.
Simon Codrington.
Clement Chichley.
lames Cullemore.
William Cantrell.
Richard Earle of Dorset.
Edward Lord Denny.
Sir Iohn Digbie, now Lord
Digbie.
Sir Iohn Doderidge.
Sir Drew Drewry the elder.
Sir Thomas Dennis.
Sir Robert Drewry.
Sir Iohn Dauers.
Sir Dudley Digs.
Sir Marmaduke Dovrel.
Sir Thomas Dale.
Sir Thomas Denton.
Companie of Drapers.
Thomas Bond, Esquire.
Dauid Bent, Esquire.
Com[p]anie of Dyers.
Towne of Douer.
Master Richard Deane, Al-
derman.
Henry Dawkes.
Edward Dichfield.
William Dunne.
Iohn Dauis.
Matthew Dequester.
Philip Durdent.
Abraham Dawes.
Iohn Dike.
Thomas Draper.
Lancelot Dauis.
Rowley Dawsey.
William Dobson Esquire.
Anthony Dyot, Esquire.
Auery Dranfield.
Roger Dye.
Iohn Downes.
Iohn Drake.
Iohn Delbridge.
Beniamin Decroe.
Thomas Dyke.
Ieffery Duppa.
Daniel Darnelly.
Sara Draper.
Clement and Henry Dawk-
ney.
Thomas, Earle of Exeter.
Sir Thomas Euer field.
Sir Francis Egiock.
Sir Robert Edolph.
Iohn Eldred, Esquire.
William Euans.
Ed. byjf. Smith.-! T T1J
Jilyi624j ^IB*
4. The names of the Aduenturers. 553
Richard, Euans.
Hugh Euans.
Ralph Ewens, Esquire.
Iohn Elkin.
John Elkin.
Robert Euelin.
Nicholas Exton.
Iohn Exton.
George Ether idge.
Sir Moyle Finch.
Sir Henry Fanshaw.
Sir Thomas Freake.
Sir Peter Fretchuile. [133]
Sir William Fleetwood.
Sir Henry Fane.
Company of Fishmongers.
Iohn Fletcher.
Iohn Farmer.
Martin Freeman, Esquire.
Ralph Freeman.
William and Ralph Free-
man.
Michael Fetiplace.
William Fettiplace.
Thomas Forrest.
Edward Fleetwood, Esquire.
William Felgate.
William Field.
Nicholas Ferrar,
Iohn Farrar.
Giles Francis.
Edward Fawcet.
Richard Farrington*
Iohn Francklin.
Richard Frith.
Iohn Feme.
George Farmer.
Thomas Francis.
Iohn Fenner.
Nicholas Fuller, Esquire.
Thomas Foxall.
William Fleet.
Peter Franck, Esquire.
Richard Fishbome.
William Faldoe.
Iohn Fletcher, and Company.
William Ferrars.
Lady Elizabeth Gray.
Sir Iohn Gray.
Sir William Godolfine.
Sir Thomas Gates.
Sir William Gee.
Sir Richard Grobham.
Sir William Gar aw ay.
Sir Francis Goodwin.
Sir George Goring.
Sir Thomas Grantham.
Company of Grocers.
Company of Goldsmiths.
Company of Girdlers.
Iohn Geering.
Iohn Gardiner.
Richard Gardiner*
Iohn Gilbert.
Thomas Graue.
Iohn Gray.
Nicholas Griece.
Richard Goddard.
Thomas Gipps.
Peter Gates.
Thomas Gibbs Esquire,
Laurence Greene.
William Greenwell.
Robert Garset.
Robert Gore.
[1620]
554 The names of the Aduenturers.
TTB i rEd. by J. Smith.
[1620] Thomas Gouge.
Francis Glanuile, Esquire.
H
Henry, Earle of Huntington.
Lord Theophilus H award, L.
Walden.
Sir Iohn Harrington, L.
Harington.
Sir Iohn Hollis, now Lord
Hautein.
Sir Thomas Holecroft.
Sir William Harris.
Sir Thomas Hareflect.
Sir George Haiward.
Sir VVarwicke Heale.
Sir Baptist Hicks.
Sir Iohn Hanham.
Sir Thomas Horwell.
Sir Thomas Hewit.
Sir William Herrick.
Sir Eustace Hart.
Sir Pory Huntley.
Sir Arthur Harris.
Sir Edward Heron.
Sir Perseuall Hart.
Sir Ferdinando Heiborne.
Sir Lawrence Hide.
Master Hugh Hamersley, A U
derman.
Master Richard Heron, Al-
derman,
Richard Humble, Esquire.
Master Richard Hackleuit.
Edward Harrison.
George Holeman.
Robert Hill.
Griffin Hinton,
Iohn Hawkins.
William Hancocke.
Iohn Harper.
George Hawger.
Iohn Holt.
Iohn Huntley.
Ieremy Heiden.
Ralph Hamer.
Ralph Hamer, Iunior.
Iohn Hodgeson.
Iohn Hanford.
Thomas Harris. [134]
Richard Howell.
Thomas Henshaw.
Leonard Harwood.
Tristram Hill.
Francis Haselridge.
Tobias Hinson.
Peter Heightley.
George Hawkenson.
Thomas Hackshaw.
Charles Hawkens.
Iohn Hodgis.
William Holland,
Robert Hartley.
Gregory Herst.
Thomas Hodgis.
William Hodgis.
Roger Harris.
Iohn Harris.
M. Iohn Haiward.
lames Haiward.
Nicholas Hide, Esquire,
Iohn Hare, Esquire.
William Hackwell, Esquire.
Gressam Hoogan.
Humfrey Hanford m
William Haselden.
Nicholas Hooker.
Doctor Anthony Hunion.
Iohn Hodsale.
George Hooker.
Anthony Hinton.
Ed* b5juiy TeSjQ Lib. 4. The names of the Aduenturers. 555
Iohn Hogsell.
Thomas Hampton.
William Hicks.
William Holiland.
Ralph Harison.
Harman Harison.
I
Sir Thomas Iermyn.
Sir Robert Johnson.
Sir Arthur Ingram.
Sir Francis I ones.
Company of Ironmongers.
Company of Inholders.
Company of Imbroyderers.
Bailiffes of Ipswich.
Henry Iackson.
Richard Ironside.
M. Robert Iohnson Alderman.
Thomas I ones.
William Iobson.
Thomas Iohnson.
Thomas Iadwine,
Iohn Iosua.
George Isam.
Philip Iacobson.
Peter Iacobson.
Thomas Iuxson Senior.
lames Iewell.
Gabriel Iaques.
Walter Iobson.
Edward lames.
Zachary Iones, Esquire.
Anthony Irbye, Esquire.
William I-anson.
Humfrey Iobson.
Sir Valentine Knightley.
Sir Robert Killegrew,
Sir Charles Kelke.
Sir Iohn Kaile.
Richard Kirrill.
Iohn Kirrill.
Ra[l]ph King.
Henry Kent.
Towne of Kings lynne.
Iohn Kettleby, Esquire.
Walter Kirkham, Esquire*
Henry Earle of Lincolne.
Robert, L. Lisle, now Earls
of Leicester.
Thomas, Lord Laware.
Sir Francis Leigh.
Sir Richard Lowlace.
Sir William Litton.
Sir Iohn Lewson.
Sir William Lower.
Sir Samuel Leonard.
Sir Samson Leonard.
Company of Lethersellers,
Thomas Laughton.
William Lewson.
Peter Latham.
Peter Van Lore.
Henry Leigh.
Thomas Leuar.
Christofer Landman*
Morris Lewellin.
Edward Lewis.
Edward Lewkin.
Peter Lodge.
Thomas Layer.
Thomas Lawson.
Francis Lodge. [135]
Iohn Langley.
Dauid Loide.
[1620]
556 The names of the Aduenturers. Lib.
., TEd. by J. Smith,
4- L July 16,4.
[16201 John Leuitt.
Thomas Fox and Luke Lodge.
Captaine Richard Linley.
Arnold Lulls.
William Lawrence.
Iohn Landman.
Nicholas Lichfield,
Nicholas Leate.
Gedeon de Laune.
M
Philip Earle of Montgomerie.
Doctor George Mountaine,
now Lord Bishop of
Lincolne.
William Lord Mounteagle,
now Lord Morley.
Sir Thomas Mansell.
Sir Thomas Mildmay.
Sir William Maynard.
Sir Humfrey May.
Sir Peter Manhood,
Sir Iohn Merrick.
Sir George More.
Sir Robert Mansell.
Sir Arthur Mannering,
Sir Dauid Murrey.
Sir Edward Michelborn.
Sir Thomas Middleton.
Sir Robert Miller.
Sir Caualiero Maicott.
Doctor lames Meddus.
Richard Martin, Esquire.
Company of Mercers.
Company of Merchant Taylors.
Otho Mowdite.
Captaine Iohn Martin.
Arthur Mouse.
Adrian More.
Thomas Mountford.
Thomas Morris.
Ralph Moorton.
Francis Mapes.
Richard Maplesden.
lames Monger.
Peter Monsell.
Robert Middleton
Thomas Maile.
Iohn Martin.
Iosias Maude.
Richard Morton.
George Mason.
Thomas Maddock.
Richard Moore.
Nicholas Moone.
Alfonsus van Medkerk.
Captaine Henry Meoles.
Philip Mutes.
Thomas Mayall.
Humfrey Marret.
Iaruis Mundz.
Robert Mildmay.
William Millet.
Richard Morer.
Iohn Miller.
Thomas Martin.
Iohn Middleton.
Francis Middleton.
N
Dudly, Lord North.
Francis, Lord N orris.
Sir Henry Neuill of Bark'
shire.
Thomas Nicols.
Christopher Nicols.
William Nicols.
George Newce.
Ioseph Newberow.
Christopher Newgate
M,byj{iySfe5.'] Lib. 4. The names of the Aduenturers. 557
Thomas Norincott.
Ionathan Nuttall.
Thomas Norton.
William Oxenbridge, Esquire.
Robert Offley.
Francis Oliuer.
William, Earle of Pembroke.
William, Lord Paget.
Iohn, Lord Petre.
George Percy, Esquire,
Sir Christofer Parkins.
Sir Amias Preston.
Sir Nicholas Parker.
Sir William Poole.
Sir Stephen Powell.
Sir Henry Peyton.
Sir lames Perrot.
Sir Iohn Pettus.
Sir Robert Payne.
William Payne.
Iohn Payne.
Edward Parkins.
Edward Parkins his
widow. [136]
Aden Perkins.
Thomas Perkin.
Richard Partridge.
William Palmer.
Miles Palmer.
Robert Parkhurst.
Richard Perciuall, Esquire.
Richard Poyntell.
George Pretty.
George Pit.
Allen Percy.
A braham Peirce.
Edmund Peirce.
Phenice Pet.
Thomas Philips.
Henry Philpot.
Master George Procter.
Robert Penington.
Peter Peate.
Iohn Prat.
William Powell.
Edmund Peashall.
Captaine William Proude.
Henry Price.
Nicholas Pewriffe.
Thomas Pelham.
Richard Piggot.
Iohn Pawlet, Esquire.
Robert Pory.
Richard Paulson.
William Quicke.
[1620]
R
Sir Robert Rich, now Earle
of Warwicke.
Sir Thomas Row.
Sir Henry Rainsford.
Sir William Romney.
Sir Iohn Ratcliffe.
Sir Steuen Ridlesdon.
Sir William Russell.
Master Edward Rotheram,
Alderman.
Robert Rich.
Tedder Roberts.
Henry Robinson.
Iohn Russell.
Richard Rogers.
55»
The names of the Aduenturers. Lib.
A TEd. by J. Smith.
4* L July 1624.
[1620] Arthur Robinson.
Robert Robinson.
Millicent Ramsden.
John Robinson.
George Robins.
Nichalas Rainton.
Henry Rolffe.
Iohn Reignolds.
Elias Roberts.
Henry Reignolds, Esquire.
William Roscarrocke, Esquire.
Humfrey Raymell.
Richard Robins.
Henry, Earle of Southampton.
Thomas, Earle of Suffolke.
Edward Semer, Earle of
Hartford.
Robert, Earle of Salisbury.
Mary, Countesse of Shrews-
bury.
Edmund, Lord Shejfeld.
Robert, Lord Spencer.
Iohn, Lord Stanhope.
Sir Iohn Saint-Iohn.
Sir Thomas Smith.
Sir Iohn Samms.
Sir Iohn Smith.
Sir Edwin Sandys.
Sir Samuel Sandys.
Sir Steuen Some.
Sir Ra[l]ph Shelton.
Sir Thomas Stewkley.
Sir William Saint-Iohn.
Sir William Smith.
Sir Richard Smith.
Sir Martin Stuteuill.
Sir Nicolas Salter.
Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe
Exeter.
Captaine Iohn Smith.
Thomas Sandys, Esquire.
Henry Sandys, Esquire.
George Sandys, Esquire.
Company of Skinners.
Company of Salters.
Company of Stationers.
Iohn Stokley.
Richard S taper.
Robert Singleton.
Thomas Shipton.
Cleophas Smith.
Richard Strongtharm.
Hildebrand Spruson.
Matthew Scriuener.
Othowell Smith.
George Scot.
Hewet S tapers. [137]
lames Swift.
Richard Stratford.
Edmund Smith.
Robert Smith.
Matthias Springham.
Richard Smith.
Edward Smith.
Ionathan Smith.
Humfrey Smith.
Iohn Smith.
George Swinhow.
Ioseph Some.
William Sheckley.
Iohn Southick.
Henry Shelley.
Walter Shelley.
Richard Snarsborow.
George Stone.
Hugh Shepley.
William Strachey.
Vrion Spencer.
oj
Ed' byjuiy 3s£:] ^1B- 4* The names of the Aduenturers. 559
Iohn Scarpe.
Thomas Scott.
William Sharpe.
Steuen Sparrow.
Thomas Stokes.
Richard Shepard.
Henry Spranger.
William Stonnard.
Steuen Sad.
Iohn Stockley.
Thomas Steuens.
Matthew Shepard.
Thomas Sherwell.
William Seabright, Esquire.
Nicholas Sherwell.
Augustine Steward.
Thomas Stile.
Abraham Speckhard.
Edmund Scot.
Francis Smalman.
Gregory Sprint, Esquire.
Thomas Stacey.
William Sandbatch.
Augustine Stuard, Esquire.
Sir William Twisden.
Sir William Throckmorton.
Sir Nicholas Tufton.
Sir Iohn Treuer.
Sir Thomas Tracy.
George Thorpe, Esquire.
Doctor William Turner.
The Trinity house.
Richard Turner,
Iohn Tauerner.
Daniel Tucker.
Charles Towler.
William Tayler.
Leonard Townson.
Richard Tomlins.
Francis Tate, Esquire.
Andrew Troughton.
George Tucker.
Henry Timberlake.
William Tucker.
Lewis Tite.
Robert Thornton.
Sir Horatio Vers.
Sir Walter Vaughan.
Henry Vincent.
Richard Venne.
Christopher Vertue.
Iohn Vassell.
Arthur Venne.
W
Henry Bishop of Worcester.
Francis West, Esquire.
Sir Ralph Winwood.
Sir Iohn Wentworth.
Sir William Waad.
Sir Robert Wroth.
Sir Perciual Willoby.
Sir Charles Wilmott.
Sir Iohn Wats.
Sir Hugh Worrell.
Sir Edward Waterhouse.
Sir Thomas Wilsford.
Sir Richard Williamson.
Sir Iohn Wolstenholm.
Sir Thomas Walsingham.
Sir Thomas Watson.
Sir Thomas Wilson.
Sir Iohn Weld.
Mistris Katharine West, now
Lady Conway.
[1620]
560 The names of the Aduenturers. Lib. 4.
LEd. by J. Smith.
July 1624.
L1620] Iohn Wroth, Esquire.
Captaine Maria Winckfield,
Esquire.
Thomas Webb.
Rice Webb.
Edward Webb.
Sands Webb.
Felix Wilson.
Thomas White.
Richard Wiffen. [138]
William Williamson.
Humfrey Westwood.
Hugh Willeston.
Thomas Wheatley.
William Wattey.
William Webster,
lames White.
Edmund Winne.
Iohn West.
Iohn Wright.
Edward Wooller.
Thomas Walker.
Iohn Wooller.
Iohn Westrow.
Edward Welch.
Nathaniel Waad.
Richard Widowes.
Dauid W ater house , Esquire.
Captaine Owen Winne.
Randall Wetwood.
George Wilmer, Esquire.
Edward Wilkes.
Leonard White.
Andrew Willmer,
Clement Willmer,
George Walker.
William Welbie.
Francis Whistler.
Thomas Wells.
Captaine Thomas Winne.
Iohn Whittingham.
Thomas Wheeler.
William Willet.
Deuereux Woogam.
Iohn Walker.
Thomas Wood.
Iohn Willet.
Nicholas Wheeler,
Thomas Wale.
William Wilston.
Iohn Waller.
William Ward.
William Willeston.
Iohn Water.
Thomas Warr, Esquire,
Dauid Wiffen.
Garret Weston.
Sir George Yeardley, now
Gouernour of Virginia.
William Yong.
Simon Yeomans.
Edward, Lord Zouch,
Iohn Zouch, Esquire,
^^Ip' Hat most generous and most honour- [1620-1]
able Lord, the Earle of Southampton,
being pleased to take vpon him the
title of Treasurer, and Master Iohn
Farrar his Deputy, with such instruc-
tions as were necessary, and admoni-
tions to all Officers to take heede of
extortion, ingrosing commodities, fore-
stalling of markets, especially to haue a vigilant care, the
familiarity of the Saluages liuing amongst them made
them not [a] way to betray or surprize them, for the building
of Guest-houses [hospitals] to relieue the weake in, and that
they did wonder in all this time they had made no dis-
coueries, nor knew no more then the very place whereon
they did inhabit, nor yet could euer see any returne for all
this continuall charge and trouble ; therefore they sent to be
added to the Councell seuen Gentlemen, namely Master
Thorp, Captaine Nuce, Master Tracy, Captaine Middleton,
Captaine Blount, Master Iohn Pountas, and Master Harwood,
with men, munition, and all things thought fitting; but they
write from Virginia, many of the Ships were so pestred
with diseased people, and throngedtogether in their passage,
there was much sicknesse and a great mortality, wherefore
they desired rather a few able sufficient men well prouided,
then great multitudes.
And because there were few accidents of note, but
priuate aduertisements by letters, we will conclude this
yeere, and proceed to the next.
Collected out of the C ounce Is letters for Virginia.
The instructions and aduertisements for this yeere were 1621.
both from England and Virginia, much like the last : only
36 '
562 [Extracts from Letters from Virginia.
Ed. by J. Smith.
July 1624.
[1621]
The Earle
of South-
hampton
Treasurer.
Master
John
Farrar
Deputy.
The elec-
tion of Sir
Francis
Wyat
Gouernour
for Vir-
ginia,
Notes
worthy
obseruation.
A degres-
whereas before they had euer a suspicion of Opechan-
kanough, and all the rest of the Saluages, they had an
eye ouer him more then any ; but now they all write so
confidently of their assured peace with the Saluages, there
is now no more feare nor danger either of their power or
trechery ; so that euery man planteth himselfe where he
pleaseth, and followeth his businesse securely.
But the time of Sir George Yearley being neere expired,
the Councel here [139] made choise of a worthy young
Gentleman Sir Francis Wyat to succeed him, whom they
forthwith furnished and prouided, as they had done his Pre-
decessors, with all the necessary instructions all these times
had acquainted them, for the conuersion of the Saluages ;
the suppressing of planting Tobacco, and planting of Corne ;
not depending continually to be supplied by the Saluages,
but in case of necessity to trade with them, whom long ere
this, it hath beene promised and expected should haue beene
fed and relieued by the English, not the English by them ;
and carefully to redresse all the complaints of the needlesse
mortality of their people : and by all diligence seeke to
send something home to satisfie the Aduenturers, that all
this time had only liued vpon hopes, [and] grew so weary
and discouraged, that it must now be substance that must
maintaine their proceedings, and not letters, excuses and
promises ; seeing they could get so much and such great
estates for themselues, as to spend after the rate of 100.
pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. nay some 2000. or 3000.
pounds yearely, that were not worth so many pence when
they went to Virginia, can scarce containe themselues
either in diet, apparell, gaming, and all manner of such
superfluity, within a lesse compasse than our curious, costly,
and consuming Gallants here in England, which c?nnot
possibly be there supported, but either by oppressing the
Comminalty there, or deceiuingthe generality here (or both).
Extracted out of the C ounce Is Letters for Virginia.
From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there,
and many I haue conferred with, that came from thence
hither; I haue much admired to heare of the incredible
pleasure, profit and plenty this Plantation doth abound
^'^/ni^S] LlB- 4- Master Stockams Relation. 563
in, and yet could neuer heare of any returne but Tobacco : [1621]
but it hath oft amazed me to vnderstand how strangely
the Saluages hath beene taught the vse of our armes, and
imploied in hunting and fowling with our fowling peeces ;
and our men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like
Swine. Besides, that the Saluages that doe little but
continually exercise their bow and arrowes, should dwell
and lie so familiarly amongst our men that practised little
but the Spade ; being so farre asunder, and in such small
parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise of armes vsed,
Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard, nor any preparation
nor prouision to preuent a forraine enemy, much more the
Saluages howsoeuer : for the Saluages vncertaine confor-
mity I doe not wonder; but for their constancy and
conuersion, I am and euer haue beene of the opinion of
Master Ionas Stockam a Minister in Virginia, who euen at
this time, when all things were so prosperous, and the
Saluages at the point of conuersion, against all their
Gouernours and Councels opinions, writ to the Councell
and Company in England to this effect.
May 28 [1621].
E that haue left our natiue country to soiourne fj^SLu
in a strange land, some idle spectators, who relation,
either cowardly dare not, or couetously will not
aduenture either their purses or persons in so
commendable a worke ; others supporting Atlas of this
ilmost vnsupportable burdens as your selues, without
whose assistance this Virginia Firmament (in which
some) and I hope in short time will shine many more
glorious Starres, though there be many Italiannated and
Spaniolized Englishmen enuies our prosperities, and by
all their ignominious scandals they can deuise seekes to
dishearten what they can, those that are willing to further
this glorious enterprize, to such I wish according to the
decree of Darius, that whosoeuer is an enemy to our
peace, and seeketh either by getting monipolicall paten[t]s,
or by forging vniust tales to hinder our welfare, that his
house were pulled downe, and a paire of gallowes made of
the wood, and he hanged on them in the place.
564 Tht gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat. Lib. 4. [Rw;8Ji£iy JSJ:
[1621] As for those lasie seruants, who had rather stand all
day idle, than worke, though but an houre in this Vine-
yard ; and spend their substance riotously, than cast the
superfluity of their wealth into your Treasury : I leaue
them, as they are, to the eternall Iudge of the world.
But you, right worthy, that hath aduentured so freely; I
[140] will not examine, if it were for the glory of God, or
your desire of gaine, which, it maybe, you expect should flow
vnto you with a full tide ; for the conuersion of the Saluages :
I wonder you vse not the meanes, I confesse you say well
to haue them conuerted by faire meanes, but they scorne
to acknowledge it ; as for the gifts bestowed on them they
deuoure them, and so they would the giuers if they could :
and though they haue endeuoured by all the meanes they
could by kindnesse to conuert them, they finde nothing
from them but derision and ridiculous answers.
We haue sent boies amongst them to learne their
Language, but they returne worse than they went ; but I
am no Statesman, nor loue I to meddle with any thing but
my Bookes, but I can finde no probability by this course
to draw them to goodnesse : and I am perswaded if Mars
and Minerua goe hand in hand, they will effect more good
in an houre, then those verball Mercurians in their Hues ;
and till their Priests and Ancients haue their throats cut,
there is no hope to bring them to conuersion.
The gouernment of Sir Francis Wyat.
Bout October [1621] arriued Sir Francis Wyat, with
Master George Sand\y]s [the poet] appointed
Treasurer, Master Dauison Secretary, Doctor Pot
the Physician, and Master Cloyburne the Surgian ;
but much [of the] prouision was very badly conditioned, nay
the Hogs would not eat that Come they brought, which was
a great cause of their sicknesse and mortality ; and what-
soeuer is said against the Virginia Corne, they finde it
doth better nourish than any prouision is sent thither.
The Sailers still they complaine are much to blame for im-
besling the prouisions sent to priuate men, killing of Swino,
and disorderly trucking ; for which some order would be taken.
In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis Wyat
Ed,bVu'i|T<SG LlB- 4- The government of Sir Francis Wyat. 565
not one Passenger died. At his arriuall he sent Master [1621]
Thorpe to Opechancanough, whom hee found much satisfied
with ' his comming, to confirme their leagues as he had
done his Predecessors, and so contented his people should
coinhabit amongst them, and hee found more motions of
Religion in him than could be imagined. Euery man
betaking himselfe to his quarter, it was ordered, that for
euery headthey should plantbut 1000. Plants of Tobacco, and
vpon each plant nine leaues, which will be about 100. weight
[=112 lbs.] ; the Corne being appointed but at two shillings
and six pence the bushell, required such labour, it caused
most men [to] neglect it, and depend vpon trade : where[as]
were it rated at ten shillings the bushell, euery man would
indeuour to haue plenty to sell to the new commers, or any
that wanted ; and seldome any is transported from England,
but it standeth in as much, besides the hazard ; and other
necessaries the Ships might transport of that burden.
The 22. of Nouember [1621] arriued Master Gookin out of %™£*s
Ireland, with fifty men of his owne, and thirty Passengers, Plantation
exceedingly well furnished with all sorts of prouision and
cattle, and planted himselfe at Nupor[f]s-newes : the Cotton
trees in a yeere grew so thicke as ones arme, and so high
as a man : here any thing that is planted doth prosper so
well as in no place better.
For the mortality of the people accuse not the place,
for of the old Planters and the families scarce one of twenty
miscarries, onely the want of necessaries are the occasions
of those diseases.
And so wee will conclude this yeere with the shipping
and numbers sent.
Out of the Councels Letters from Virginia.
This yeere was sent one and twenty saile of Ships that Thenumber
imployed more than 400. sailers and 1300. men, women men.ipsan
and children of diuers faculties, with fourescore cattle ; the
Tiger fell in the Turkes hands, yet safely escaped: and by the
returne of their letters from thence, the company is assured
there can bee no fitter places of Mines, Wood and Water for
Iron than there ; and the French men affirme no Country
is more proper for Vines, Oliues, Sike, Rice and Salt, &c.
of which the next yeere they promise a good quantity. [141J
[1621]
Patents
granted.
GIFTS.
Gifugiu«n. jS^Gl^SSp^He Gentlemen and Mariners that came
in the Roy all lames from the East-Indies,
gaue towards the building of a free
Schoole 70 pound, eight shillings, and
six pence ; and an vnknowne person
to further it, sent thirtie pounds; and
another in like manner hue and twentie
pounds ; another refusing to be made
knowne, gaue fortie shillings yeerely for a Sermon before
the Virginia companie : also another that would not be
knowne, sent for the College at Henrico, many excellent
good religious bookes, worth ten pound, and a most
curious Map of al that coast of America. Master Thomas
Bargaue their Preacher there deceased, gaue a Librarie
valued at one hundred Markes : and the Inhabitants hath
made a contribution of one thousand and hue hundred
pounds, to build a house for the entertaining of strangers.
This yeere [1621] also there was much suing for Patents
for Plantations, who promised to transport such great
multitudes of people : there was much disputing con-
cerning those diuisions, as though the whole land had
beene too little for them : six and twentie obtained their
desires, but as yet not past six hath sent thither a man ;
notwithstanding many of them would haue more, and are
not well contented ; whom I would intreat, and all other
wranglers, to peruse this saying of honest Claudius.
See'st not the world of Natures worke, the fairest well, I wot,
How it, it selfe together ties, as in a true-hues knot.
Nor seest how th' Elements ayre combined, maintaine one
constant plea,
How midst of heauen contents the Sunne, and shore containes
the sea ;
And how the aire both compasseth, and carrieth still earths
frame,
Yet neither pressing burdens it, nor parting leaues the same.
The Obseruations of Master Iohn
Pory Secretarie ^Virginia,
in his trauels.
Auing but ten men meanly prouided,
to plant the Secretaries land on the
Easterne shore neere Acomack (Cap-
taine Wilcocks plantation), the better
to secure and assist each other. Sir
George Yearley intending to visit Smiths
lies, fell so sicke that he could not, so
that he sent me with Estinien Moll a
French-man, to finde a conuenient place to make salt in.
Not long after Namenacus the King of Pawtuxunt, came
to vs to seeke for Thomas Saluage our Interpreter. Thus
insinuating himselfe, he led vs into a thicket, where all
sitting downe, he shewed vs his naked brest ; asking if we
saw any deformitie vpon it, we told him, No ; No more,
said hee, is the inside, but as sincere and pure ; therefore
come freely to my Countrie and welcome : which wee
promised wee would within six weekes after. Hauing
taken a muster of the companies tenants; I went to Smiths
lies, where was our Salt-house : not farre off wee found a
more conuenient place, and so returned to lames towne.
Being furnished the second time, wee arriued at Aquo-
hanock, and conferred with Kiptopeke their King. Passing
Russels He and Onaucoke, we arriued at Pawtuxunt: the
discription of those places, you may reade in Captaine
Smiths discoueries, therefore needlesse to bee writ againe
[pp. no, 119, 348, 413, 424].
But here arriuing at Attoughcomoco the habitation of
Namenacus, and Wamanato his brother, long wee staied not
ere they came aboord vs with a brasse Kettle, as bright
without as within, ful of boyled Oisters. Strict order was
[1621]
My iourney
to the
Easterne
shore.
A good
place to
make salt
The King
of Paw-
t\u\xuntt
entertain*
menu
568 The obseruations of Master Iohn Pory. Lib. 4. [J-*gJ;
U621] giuen none should offend vs, so that the next day I went
with the two Kings a hunting, to discouer what I could in
their confines. Wamanato brought mee first to his house,
where hee shewed mee his wife and children, and many
Corne-fields ; and being two miles within the woods a
hunting, as the younger conducted me forth, so the elder
brought me home, and [142] vsed me as kindly as he
could, after their manner. The next day, he presented me
twelue Beuer skinnes and a Canow, which I requited with
such things to his content, that he promised to keepe
them whilst hee liued, and burie them with him being dead.
Hee much wondered at our Bible, but much more to heare
it was the Law of our God, and the first Chapter of Ge?iesis
expounded of Adam and Eue, and simple mariage; to which
he replyed, hee was like Adam in one thing, for he neuer
had but one wife at once : but he, as all the rest, seemed
more willing of other discourses they better vnderstood.
The next day, the two Kings with their people, came
aboordvs,but brought nothing according to promise; so that
Ensigne Saluage challenged Namenacus [with] the breach of
three promises, w>. not in giuing him a Boy, nor Corne though
they had plentie, nor Moutapass (a fugitiue called Robert
Marcum, that had liued 5. yeeres [1616-1621] amongst those
northerlynations) : which heecunninglyansweredbyexcuses.
Womanato it seemes, was guiltlesse of this falshood,
because hee staied alone when the rest were gone. I asked
him if he desired to bee great and rich ; he answered,
They were things all men aspired vnto : which I told him
he should be, if he would follow my counsell, so he gaue
me two tokens, which being returned by a messenger,
should suffice to make him confident the messenger could
not abuse vs. Some things being stolne from vs, he tooke
such order that they were presently restored, then we
interchanged presents : in all things hee much admired
our discretions, and gaue vs a guide that hee called brother,
to conduct vs vp the Riuer: by the way we met with
diuers that stil tould vs of Marcum : and though it was
in October [162 1], we found the Countrie very hot, and
their Corne gathered before ours at lames towne.
The next day, wewent to Paccamaganant, andtheydirected
vs to Assacomoco, where their King Cassatowap had an old
Ed,byjuiys^4.'] Lib. 4. The trecherie of Namanicus. 569
quarrell with Ensigne Saluage, but now seeming reconciled, [1621
went with vs, with another Werowance, towards Mattapa- ™*herie
nient, where they perswaded vs ashore vpon the point of a otNammu
thicket ; but supposing it some trecherie, we returned to our cut'
boat : farre we had not gone from the shore, but a multitude
of Saluages sallied out of the wood, with all the ill words
and signes of hostilitie they could. When wee saw plainly
their bad intent, wee set the two Werowances at libertie,that
all this while had line [lain] in the Cabbin, as not taking
any notice of their villanie, because we would conuert
them by courtesie. Leauing them as we found them, very
ciuill and subtill ; wee returned the same way wee came
to the laughing Kings on the Easterne shore, who told vs
plainly, Namanicus would also haue allured him into his
Countrie, vnder colour of trade, to cut his throat. Hee
told vs also Opechancanough had imployed Onianimo to kill
Saluage ; because he brought the trade from him to the
Easterne shore, and some disgrace hee had done his sonne
and some thirteene of his people before one hundred of
those Easterlings [Indians on the eastern shore of Chesapeake
Bay], in rescuing Thomas Graues whom they would haue
slaine : where hee and three more did challenge the thirteene
Pamavnkes to fight, but they durst not ; so that all those
Easterlings so derided them, that they came there no more.
This Thomas Saluage, it is sixteene yeeres[Y.£., 1608-1624] JJ^'"
since he went to Virginia, being a boy [He arrived with good
Captain Newport on 8 Jan. 1608, see pp. 100, 102, 108], hee sermce"
was left with Powhatan for Namontacke, to learne the [>-ptO
language : and as this Author [J. Pory] affirmeth, with
much honestie and good successe hath serued the publike
without any publike recompence, yet had an arrow shot
through his body in their seruice.
This laughing King at Accomack, tels vs the land is not
two daies iourny ouer in the broadest place, but in some
places a man may goe in halfe a day, betwixt the Bay
and the maine Ocean, where inhabit many people ; so that
by the narrownesse of the Land there is not many Deere,
but most abundance of Fish and Fowle. Kiptop[ek]e his
brother rules as his Lieutenant, who seeing his younger
brother more affected by the people than himselfe, freely
5 jo Captaine Each sent to build a Fort. Lib. 4. [J- fgj*
r1621-2] resigned him the moitie of his Countrie, applying himselfe
onely to husbandry and hunting, yet nothing neglected in
his degree ; nor is hee carelesse of any thing concernes
the state, but as a vigilant and faithfull Counceller, as
hee is an affectionated [143] Brother, bearing the greater
burden in gouernment, though the lesser honour: where
cleane contrary they on the Westerne shore, the younger
beares the charge, and the elder the dignitie. Those are the
best husbands [providers] of any Saluages we know: for they
prouide Corne to serue them all the yeare, yet spare ; and
the other not for halfe the yeare, yet want. They are the
most ciuill and tractable people we haue met with; and by
little sticks will keepe as iust an account of their promises,
as by a tally. In their manages they obserue a large
distance, as well in affinitie as consanguinitie ; nor doe
[//• 77. 373] they vse that deuilish custome in making black Boyes.
There may be on this shore about two thousand people :
they on the West would inuade them, but that they
want Boats to crosse the Bay ; and so would diuers other
Nations, were they not protected by vs. A few of the
Westerly Runnagados had conspired against the laughing
King: but fearing their treason was discouered, fled to
Smiths lies, where they made a massacre of Deere and
Hogges ; and thence to Rickakfke, betwixt Cissapeack and
Nanscwiund, where they now are seated vnder the command
of Itoyatin.
• And so I returned to lames Towne, where I found the
gouernment rendred [Oct. 1621] to Sir Francis Wyat.
In February [1622] also he trauelled to the South Riuer
Chawonock, some sixtie miles ouer land ; which he found to be
a very fruitfull and pleasant Country, yeelding two haruests
in a yeare, and found much of the Silke grasse formerly
spoken of, was kindly vsed by the people, and so returned.
Captaine Each sent to build a Fort to secure
the Countrey.
T was no small content to all the Aduenturers
to heare of the safe ariuall of all those ships
and companies, which was thought sufficient to
haue made a Plantation of themselues : and
ld,byj£iy?624.] Lib. 4. Captaine Each sent to build a Fort. 571
againe to second them, was sent Captaine Each in the [1622]
Abigale, a ship of three or foure hundred tunnes, who hath gjrJJJr
vndertaken to make a Block-house amongst the Oyster
banks, that shall secure the Riuer. The furnishing him
with Instruments, cost three hundred pounds ; but the
whole charge and the ships returne, will be neere two
thousand pounds. In her went Captaine Barwicke with
fiue and twentie men for the building ships and Boats, Fiueand
and not other waies to be imploied : and also a selected onfyto sem
number to build the East Indie Schoole, but as yet from and^ats*
Virginia little returnes but priuate mens Tobacco, and
faire promises of plentie of Iron, Silke, Wine, and many
other good and rich commodities, besides the speedy
conuersion of the Saluages, that at first were much dis-
couraged from liuing amongst them, when they were
debarred the vse of their peeces ; therefore it was disputed
as a matter of State, whether such as would Hue amongst
them should vse them or not, as a bait to allure them ; or
at least such as should bee called to the knowledge of
Christ.
But because it was a great trouble for all causes to
be brought to lames Towne for a triall, Courts were
appointed in conuenient places to releeue them : but as
they can make no Lawes in Virginia till they be ratified
here ; so they thinke it but reason, none should bee inacted
here without their consents, because they onely feele them,
and must Hue vnder them.
Still they complaine for want of Corne, but what must
be had by Trade, and how vnwilling any Officer when he
leaueth his place, is to make good his number of men to
his Successor, but many of them during their times to
help themselues, vndoes the Company : for the seruants
you allow them, or such as they hire, they plant on their
priuate Lands, not vpon that belongeth to their office,
which crop alwaies exceeds yours, besides those which
are your tenants to halfes, are forced to row them vp and
downe, whereby both you and they lose more then halfe.
Nor are those officers the ablest or best deseruing, but
make their experience vpon the companies cost, and your
land lies vnmanured to any purpose, and will yeeld as
little profit to your next new officers. [144]
[1622]
The death
oiNem ...
tanoiu,
writ by
Master
Wimp.
The massacre vpon the two and
twentieth of March [1622].
y He Prologue to this Tragedy, is sup-
posed was occasioned by Nemattanow,
otherwise called lack of the Feather,
because hee commonly was most
strangely adorned with them ; and for
his courage and policy, was accounted
amongst the Saluages their chiefe
Captaine, and immortall from any hurt
could bee done him by theEnglish. This Captaine comming
to one Morgans house [in March 1622], knowing he had many
commodities that hee desired, perswaded Morgan togoe with
him to Pamau[n]ke to trucke, but the Saluage murdered him
by the way ; and after two or three daies returned againe to
Morgans house, where he found two youths his Seruants,
who asked for their Master : lack replied directly he was
dead ; the Boyes suspecting as it was, by seeing him
weare his Cap, would haue had him to Master Thorp :
But lack so moued their patience, they shot him ; so he
fell to the ground, [they] put him in a Boat to haue him
before the Gouernor, then seuen or eight miles from them.
But by the way lack finding the pangs of death vpon him,
desired of the Boyes two things : the one was, that they
would not make it knowne hee was slaine with a bullet ;
the other, to bury him amongst the English.
At the losse of this Saluage, Opechankanough much
grieued and repined, with great threats of reuenge ; but
the English returned him such terrible answers, that he
cunningly dissembled his intent, with the greatest signes
Ed.byj.smith.-j LlB# 4> A relation of the massacre. 573
he could of loue and peace: yet within fourteene daies [1622]
after he acted what followeth.
Sir Francis Wyat at his arriuall [Oct. 1621] was aduer- ^urityJ
tised, he found the Countrey setled in such a firme peace, ^^
as most men there thought sure and vnuiolable, not onely
in regard of their promises, but of a necessitie. The poore
weake Saluages being euery way bettered by vs, and
safely sheltred and defended, whereby wee might freely
follow our businesse : and such was the conceit of this
conceited peace, as that there was seldome or neuer a
sword, and seldomer a peece [used], except for a Deere or
Fowle; by which assurances the most plantations were
placed straglingly and scatteringly, as a choice veine of
rich ground inuited them, and further from neighbours the
better. Their houses [were] generally open to the Saluages,
who were alwaies friendly fed at their tables, and lodged in
their bed-chambers; which made the way plaine to effect their
intents, and the conuersionof the Saluages as they supposed.
Hauing occasion to send to Opechankanough about the
middle of March, hee vsed the Messenger well, and told
him he held the peace so firme, the sky should fall or he
dissolued it ; yet such was the treachery of those people,
when they had contriued our destruction, euen but two
daies before the massacre, they guided our men with
much kindnesse thorow the woods, and one Browne that
liued among them to learne the language, they sent home
to his Master. Yea, they borrowed our Boats to transport
themselues ouer the Riuer, to consult on the deuillish
murder that insued, and of our vtter extirpation, which
God of his mercy (by the meanes of one of themselues
conuerted to Christianitie) preuented ; and as well on
the Friday morning that fatall day, being the two and The manna
twentieth of March [1622], as also in the euening before,
as at other times they came vnarmed into our houses, with
Deere, Turkies, Fish, Fruits, and other prouisions to sell
vs : yea in some places sat downe at breakfast with our
people, whom immediatly with their owne tooles they
slew most barbarously, not sparing either age or sex,
man woman or childe ; so sudden in their execution, that
massacre.
574 A relation of the massacre. Lib. 4. [ ?
[1622] few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought
them to destruction. In which manner also they slew
many of our people at seuerall works in the fields, well
knowing in what places and quarters each of our men
were, in regard of their familiaritie with vs, for the effecting
that great master-peece of worke their conuersion : and by
this meanes fell that fatall morning vnder the bloudy and
barbarous hands of that perfidious [145] and inhumane
people, three hundred forty seuen men, women and children ;
most[l]y by their owne weapons; and not being content with
their Hues, they fell againe vpon the dead bodies, making as
well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and
mangling their dead carkases into many peeces,and carrying
some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph.
Their Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the
crudty. rest wejj knowne vnt0 them, from whom they had daily
receiued many benefits; but spightfully also massacred
them without any remorse or pitie : being in this more
fell then Lions and Dragons, as Histories record, which
haue preserued their Benefactors ; such is the force of
good deeds, though done to cruell beasts, to take humanitie
vpon them, but these miscreants put on a more vnnaturall
brutishnesse then beasts, as by those instances may appeare.
?M«urdcr That worthy religious Gentleman Master George Thorp,
TActf'* Deputie to the College lands, sometimes one of his Ma-
iesties Pensioners, and in command one of the principall
in Virginia; did so truly effect [affect] their conuersion, that
whosoeuer vnder him did them the least displeasure, were
punished seuerely. He thought nothing too deare for
them, he neuer denied them any thing ; in so much that
when they complained that our Mastiues did feare them,
he to content them in all things, caused some of them to
be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure of the
owners, and would haue had all the rest guelt to make
them the milder, might he haue had his will. The King
dwelling but in a Cottage, he built him a faire house after
the English fashion : in which he tooke such pleasure,
especially in the locke and key, which he so admired,
as locking and vnlocking his doore a hundred times a day,
he thought no deuice in the world comparable to it.
Ed. by J. Smith. 1
1622.J
Lib. 4. A relation of the massacre.
575
Thus insinuating himselfe into this Kings fauour for his
religious purpose, he conferred oft with him about Re-
ligion, as many other in this former Discourse had done :
and this Pagan confessed to him (as he did to them) our
God was better then theirs, and seemed to be much
pleased with that Discourse, and of his company, and to
requite all those courtesies ; yet this viperous brood did,
as the sequell shewed, not onely murder him, but with
such spight and scorne abused his dead corps as is vn-
fitting to be heard with ciuill eares. One thing I cannot
omit, that when this good Gentleman vpon his fatall
houre, was warned by his man, who perceiuing some
treachery intended by those hell-hounds, to looke to him-
selfe, and withall ran away for feare he should be appre-
hended, and so saued his owne life ; yet his Master out of
his good meaning was so void of suspition and full of con-
fidence, they had slaine him, or he could or would beleeue
they would hurt him.
[1622]
Captaine Nathaniel Powell one of the first Planters, a
valiant Souldier, and not any in the Countrey better
knowne amongst them; yet such was the error of an ouer-
conceited power and prosperitie, and their simplicities,
they not onely slew him and his family, but butcher-like
hagled their bodies, and cut off his head, to expresse their
vttermost height of cruelty.
Another of the old company of Captaine Smithy called
Nathaniel Causie, being cruelly wounded, and the Saluages
about him, with an axe did cleaue one of their heads, whereby
the rest fled and he escaped : for they hurt not any that did
either fight or stand vpon their guard. In one place, where
there was but two men that had warning of it, [they]
defended the house against sixty or more that assaulted it.
Master Baldwine at Warraskoyack, his wife being so
wounded, she lay for dead ; yet by his oft discharging of his
peece, [he] saued her, his house, himselfe, and diuers others.
At the same time they came to one Master H arisons house,
neere halfe a mile from Baldwines, where was Master
Thomas Hamer with six men, and eighteene or nineteene
women and children. Here the Saluages with many presents
and faire perswasions, fained they came for Captaine Ralfe
The
slaughter of
Captaine
Powell.
[>. 885.]
A Saluage
slaine.
Master
Baldwines
escape.
Master
Thomas
Hamer
with 33
escapeth.
576 A relation of the massacre. Lib. 4. [ t
[1622] Earner to go to their King, then hunting in the woods :
presently they sent to him, but he not comming as they
expected, [they] set fire of a Tobacco-house, and then came
to tell them in the dwelling house of it to quench it ; all the
men ran towards it but Master Hamer, not suspecting any
thing, whom [146] the Saluages pursued, [and] shot them
full of arrowes, then beat out their braines. Hamer hauing
finished a letter hee was a writing, followed after to see
what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in
his back, which caused him returne and barricado vp the
doores, whereupon the Saluages set fire on the house.
Harisons Boy finding hisMasters peece loaded, discharged
it at randome, at which bare report the Saluages all fled,
Baldwin still discharging his peece, and Master Hamer
with two and twentie persons thereby got to his house,
leauing their owne burning. In like manner, they had
fired Lieutenant Basse his house, with all the rest there
about, slaine the people, and so left that Plantation.
Captaine Captaine Hamer all this while not knowing any thing,
Hamer comming to his Brother that had sent for him to go hunt
SS/Sir witn tne King, meeting the Saluages chasing some, [who]
yet escaped, retired to his new house then a building,
from whence he came ; there onely with spades, axes, and
brickbats, he defended himselfe and his Company till the
Saluages departed.
Not long after, the Master from the ship had sent
six Musketiers, with which he recouered their Merchants
store-house, where he armed ten more ; and so with thirtie
more vnarmed workmen, found his Brother and the rest
at Baldwins.
Now seeing all they had was burnt and consumed, they
repaired to lames Towne with their best expedition ; yet
not far from Martins hundred, where seuenty three were
slaine, was a little house and a small family, that heard
not of any of this till two daies after.
All those, and many others whom they haue as mali-
ciously murdered, sought the good of those poore brutes,
that thus despising Gods mercies, must needs now as mis-
creants be corrected by Iustice : to which leauing them,
I will knit together the thred of this discourse.
Ed. by j. smith. j Lib. 4. A relation of the massacre. 577
At the time of the massacre, there were three or foure ships [1622J
in lames Riuer, and one in the next; and daily more to come Jhe
in, as there did within foureteene daies after; one of which auempuo
they indeuoured to haue surprised : yet were the hearts of shiJT***
the English euer stupid, and auerted from beleeuing any
thing might weaken their hopes, to win them by kinde
vsage to Christianitie.
But diuers write from thence, that Almighty God hath
his great worke in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw
honor and glory to his name, and a more flourishing estate
and safetie to themselues, and with more speed to conuert
the Saluage children to himselfe, since he so miraculously
hath preserued the English ; there being yet, God be
praised, eleuen parts of twelue [*'.£., 347 X 11=3817] re-
maining, whose carelesse neglect of their owne safeties,
seemes to haue beene the greatest cause of their destruc-
tions : yet you see, God by a conuerted Saluage that
disclosed the plot, saued the rest, and the Pinnace then in
Pamavnkes Riuer, whereof (say they) though our sinnes made
vs vnworthy of so glorious a conuersion, yet his infinite
wisdome can neuerthelesse bring it to passe, and in good
time, by such meanes as we thinke most vnlikely: for in the
deliuery of them that suruiue, no mans particular carefulnesse
saued one person, but the meere goodnesse of God him-
selfe, freely and miraculously preseruing whom he pleased.
The Letters of Master George Sand[y]s, a worthy Gentle-
man, and many others besides them returned, brought vs
this vnwelcome newes, that hath beene heard at large in
publike Court, that the Indians and they liued as one
Nation : yet by a generall combination in one day plotted
to subuert the whole Colony, and at one instant, though
our seuerall Plantations were one hundred and fortie
miles vp on [the] Riuer on both sides.
But for the better vnderstanding of all things, you must
remember these wilde naked natiues Hue not in great
numbers together; but dispersed, commonly in thirtie,
fortie, fiftie, or sixtie in a company. Some places haue
two hundred, few places more, but many lesse ; yet they
had all warning giuen them one from another in all their
habitations, though farre asunder, to meet at the day and
houre appointed for our destruction at al our seueraJ
37
578
How Pace discouered the massacre. Lib. 4. [ ?
[1622]
Six of the
Councell
How it was
rouealed.
l>. 567O
Memoran-
Plantations ; some directed to one place, some to another,
all to be done at the time appointed, which they did
accordingly. Some entring their houses vnder colour of
trading, so tooke their [147] aduantage ; others drawing
vs abroad vnder faire pretences; and the rest suddenly
falling vpon those that were at their labours.
Six of the counsell suffered vnder this treason, and the
slaughter had beene vniuersall, if God had not put it into
the heart of an Indian, who lying in the house of one Pace,
was vrged by another Indian his Brother, that lay with
him the night before, to kill Pace, as he should doe Perry
which was his friend, being so commanded from their
King : telling him also how the next day the execution
should be finished. Perrys Indian presently arose and
reueales it to Pace, that vsed him as his sonne ; and thus
them that escaped was saued by this one conuerted Infidell.
And though three hundred fortie seuen were slaine, yet
thousands of ours were by the meanes of this alone thus
preserued; for which Gods name be praised for euer and euer.
Pace vpon this, securing his house, before day rowed to
lames Towne, and told the Gouernor of it, whereby they
were preuented, and at such other Plantations as possibly
intelligence could be giuen : and where they saw vs vpon
our guard, at the sight of a peece they ranne away ; but the
rest were most[ly] slaine, their houses burnt, such Armes
and Munition as they found they tooke away, and some
cattell also they destroied.
Since, wee finde Opechankanough the last yeare [162 1]
had practised with a King on the Easterne shore, to
furnish him with a kind of poison, which onely growes in
his Country to poison vs. But of this bloudy acte neuer
griefe and shame possessed any people more then themselues,
to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people,
who dare not stand the presenting of a staffe in manner 01
a peece, nor an vncharged peece in the hands of a woman.
(But I must tell those Authors, though some might be
thus cowardly, there were many of them had better spirits.)
Thus haue you heard the particulars of this massacre,
which in those respects some say will be good for the
Plantation, because now we haue iust cause to destroy
JSi622:] The manner how the Spaniard gets his wealth. 579
them by all meanes possible : but I thinke it had beene [1622]
much better it had neuer happened, for they haue giuen
/s an hundred times as iust occasions long agoe to subiect
them, (and I wonder I can heare of none but Master
Stockam and Master Whitaker of my opinion.) Moreouer,
where before we were troubled in cleering the ground of
great Timber, which was to them of small vse : now we
may take their owne plaine fields and Habitations, which
are the pleasantest places in the Countrey. Besides, the
Deere, Turkies, and other Beasts and Fowles will exceed-
ingly increase if we beat the Saluages out of the Countrey:
for at all times of the yeare they neuer spare Male nor
Female, old nor young, egges nor birds, fat nor leane, in
season or out of season ; with them all is one. The like
they did in our Swine and Goats, for they haue vsed to
kill eight in tenne more then we, or else the wood would
most plentifully abound with victuall ; besides it is more
easie to ciuilize them by conquest then faire meanes ; for
the one may be made at once, but their ciuilizing will
require a long time and much industry.
The manner how to suppresse them is so often related
and approued, I omit it here : And you haue twenty
examples of the Spaniards how they got the West-Indies,
and forced the treacherous and rebellious Infidels to doe
all manner of drudgery worke and slauery for them, them-
selues liuing like Souldiers vpon the fruits of their labours.
This will make vs more circumspect, and be an example
to posteritie : (But I say, this might as well haue beene §JgJBB
put in practise sixteene yeares agoe [1606] as now [1622J.)
Thus vpon this Anuill shall wee now beat our selues an
Armour of proofe hereafter to defend vs against such
incursions, and euer hereafter make vs more circumspect :
but to helpe to repaire this losse, besides his Maiesties
bounty in Armes [that] he gaue the Company out of the His
Tower, and diuers other Honorable persons haue renewed gift!"
their aduentures, we must not omit the Honorable Citie of
London, to whose endlesse praise wee may speake it, are fu7^sets
now [1622] setting forward one hundred persons: and diuers
others at their owne costs are a repairing; and all [148]
good men doe thinke neuer the worse of the businesse for
all these disasters.
A lament-
too ol
appro aed.
580 The manner how the Spaniard gets his wealth. [J- s™6'£;
[1622] What growing state was there euer in the world which
had not the like ? Rome grew by oppression, and rose
vpon the backe of her enemies : and the Spaniards haue
had many of those counterbuffes, more than we. Colum-
bus, vpon his returne from the West-Indies into Spaine,
hauing left his people with the Indies, in peace and promise
of good vsage amongst them, at his returne backe found
not one of them liuing, but all treacherously slaine by the
Saluages. After this againe, when the Spanish Colonies
were increased to great numbers, the Indians from whom
the Spaniards for trucking stuffe vsed to haue all their
corne, generally conspired together to plant no more at
all, intending thereby to famish them ; themselues liuing
in the meane time vpon Cassaua, a root to make bread,
onely then knowne to themselues. This plot of theirs by
Te the Spaniards ouersight, that foolishly depended vpon
strangers for their bread, tooke such effect, and brought
them to such misery by the rage of famine, that they
spared no vncleane nor loathsome beast, no not the
poisonous and hideous Serpents, but eat them vp also,
deuouring one death to saue them from another ; and by
this meanes their whole Colony well-neere surfeted,
sickned and died miserably. And when they had againe
recouered this losse, by their incontinency an infinite
number of them died on the Indian disease, we call the
French Pox, which at first being a strange and an vn-
knowne malady, was deadly vpon whomsoeuer it lighted.
Then had they a little flea called Nigua, which got betweene
the skinne and the flesh before they were aware, and there
bred and multiplied, making swellings and putrifactions,
to the decay and losse of many of their bodily members.
Againe, diuers times they were neere vndone by their
ambition, faction, and malice of the Commanders. Colum-
bus, to whom they were also much beholden, was sent
with his Brother in chaines into Spaine ; and some other
great Commanders killed and murdered one another.
Pizzaro was killed by Almagros sonne, and him Vasco
beheaded ; which Vasco was taken by Blasco, and Blasco
was likewise taken by Pizzaros Brother: And thus by
their couetous and spightfull quarrels, they were euer
shaking the maine pillars of their Common-weale.
J. Smith."]
1622. J
Lib. 4. [Therefore let us not be discouraged^ 581
These and many more mischiefes and calamities hapned [1622]
them, more then euer did to vs, and at one time being euen
at the last gaspe, had two ships not arriued with supplies
as they did, they were so disheartned, they were a leauing
the Countrey : yet we see for all those miseries they haue
attained to their ends at last, as is manifest to all the
world, both with honour, power, and wealth ; and whereas
before few could be hired to goe to inhabit there, now with
great su[i]te they must obtaine it; but where there was
no honesty, nor equity, nor sanctitie, nor veritie, nor pietie, Note this
nor good ciuilitie in such a Countrey, certainly there can conclusion-
bee no stabilitie.
Therefore let vs not be discouraged, but rather animated
by those conclusions, seeing we are so well assured of the
goodnesse and commodities [that] may bee had in Virginia ;
nor is it to be much doubted there is any want of Mines
of most sorts, no not of the richest, as is well knowne to
some yet liuing that can make it manifest when time
shall serue : and yet to thinke that gold and siluer Mines
are in a country otherwise most rich and fruitfull, or the
greatest wealth in a Plantation, is but a popular error ; as
is that opinion likewise, that the gold and siluer is now
the greatest wealth of the West Indies at this present.
True it is indeed, that in the first conquest the Spaniards How the
got great and mighty store of treasure from the Natiues, riSTthdr*
which they in long space had heaped together; and in ^eeawest
those times the Indians shewed them entire and rich Indie*
Mines, which now by the relations of them that haue
beene there, are exceedingly wasted, so that now the
charge of getting those Metals is growne excessiue, besides
the consuming the Hues of many by their pestilent smoke
and vapours in digging and refining them, so that all
things considered, the cleere gaines of those metals, the
Kings part defraied, to the Aduenturers is but small, and
nothing neere so much as vulgarly is imagined. And were
it not [149] for other rich Commodities there that inrich
them, those of the Contraction House were neuer able to
subsist by the Mines onely ; for the greatest part of their
Commodities are partly naturall, and partly transported
from other parts of the world, and planted in the West-
Indies, as in their mighty wealth of Sugar canes, being
582 The number of people that were slaine. Lib. 4. [EdbyJ-
Smith.
162a.
[1622] first transported from the Canaries ; and in Ginger and
other things brought out of the East-Indies, in their
Cochanele, Indicos, Cotton, and their infinite store of
Hides, Quick-siluer, Allum, Woad, Brasill woods, Dies,
Paints, Tobacco, Gums, Balmes, Oiles, Medicinals and
Perfumes, Sassaparilla, and many other physicall drugs :
These are the meanes whereby they raise that mighty
charge of drawing out their gold and siluer to the great
and cleare reuenue of their King.
Now seeing the most of those commodities, or as vsefull,
may be had in Virginia by the same meanes, as I haue
formerly said ; let vs with all speed take the priority of
time, where also may be had the priority of place, in
chusing the best seats of the Country; which now by
vanquishing the saluages, is like to offer a more faire and
ample choice of fruitfull habitations, then hitherto our
gentlenesse and faire comportments could attaine vnto.
The numbers that were slaine in those
seuerall Plantations.
T Captaine Berkleys Plantation, himselfe
and 21. others, seated at the Falling-
Crick, 66. miles from lames City. 22
2 Master Thomas Sheffelds Plantation,
some three miles from the Falling-Crick,
himselfe and 12. others. 13
3 At Henrico Hand, about two miles from Sheffelds
Plantation. 6
4 Slaine of the College people, twenty miles from
Henrico. *7
5 At Charles City, and of Captaine Smiths men. 5
6 At the next adioyning Plantation. 8
7 At William Farrars house. 10
8 At Brickley hundred, fifty miles from Charles City,
Master Thorp and 10
Ed.byj.smith.-| lib> ^ The number of people that were slaine. 583
9 At Westouer, a mile from Brickley, 2 [1622]
10 At Master Iohn Wests Plantation. 2
11 At Captaine Nathaniel Wests Plantation. 2
12 At Lieutenant Gibs his Plantation. 12
13 At Richard Owens house, himselfe and 6
14 At Master Owen Macars house, himselfe and 3
15 At Martins hundred, seuen miles from lames City. 73
16 At another place. 7
17 At Edward Bonits Plantation. 50
18 At Master Watershis house, himselfe [seep. 591] and 4
19 At Apamatucks Riuer, at Master Perce his Planta-
tion, flue miles from the College. 4
20 At Master Macocks Diuident, Captaine Samuel
Macock and 4
21 At Flower da hundred, Sir George Yearleys Planta-
tion. 6
22 On the other side opposite to it. 7
23 At Master Swinhows house, himselfe and 7
24 At Master William Bickars house, himselfe and 4
25 At Weanock, of Sir George Yearleys people. 21
26 At Powel Brooke, Captaine Nathaniel Powelt and 12
27 At South-hampton hundred. 5
28 At Martin Brandons hundred. 7
29 At Captaine Henry Spilmans house. 2
30 At Ensigne Spences house. 5
31 At Master Thomas Perse his house by Mulbery He,
himselfe and 4
The whole number 347. [150] VA »*»»•)
Men in this taking bettered with affliction,
Better attend, and mind, and marke Religion,
For then true voyces issue from their hearts,
Then speake they what they thinke in inmost parts,
The truth remaines, they cast off fained A rts.
*$*
584 Gookins and Iordens resolutions. Lib. 4. [EdbyJs^
iHis lamentable and so vnexpected a disaster
caused them all beleeue the opinion of Master
Stockam, and draue them all to their wits end.
It was twenty or thirty daies ere they could
resolue what to doe, but at last it was concluded, all the
petty Plantations should be abandoned, and drawne onely
to make good hue or six places, where all their labours
now for the most part must redound to the Lords of those
Lands where they were resident. Now for want of Boats,
it was impossible vpon such a sudden to bring also their
cattle, and many other things, which with much time,
charge and labour they had then in possession with them ;
all which for the most part at their departure was burnt,
ruined and destroyed by the Saluages.
Gookins m& Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not obey
rewhufon. the Commanders command in that, though hee had scarce
fiue and thirty of all sorts [i.e., ages &c.~) with him, yet he
thought himselfe sufficient against what could happen,
and so did to his great credit and the content of his Aduen-
turers. Master Samuel Iorden gathered together but a
few of the straglers about him at Beggers-bush, where
he fortified and liued in despight of the enemy. Nay,
Mistrisse Proctor, a proper, ciuill, modest Gentlewoman
did the like, till perforce the English Officers forced her
and all them with her to goe with them, or they would
fire her house themselues ; as the Saluages did when they
were gone, in whose despight they had kept it and what
they had, a moneth or three weekes after the Massacre ;
which was to their hearts a griefe beyond comparison, to
lose all they had in that manner, onely to secure others
pleasures.
The opinion Now here in England it was thought, all those remainders
snutW1** might presently haue beene reduced into fifties or hundreds
in places most conuenient with what they had, hauing such
strong houses as they reported they had, which with small
labour might haue beene made inuincible Castles against all
the Saluages in the Land : and then presently raised a com-
pany, as a running Armie to torment the Barbarous and
Ed.byj.smith.-j lib< 4. [Captain Smith's opinion] 585
secure the rest, and so haue had all that Country betwixt [1622]
the Riuers of Powhatan and Pamavuke to range and sustaine
them ; especially all the territories of Kecoughtan, Chiskact
and Paspahege, from Ozenies to that branch of Pamavuke,
comming from Youghtanund, which strait of land is not past
4. or 5. miles, to haue made a peninsula much bigger then
the Summer lies, inuironed with the broadest parts of
those two maine Riuers, which for plenty of such things
as Virginia affords is not to be exceeded, and were it well
manured, more then sufficient for ten thousand men.
This, were it well vnderstood, cannot but be thought
better then to bring hue or six hundred to lodge and Hue
on that, which before would not well receiue and main-
taine a hundred, planting little or nothing, but spend that
they haue vpon hopes out of England, one euill begetting
another, till the disease is past cure. Therefore it is
impossible but such courses must produce most fearefull
miseries and extreme extremities ; if it proue otherwise, I
should be exceeding glad.
I confesse I am somewhat too bold to censure other [/>.6©o]
mens actions being not present, but they haue done as
much of me ; yea many here in England that were neuer
there, and also many there that knowes little more then
their Plantations, but as they are informed : and this doth
touch the glory of God, the honour of my Country, and
the publike good so much, for which there hath beene so
many faire pretences, that I hope none will be angry for
speaking my opinion ; seeing the old Prouerbe doth allow
losers leaue to speake, and Du Bartas saith,
Euen as the wind the angry Ocean moues,
Wane hunteth Wane, and Billow Billow shoues, [151]
So doe all Nations iustell each the other,
And so one people doe pursue another,
And scarce a second hath the first vnhoused,
Before a third him thence againe haue roused*
«p>
586 Captaine Nuses Relation. Lib. 4. [EdbyJs^
[1622] f^Q$yQ\ Mongst the multitude of these seuerall Relations,
The y£JnbL&2 it appeares Captaine Nuse seeing many of the
of°capuiCnee SrcffeE&MB difficulties to ensue, caused as much Come to
num. ife«2N57« be planted as he could at Elizabeths city, and
though some destroyed that they had set, fearing it would
serue the Saluages for Ambuscadoes, trusting to releefe
by trade, or from England (which hath euer beene one
cause of our miseries, for from England wee haue not had
much : and for trading, euery one hath not Ships, Shalops,
Interpreters, men and prouisions to performe it ; and those
that haue,vse them onely for their owne priuate gaine, not
the publike good), so that our beginning this yeere doth
cause many to distrust the euent of the next.
Here wee will leaue Captaine Nuse for a while, lamenting
the death of Captaine Norton, a valiant industrious Gentle-
man, adorned with many good qualities, besides Physicke
and Chirurgery, which for the publike good he freely
imparted to all gratis, but most bountifully to the poore ;
and let vs speake a little of Captaine Croshaw amongst the
midst of those broiles in the Riuer of Patawomeke.
Captaine Being [in Mar. 1622] in a small Barke called the Elizabeth,
his't^ge vnder the command of Captaine Spilman, at Cekacawone, a
Xw£k. Saluage stole aboord them, and told them of the Massacre;
[/>. 173, and that Opechancanough had plotted with his King and
%l' SI'] Countrey to betray them also, which they refused : but them
of Wighcocomoco at the mouth of the riuer had vndertaken it.
Vpon this Spilman went thither, but the Saluages seeing
his men so vigilant and well armed, they suspected them-
selues discouered, and to colour their guilt, the better to
delude him, so contented his desire in trade, his Pinnace
was neere fraught ; but seeing no more to be had, Croshaw
went to Patawotfiek, where he intended to stay and trade
for himselfe, by reason of the long acquaintance he had
with this King that so earnestly entreated him now to be
his friend, his countenancer, his Captaine and director
against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks, and Moyoans his
mortall enemies.
Of this oportunity Croshaw was glad, as well to satisfie
Ed. by j. smity LlB. 4. [Arrival of the news in England.] 587
his owne desire in some other purpose he had, as to keepe [1622]
the King as an opposite to Opechancanough, and adhere him
vnto vs, or at least make him an instrument against our
enemies ; so onely Elis Hill stayed with him, and the [/. 59^]
Pinnace returned to Elizabeths City ; here shall they rest
also a little, till we see how this newes was entertained in
England.
It was no small griefe to the Councell and Company, to Theamuaii
vnderstand of such a supposed impossible losse, as that so Seisin
many should fall by the hands of men so contemptible ; Eneland-
and yet hauing such warnings, especially by the death of
Nemattanow, whom the Saluages did thinke was shot-free,
as he had perswaded them, hauing so long escaped so
many dangers without any hurt.
But now to leape out of this labyrinth of melancholy,
all this did not so discourage the noble aduenturers, nor
diuers others still to vndertake new seuerall Plantations ;
but that diuers ships were dispatched away, for their
supplies and assistance thought sufficient.
Yet Captaine Smith did intreat and moue them to put in
practise his old offer ; seeing now it was time to vse both
it and him, how slenderly heretofore both had beene
regarded, and because it is not impertinent to the businesse,
it is not much amisse to remember what it was. [152]
g""^JJ*gs. fmmm
IIH
^^S^t^^
Ttie protect and offer of Captaine
Iohn Smith, to the Right Honourable
and Right Worshipfull Company
[of] Virginia.
F you please I may be transported with
a hundred Souldiers and thirty Sailers
by the next Michaelmas [1622J, with vic-
tuall, munition, and such necessary pro-
uision ; by Gods assistance, we would
endeuour to inforce the Saluages to leaue
their Country, or bring them in that
feare and subiection that euery man
should follow their businesse securely. Whereas now halfe
their times and labours are spent in watching and warding,
onely to defend, but altogether vnable to suppresse the
Saluages : because euery man now being for himselfe will
be vnwilling to be drawne from their particular labours,
to be made as pack-horses for all the rest, without any
certainty of some better reward and preferment then I
can vnderstand any there can or will yet giue them.
These I would imploy onely in ranging the Countries,
and tormenting the Saluages, and that they should be as
a running Army till this were affected ; and then settle
themselues in some such conuenient place, that should
euer remaine a garison of that strength, ready vpon any
occasion against the Saluages, or any other for the defence
of the Countrey, and to see all the English well armed,
and instruct them their vse.
h*$£] Lib. 4. The protect of Captaine John Smith. 589
But I would haue a Barke of one hundred tunnes, and [1622]
meanes to build sixe or seuen Shalops, to transport them
where there should bee occasion.
Towards the charge, because it is for the generall good,
and what by the massacre and other accidents, Virginia is
disparaged, and many men and their purses much dis-
couraged, howeuer a great many doe hasten to goe, think-
ing to bee next heires to all the former losses, I feare they
will not finde all things as they doe imagine ; therefore
leauing those gilded conceits, and diue into the true estate
of the Colony ; I thinke if his Maiestie were truly informed
of their necessitie, and the benefit of this proiect, he would
be pleased to giue the custome [custom-house dues] of
Virginia ; and the Planters also according to their abilities
would adde thereto such a contribution, as would be fit to
maintaine this garison till they be able to subsist, or cause
some such other collections to be made, as may put it
with all expedition in practice : otherwise it is much to be
doubted, there will neither come custome, nor any thing
from thence to England within these few yeares.
Now if this should be thought an imploiment more fit
for ancient Souldiers there bred, then such new commers
as may goe with me ; you may please to leaue that to my
discretion, to accept or refuse such voluntaries, that will
hazard their fortunes in the trialls of these euents, and
discharge such of my company that had rather labour the
ground then subdue their enemies : what releefe I should
haue from your Colony I would satisfie, and spare them
(when I could) the like courtesie. Notwithstanding these
doubts, I hope to feede them as well as defend them, and
yet discouer you more land vnknowne then they all yet
know, if you will grant me such priuiledges as of necessity
must be vsed.
For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the
best [that] can be deuised by your state there, but not that
they shall either take away my men, or any thing else to
imploy as they please by vertue of their authority : and in
that I haue done somewhat for New-England as well as
Virginia, so I would desire liberty and authority to make
the best vse I can of my best experiences, within the
limits of those two Patents, and to bring them both in one
590 The Companies answer. Lib. 4. [J-
Smith.
162a.
[1622] Map, and the Countries betwixt thern, giuing alwaies that
respect to the Gouernors and gouernment, as an English-
man doth in Scotland, or a Scotchman in England, or as
the regiments in the Low- countries doe to the Gouernors
of the Townes and Cities where they are billited, or in
Garrison, where though they Hue with them, and are as
their [153] seruants to defend them, yet not to be disposed
on at their pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth
command them. And for my owne paines in particular I
aske not any thing but what I can produce from the
proper labour of the Saluages.
Their Answer.
Slier ^19|d8§ Cannot say, it was generally for the Company,
for being published in their Court, the most
that heard it liked exceeding well of the motion,
and some would haue been very large Aduen-
turers in it, especially Sir John Brookes and Master Dauid
Wyffin, but there were such diuisions amongst them, I
could obtaine no answer but this, the charge would be too
great ; their stocke was decayed, and they did thinke the
[/•955O Planters should doe that of themselues if I could finde
meanes to effect it ; they did thinke I might haue leaue of
the Company, prouided they might haue halfe the pillage,
but I thinke there are not many will much striue for that
imploiment, for except it be a little Corne at some time
of the yeere is to be had, I would not giue twenty pound
for all the pillage is to be got amongst the Saluages in
twenty yeeres : but because they supposed I spake only
for my owne ends, it were good those vnderstand[ing] proui-
dents for the Companies good they so much talke of, were
sent thither to make triall of their profound wisdomes and
long experiences.
?th?lanner About this time also was propounded a proposition con-
saii^y cerning a Sallery of flue and twenty thousand pounds to
be raised out of Tobacco, as a yeerely pension to bee paid
to certaine Officers for the erecting a new office, concern-
ing the sole importation of Tobacco, besides his Maiesties
custome, fraught, and all other charges. To nominate
£dbyjuiysTS:] Lib. 4. {Captain Crashaw at Patawomek.] 591
1
the vndertakers, fauourers and opposers, with their argu- [1622-3]
ments (pro) and (con) would bee too tedious and needlesse
being so publikely knowne ; the which to establish, spent
a good part of that yeere, and the beginning of the next.
This made many thinke wonders of Virginia, to pay such
pensions extraordinary to a few here that were neuer there,
and also in what state and pompe some Chieftaines and
diuers of their associates Hue in Virginia ; and yet no
money to maintaine a Garrison, pay poore men their
wages, nor yet hue and twenty pence to all the Adven-
turers here, and very little to the most part of the Planters
there, bred such differences in opinion it was dissolued.
Ow let vs returne to Captaine Croshaw at Captaine
Patawomek, where he had not beene long ere staTest™
Opechancanough sent two baskets of beads to SS*.
this King, to kill him and his man, assuring JjJJjJ^
him of the Massacre he had made, and that before the tA 587.]
end of two Moones there should not be an Englishman
in all their Countries : this fearefull message the King
told this Captaine, who replied, he had seene both the
cowardise and trechery of Opechancanough sufficiently tried
by Captaine Smith [pp. 142, 459], therefore his threats he
feared not, nor for his fauour cared, but would nakedly
fight with him or any of his with their owne swords ; if
he were slaine, he would leaue a letter for his Country
men to know, the fault was his owne, not the Kings.
Two daies the King deliberated vpon an answer, at
last told him the English were his friends, and the
Saluage Emperour Opitchapam, now called Toyatan, was
his brother ; therefore there should be no bloud shed be-
twixt them : for hee returned the Presents, willing the
Pamavukes to come no more in his Country, lest the English,
though against his will, should doe them any mischiefe.
Not long after, a Boat going abroad to seeke out some The escape
releefe amongst the Plantations, by Nuports-newes met andhu'™
such ill weather, [that] though the men were saued they wife#
lost their boat, which the storme and waues cast vpon the
shore of Nandsamund : where Edward Waters [pp. 583, 638,
592
The arriuall of Captaine Lib. 4.
TEd.by \. Smith
L July 1624.
[1622]
The arriuall
of Captaine
Havtar at
Patawo-
rmk*.
Croshawt
Fort and
plot for
trade.
640, 660] one of the three that first stayed in Summer lies
and found the great peece of Amber-greece, dwelling in
Virginia at this Massacre, [154] hee and his wife these
Nandsamunds kept Prisoners till it chanced they found this
Boat ; at which purchase they so reioyced, according to their
custome of triumph, with songs, dances and inuocations.
They were so busied, that Waters and his wife found oppor-
tunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the
Riuer to Kecoughtan, which is nine or ten miles : whereat
the English no lesse wondred and reioyced, then the
Saluages were madded with discontent. Thus you may
see how many desperate dangers some men escape, when
others die that haue all things at their pleasure.
All men thinking Captaine Croshaw dead, Captaine
Hamer arriuing with a Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke,
was kindly entertained both by him [Crashaw] and the King;
that Don Hamar told the King he came for Corne ; the King
replied hee had none, but the Nacotchtanks and their con-
federats had, which were enemies both to him and them ;
if they would fetch it, he would giue them 40. or 50 choise
Bow-men to conduct and assist them. Those Saluages,
with some of the English, they sent ; who so well played
their parts, they slew 18. of the Nacotchtanks, some write
but 4. and some they had a long skirmish with them ;
where the Patawomeks were so eager of reuenge, they driue
them not onely out of their towne, but all out of sight
through the woods, thus taking what they liked, and spoil-
ing the rest, they retired to Patawomek : where they left
Captaine Croshaw, with foure men more, the rest set saile
for lames towne.
Captaine Croshaw now with hue men and himselfe
found night and day so many Alarums, he retired into
such a conuenient place, that with the helpe of the
Saluages, hee had quickly fortified himselfe against
all those wilde enemies. Captaine Nuse his Pinnace
meeting Hamar by the way, vnderstanding all this, came
to see Captaine Croshaw: after their best enterchanges of
courtesies, Croshaw writ to Nuse the estate of the place
where he was, but vnderstanding by them the poore estate
of the Colony, offered if they would send him but a bold
Ed
' ^/u'lyTeS:] Lib. 4. Hamar to Patawomek.
593
Shallop, with men, armes and prouision for trade, the next [1622]
Haruest he would prouide them Corne sufficient, but as
yet it being but the latter end of Iune [1622], there was
little or none in all the Country.
This being made knowne to the Gouernour and the rest, ^^^n
they sent Captaine Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and sent to
some six and thirtie men : those Croshaw a good time taught «,S£*.
the vse of their armes, but receiuing a letter from Boyse [/. 599-1
his Wife, a prisoner with nineteene more at Pamavuke, to
vse meanes to the Gouernour for their libertie; So hee
dealt with this King, hee got first two of his great men to
goe with him to lames towne, and eight daies after to send
foure of his counsell to Pamavuke, there to stay till he sent
one of his two to them, to perswade Opachankanough to
send two of his with two of the Patawomekes, to treat about
those prisoners, and the rest should remaine their hostage
at Pamavuke.
But the Commanders, at lames towne, it seemes, liked
not of it, and so sent the Patawomekes backe againe to
their owne Countrie, and Captaine Croshaw to his owne
habitation.
All this time we haue forgot Captaine Nuse, where we Jhe™dv*
left him but newly acquainted with the Massacre, calling captaine
all his next adioyning dispersed neighbours together, he Nus*
regarded not the pestring his owne house, nor any thing to
releeue them, and with all speed entrenched himselfe,
mounted three peece of Ordnance, so that within 14. daies,
he was strong enough to defend himselfe from all the
Saluages, yet when victuall grew scant, some that would
forrage without order, which he punished, neere occasioned
a mutiny. Notwithstanding, he behaued himselfe so
fatherly and kindly to them all, they built two houses for
them he daily expected from England, a faire Well of
fresh water mantled with bricke, because the Riuer and
Cricks are there brackish or salt ; in all which things he
plaied the Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, Laborer, or any
thing ; wherein though his courage and heart were steeled,
he found his body was not made of Iron, for hee had many
sicknesses, and at last a Dropsie, no lesse griefe to him-
selfe, then sorrow to his Wife and all vnder his gouern-
38
594 Sir George Yearleys Lib. 4. [Ed- byjJiysT^
[1622] ment. These crosses and losses were [155] no small
increasers of his malady, nor the thus abandoning our
Plantations, the losse of our Haruest, and also Tobacco
which was as our money ; the Vineyard our Vineyetours
had brought to a good forwardnesse, bruised and destroyed
with Deere, and all things ere they came to perfection, with
weeds, disorderly persons or wild beasts ; so that as we are
I cannot perceiue but the next yeere [1623] will be worse,
being still tormented with pride and flattery, idlenesse and
couetousnesse, as though they had vowed heere to keepe
their Court with all the pestilent vices in the world for
their attendants, inchanted with a conceited statelinesse,
euen in the very bottome of miserable senselesnesse.
c»pujne Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captaine William
s^lieJ. 3' Powel, tooke each of them a company of well disposed
Gentlemen and others to seeke their enemies. Yearley
ranging the shore of Weanock, could see nothing but their
old houses which he burnt, and so went home : Powel
searching another part, found them all fled but three he
met by chance, whose heads hee cut off, burnt their houses,
and so returned ; for the Saluages are so light and swift,
though wee see them (being so loaded with armour) they
haue much aduantage of vs though they be cowards.
The| jpinion I confesse this is true, and it may cause some suppose
smitt™* they are grown inuincible : but will any goe to catch a
Hare with a Taber and a Pipe ? for who knowes not though
there be monsters both of men and beasts, fish and fowle,
yet the greatest, the strongest, the wildest, cruellest,
fiercest and cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy,
courage and industry hath beene slaine, subiected or made
tame : and those are still but Saluages as they were, onely
growne more bold by our owne simplicities, and still will
be worse and worse till they be tormented with a con-
tinuall pursuit, and not with lying inclosed within
Palizados, or affrighting them out of your sights, thinking
they haue done well, [that] can but defend themselues:
and to doe this to any purpose, will require both charge,
patience and experience. But to their proceedings.
^•^jiy8*^] Lib. 4. tourney to Accomack. 595
About the latter end of Iune [1622], Sir George Yearley [1622]
accompanied with the Councell, and a number of the fjjj^f*
greatest Gallants in the Land, stayed three or four daies bomMyto
with Captaine Nuset he making his moane to a chiefe man Accomack-
amongst them for want of prouision for his Company, the
great Commander replied hee should turne them to his
greene Corne, which would make them plumpe and fat :
these fields being so neere the Fort, were better regarded
and preserued then the rest, but the great mans command,
as we call them, were quickly obeied, for though it was
scarce halfe growne either to the greatnesse or goodnesse,
theydeuoured it greene though it did them small good.
Sir George with his company went to Accomack to his new
Plantation, where he staied neere six weekes : some Corne
he brought home ; but as he aduentured for himselfe, he
accordingly enioyed the benefit. Some pet[t]y Magazines
[Victualling ships] came this Summer, but either the
restraint by Proclamation, or want of Boats, or both,
caused few but the Chieftaines to be little better by them.
So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing we had part ; Captaine
but now all being spent, and the people forced to Hue vpon iUSS^11
Oisters and Crabs, they became so faint no worke could be
done ; and where the Law was, no worke, no meat, now the
case is altered, to no meat, no worke : some small quantity
of Milke and Rice the Captaine had of his owne, and that
he would distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis,
for I know no place else, but it was sold for ready paiment.
Those eares of Corne that had escaped till August, though
not ripe by reason of the late planting, the very Dogs did
repaire to the Corne fields to seeke them as the men till
they were hanged : and this I protest before God is true
that I haue related, not to flatter Nuse, nor condemne any,
but all the time I haue liued in Virginia, I haue not seene
nor heard that any Commander hath taken such continuall
paines for the publike, or done so little good for himselfe ;
and his vertuous wife was no lesse charitable and com-
passionate according to her power. For my owne part,
although I found neither Mulberies planted, houses built,
[156] men nor victuall prouided, as the honourable
Aduenturers did promise mee in England ; yet at my owne
charge, hauing made these preparations, and the silke-
Patawomek.
596 The kindnesse of the Lib. 4. [EdbyjJulysS^;
L1622] Wormes ready to be couered, all was lost, but my poore life
andchildren,bythe Massacre, thewhich as God in his mercy*
did preserue, I continually pray we may spend to his glory.
&iresaE ^e 9* of September [1622], we had an alarum, and two
men at their labours slaine ; the Captaine [Nuse], though
extreme sicke, sallied forth, but the Saluages lay hid in
the Corne fields all night, where they destroyed all they
could, and killed two men more. Much mischiefe they did
to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his
house though his men were sicke and could doe nothing,
and this was our first assault since the Massacre.
ifSte^fthe About this time Captaine Madyson passed by vs, hauing
King of taken Prisoners, the King of Patawomek, his sonne, and
two more, and thus it happened. Madyson not liking so
well to Hue amongst the Saluages as Croshaw did, built
him a strong house within the Fort, so that they were not
so sociable as before, nor did they much like Poole the
Interpre[te]r. Many Alarums theyhad,but sawnoenemies:
Madyson before his building went to Moyaones, where hee
got prouisionfor a moneth, and was promised much more ;
so he returned to Patawomek and built this house, and
was well vsed by the Saluages. Now by the foure great
men the King sent to Pamavuke for the redemption of the
Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but they could
neither deliuer it nor see them : so long they stayed that
the King grew doubtfull of their bad vsage, that hee swore
by the Skyes, if they returned not well, he would haue
warres with Opechankanough so long as he had any thing.
At this time two of Madysons men rannefrom him, to finde
them he sent Master John Vpton and three more with an
Indian guide to Nazatica, where they heard they were.
At this place was a King beat out of his Country by the
Necosts, enemies to the Patawomeks ; this expulsed King
though he professed much loue to the Patawomeks, yet hee
loued not the King because he would not helpe him to
reuenge his iniuries, but to our Interpreter Poole hee pro-
tested great loue, promising if any treason were, he would
reueale it ; our guide conducted this Bandyto with them
vp to Patawomek and there kept him ; our Fugitiues we
found the Patawomeks had taken and brought home, and
the foure great men returned from Pamavuke.
Ed,b7uiyS;:] LlB- 4- XiHg of Patawomek. 597
Not long after, this expulsed King desired priuate [1622]
conference with Poole, vrging him to sweare by his God
neuer to reueale what hee would tell him, Poole promised
he would not ; then quoth this King, those great men that
went to Pamavuke, went not as you suppose they pretended,
but to contract with Opechankanongh how to kill you all
here, and these are their plots.
First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing Aj£luages
to their furthest towne, and there set vpon them, and P icy*
cut off the rest; if that faile, they will faine a place where
are many strangers [that] would trade their Furres,
where they will perswade halfe of you to goe trade,
and there murder you and kill them at home ; and if
this faile also, then they will make Alarums two nights
together, to tire you out with watching, and then
set vpon you, yet of all this, said he, there is none
acquainted but the King and the great Coniurer.
This being made known to the Captain, we all stood Madho-%
more punctually vpon our guard, at which the Saluages King Lid
wondering, desired to know the cause; we told them we ^s3°-or
expected some assault from the Pamavukes, whereat they
seemed contented ; and the next day the King went on
hunting with two of our men, and the other a fishing and
abroad as before, till our Shallop returned from lames
towne with the two Saluages sent home with Captaine
Croshaw : by those the Gouernour sent to Madyson, that
this King should send him twelue of his great men ; word
of this was sent to the King at another towne where he
was, who not comming presently with the Messenger,
Madyson conceited hee regarded not the message, and
intended as he supposed the same treason.
The next morning the King comming home, being sent
for, he came to the Captaine and brought him a dish of
their daintiest fruit ; then the Captaine fained his returne
to lames towne, the [157] King told him he might if he
would, but desired not to leaue him destitute of aid, hauing
so many enemies about him ; the Captaine told him he
would leaue a guard, but intreated his answer concerning
the twelue great men for the Gouernour ; the King replied,
his enemies lay so about him he could not spare them ; then
the Captaine desired his sonne and one other ; my sonne,
598 The proceedings of the Lib. 4. [Ed- by,iiys^
[1622] said the King, is gone abroad about businesse, but the other
you desire you shall haue, and that other sits by him, but
that man refused to goe, whereupon Madyson went forth and
locked the doore, leauing the King, his sonne, and foure
Saluages, and flue English men in the strong house, and
setting vpon the towne with the rest of his men, slew thirty
or forty men, women and children. The Kingdemanding the
cause, Poole told him the treason, crying out to intreat the
Captaine cease from such cruelty : but hauing slaine and
made flye all in the towne, hee returned, taxing the poore
King of treason, who denied to the death not to know of
any such matter, but said, This is some plot of them that
told it, onely to kill mee for being your friend.
Then Madyson willed him, to command none of his men
should shoot at him as he went aboord, which he presently
did, and it was performed : so Madyson departed, leading the
King, his sonne, and two more to his ship, promising when
all his men were shipped, he should returne at libertie ;
The King notwithstanding he brought them to lames towne, where
Ktathberty. thev iav some daies, and after were sent home by Captaine
Hamer, that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after set
saile for New found Land.
But, alas the cause of this was onely this
They vnderstood, nor knew what was amisse.
a digression Euer since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath
beene supposed the King of Spaine would inuade them, or
our English Papists indeuour to dissolue them. But
neither all the Counsels of Spaine, nor Papists in the world
could haue deuised a better course to bring them all to
ruine, then thus to abuse their friends, nor could there
euer haue beene a better plot, to haue ouerthrowne
Opechankanough then Captaine Croshaws, had it beene fully
managed with expedition. But it seemes God is angry to
see Virginia made a stage where nothing but murder and
indiscretion contends for victory.
Their Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer
ofSTolhS [1622] little was done, but securing themselues and planting
piamutions. Tobacco, which passes there as current Siluer, and by the
Ed. by J. Smith.-] TTR .
July 1624.J ^IB- 4*
Plantations in Virginia.
599
surpriseth
Nandta-
tHUtid.
oft turning and winding it, some grow rich, but many [1622]
poore : notwithstanding ten or twelue ships or more hath
arriued there since the massacre [22 Mar.], although it was
Christmas [1622] ere any returned [i.e., to England], and
that returne greatly reuiued all mens longing expectation
here in England: for they brought newes, that notwith-
standing their extreme sicknesse many were recouered, and
finding [found] the Saluages did not much trouble them,
except it were sometimes some disorderly straglers they
cut off.
To lull them the better in securitie, they sought no
reuenge till their Corne was ripe, then they drew together
three hundred of the best Souldiers they could, that would
leaue their priuate businesse, and aduenture themselues
amongst the Saluages to surprise their Corne, vnder the
conduct of Sir George Yearley, being imbarked in conuenient
shipping, and all things necessary for the enterprise ; they
went first to Nandsamund, where the people set fire on their
owne houses, and spoiled what they could, and then fled
with what they could carry ; so that the English did make
no slaughter amongst them for reuenge. Their Corne fields
being newly gathered, they surprized all they found, burnt
the houses [that] remained vnburnt, and so departed.
Quartering about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was set,
Samuell Collyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and
very well acquainted with their language and habitation, [#-94.449-]
humors and conditions, and Gouernor of a Towne, when
the Watch was set, going the round, vnfortunately by a
Centinell that discharged his peece, was slaine. [158]
Thence they sailed to Pamavuke, the chiefe seat of
Opechankanough, the contriuer of the massacre : the Sal-
uages seemed exceeding fearefull, promising to bring them
Sara, and the rest of the English yet liuing, with all the l/- 393-1
Amies, and what they had to restore, much desiring peace,
and to giue them any satisfaction they could. Many such
deuices they fained to procrastinate the time ten or twelu*
daies, till they had got away their Corne from all the other
places vp the Riuer, but that where the English kept their
quarter : at last, when they saw all those promises were but
delusions, they seised on all the Corne there was, set fire
on their houses : and in following the Saluages that fled
Samutll
Collytr
They
surprise
Pamavukt
6oo How to bring the Lib. 4. [j&^SJ;
[1622] before them, some few of those naked Deuils had that spirit,
they lay in ambuscado, and as our men marched discharged
some shot out of English peeces, and hurt some of them
flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning their
empty houses before them as they went, to make them-
selues sport : so they escaped, and Sir George returned
with Corne, where for our paines we had three bushels
apeece, but we were enioyned before we had it, to pay ten
shillings the bushell for fraught and other charges.
Thus by this meanes the Saluages are like as they report,
to endure no small misery this Winter, and that some of
our men are returned to their former Plantations.
The opinion What other passages or impediments hapned in their
smttL 'ne proceedings, that they were not fully reuenged of the
Saluages before they returned, I know not; nor could [I] euer
heare more, but that they supposed they slew two, and
how it was impossible for any men to doe more then they
did : yet worthy Ferdinando Courtus had scarce three
hundred Spaniards to conquer the great Citie of Mexico,
where thousands of Saluages dwelled in strong houses.
But because they were a ciuilised people, had wealth, and
those meere Barbarians as wilde as beasts haue nothing ;
I intreat your patience to tell you my opinion : which if it
be Gods pleasure I shall not Hue to put in practice, yet it
[/• 585-1 may be hereafter vsefull for some ; but howsoeuer I hope
not hurtfull to any, and this it is.
How to Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I
aShe1 would haue sent first one hundred to Captaine Rawley
vtrTmT"1 Chroshaw to Patawomek, with some small Ordnance for the
Fort, the which but with daily exercising them, would
haue struck that loue and admiration into the Patawomeks,
and terror and amazement into his enemies, which are not
farre off, and most seated vpon the other side the Riuer,
they would willingly haue beene friends, or haue giuen
any composition they could, before they would be tormented
with such a visible feare.
Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity
constraines those to a kinde of constancy because of their
enemies, and neither my selfe that first found them,
/ulyT&ij LIB- 4. Saluages vnder subiection. 601
Captaine Argall, Chroshaw, nor Hamar, neuer found them- [16221
selues in fifteene yeares trials [1608-1623] : nor is it likely
now they would haue so hostaged theirmen, suffer the build-
ing of a Fort, and their women and children amongst them,
had they intended any villany ; but suppose they had, who
would haue desired a better aduantage then such an
aduertisement, to haue prepared the Fort for such an
assault, and surely it must be a poore Fort they could hurt,
much more take, if there were but hue men in it [that] durst
discharge a peece : Therefore a man not well knowing their
conditions, may be as wel too iealous as too carelesse.
Such another Lope Skonce would I haue had at Onaw-
manient, and one hundred men more to haue made such
another at A tquacke vpon the Riuer of Toppahanock, which
is not past thirteene miles distant from Onawmanient: each
of which twelue men would keepe, as well as twelue
thousand, and spare all the rest to bee imploied as there
should be occasion. And all this with these numbers
might easily haue beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by
compulsion, especially at that time of September when all
their fruits were ripe, their beasts fat, and infinite numbers
of wilde Fowle began to repaire to euery creeke, that men
if they would doe any thing, could not want victuall.
This done, there remained yet one hundred who should
haue done the like at Ozinieke, vpon the Riuer of Chickaha-
tnania, not past six [159] miles from the chiefe habitations
of Opechankanough. These small Forts had beene cause
sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each of those
Riuers to looke to themselues.
Then hauing so many Ships, Barks, and Boats in Virginia
as there was at that present, with what facility might you
haue landed two hundred and twentie men, if you had but
onely fiue or six Boats in one night ; forty to range the
branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more that of Youghtanund, and
fortie more to keepe their randiuous oXPamavuke it selfe. All
which places lie so neere, they might heare from each other
within foure or fiue houres ; and not any of those small
parties, if there were any valour, discretion, or industry in
them, but as sufficient as foure thousand, to force them all
to contribution, or take or spoile all they had. For hauing
thus so many conuenient randeuous to releeue each other,
602 The arriuall of Lib. 4. [j;J; s™*-
[1622] though all the whole Countries had beene our enemies,
where could they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might
burne all the houses vpon all those Riuers in two or three
daies? Then without fires they could not liue, which they
could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly lj tire
them with watching and warding, they would be so weary
of their liues, as either fly [from] all their Countries, or giue
all they had to be released of such an hourely misery.
Nowif but a small number of the Saluages would assist vs,
as there is no question but diuers of them would ; And to
suppose they could not be drawne to such faction, were to
beleeue they are more vertuous then many Christians, and
the best gouerned people in the world. All the Pamavukes
might haue beene dispatched as well in a moneth as a
yeare, and then to haue dealt with any other enemies at
our pleasure, and yet made all this toile and danger but a
recreation.
If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my
selfe I found sufficient, to goe where I would adaies, and
surprise a house with the people, if not a whole towne,
in a night, or incounter all the power they could make, as
M&m*. a whole Army, as formerly at large hath beene related:
And it seemes by these small parties last amongst them,
by Captaine Crashow, Hatnar, and Madyson, they are not
growne to that excellency in policy and courage but they
might bee encountred, and their wiues and children appre-
hended.
I know I shall bee taxed for writing so much of my
selfe : but I care not much, because the iudiciall know
there are few such Souldiers as are my examples, haue
writ their owne actions, nor know I who will or can tell
my intents better then my selfe.
Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for
medling with so many Plantations together, because they
that haue many Irons in the fire some must burne ; but I
thinke no if they haue men enow know how to worke them,
but howsoeuer, it were better some burne then haue none
at all. The King of Spaine regards but how many power-
full Kingdomes he keepes vnder his obedience, and for the
Saluage Countries he hath subiected, they are more then
458.]
Ed* byjuiys?6£:] Lib. 4. Captaine Butler into Virginia.
603
enow for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three [1622-3]
Mole-hills so much to vs ; and so many Empires so little
for him ? For my owne part, I cannot chuse but grieue,
that the actions of an Englishman should be inferior to
any, and that the command of England should not be as
great as any Monarchy that euerwas since the world began,
I meane not as a Tyrant to torment all Christendome,
but to suppresse her disturbers, and conquer her enemies.
For the great Romans got into their hand
The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land,
Or any seas, or heauen, or earth extended,
A nd yet that Nation could not be contented.
Much about this time, arriued a small Barke of Barnes- Tfh^rJ2„J
table, which had beene at the Summer lies, and in her %utur*™d.
Captaine Nathaniel Butler, who hauing beene Gouernour dents.01"
there three yeares, and his Commission expired, he tooke
the opportunity of this ship to see Virginia [p. 685]. At
lames Towne he was kindly entertained [160] by Sit Francis
Wyat the Gouernour.
After he had rested there fourteene daies, he fell vp with
his ship to the Riuer of Chickahamania, where meeting
Captaine William Powell, ioyning together such forces as
they had to the number of eighty, they set vpon the
Chickahamanians, that fearefully fled, suffering the English
to spoile all they had, not daring to resist them.
Thus he returned to lames towne, where hee staied a
moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned for
England [Feb. 1623].
But riding at Kecoughtan, Master Iohn Argent, sonne to ^fJJJJJJ^
Doctor Argent, a young Gentleman that went with Cap- of Master
taine Butler from England to this place, Michael Fuller, %$£.'"*
William Gany, Cornelius May, and one other going ashore
with some goods late in a faire euening, such a sudden
gust did arise, that driue [drove] them thwart the Riuer, in
that place at least three orfoure miles in bredth, where the
shore was so shallow at a low water, and the Boat beating
vpon the Sands, they left her, wading neere halfe a mile,
and oft vp to the chin. So well it hapned, Master Argent
had put his Bandileir of powder in his hat, which next God
604 A strange deliuerance of M. Argent. Lib. 4. [Ed" by/uiy T^
[1623] Was all their presentations : for it being February [1623],
and the ground so cold, their bodies became so benumbed,
they were not able to strike fire with a Steele and a stone
hee had in his pocket ; the stone they lost twice, and thus
those poore soules groping in the darke, it was Master
Argents chance to finde it, and with a few withered leaues,
reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being vpon the
Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies, great was their
feare to be discouered.
The ioyfull morning appearing, they found their Boat
and goods driue[n] ashore, not farre from them, but so split
shee was vnseruiceable : but so much was the frost, their
clothes did freeze vpon their backs, for they durst not make
any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy Saluages
might discry them, so that one of them died the next day ;
and the next night, digging a graue in the Sands with
their hands, buried him.
In this bodily feare they liued and fasted two daies and
nights, then two of them went into the Land to seeke fresh
water ; the others to the Boat to get some meale and oyle.
Argent and his Comrado found a Canow, in which they
resolued to aduenture to their ship, but shee was a drift in
the Riuer before they returned. Thus frustrate of all hopes,
Captaine Butlerthe third night rangingthe shore in his Boat
to seeke them, discharged his Muskets ; but they supposing
it some Saluages [that] had got some English peeces, they
grew more perplexed then euer: so he returned and lost his
labour.
The fourth day they vnloaded their Boat, and stopping
her leakes with their handkerchiefes, and other rags, two
rowing, and two bailing out the water; but farre they
went not ere the water grew vpon them so fast, and they
so tired, they thought themselues happy to be on shore
againe, though they perceiued the Indians were not farre
off by their fires.
Thus at the very period of despaire, Fuller vndertooke
to sit a stride vpon a little peece of an old Canow; so
well it pleased God the wind and tide serued, by padling
with his hands and feet in the water, beyond all expec-
tation God so guided him three or foure houres vpon this
boord, [that] he arriued at their ship, where they no lesse
Ed,byjJui^4.*] Lib. 4. A strange deliverance of M. Argent. 605
amazed, then he tired they tooke him in. Presently as [1622-3]
he had concluded with his Companions, he caused them
discharge a peece of Ordnance if he escaped : which gaue
no lesse comfort to Master A rgent and the rest, then terror
to those Plantations that heard it, (being late) at such an
vnexpected alarum ; but after, with warme clothes and a
little strong water, they had a little recouered him, such
was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he
returned that night againe with Master Felgate to conduct
him to them : and so giuing thanks to God for so hopelesse
a deliuerance, it pleased his Diuine power, both they and
their prouision came safely aboord, but Fuller they doubt
will neuer recouer his benumbed legs and thighes.
Now before Butlers arriuall in England, many hard
speeches were rumored against him for so leauing his
charge, before he receiued order from the Company.
Diuers againe of his Souldiers as highly commended him,
for his good government, [161] art, iudgement and industry.
But to make the misery of Virginia appeare that it
might be reformed in time, how all those Cities, Townes,
Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of Mulberies,
Glasse-houses, Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silke-wormes,
Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty some
doe speake of here, are rather things in words and paper
then in effect, with diuers reasons of the causes of those
defects ; if it were false, his blame nor shame could not be
too much : but if there bee such defects in the gouernment,
and distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath
beene too long concealed, and requireth rather reformation
then disputation : but howeuer, it were not amisse to pro-
uide for the worst, for the best will help it selfe. Notwith-
standing, it was apprehended so hardly, and examined with
that passion, that the bru[i]te thereof was spread abroad with
that expedition, it did more hurt then the massacre ; and
the fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be attri-
buted to the vnwholesomnesse of the ayre, and barrennesse
of the Countrey : as though all England were naught,
because the Fens and Marshes are vnhealthy ; or barren,
because some will lie vnder windowes and starue in Cheap-
side, rot in Goales, die in the street, high-waies, or any
ivomek*
606 Captaine Spilman left in Patawomek. Lib. 4. [Ed- by^ ;££
[1623] where, and vse a thousand deuices to maintaine them-
selues in those miseries, rather then take any paines to
liue as they may by honest labour, and a great part of such
like are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion
of those defailements.
1623. In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of
Jsoufh!* tn^s» Captaine Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath
TnSSTrer ^ue(* m tnose Countries thirteene or fourteene yeares
HoT™" [1609-1622, see pp. 172, 498, 503, 528, 606], one of the best
gjjjj Interpreters in the Land, being furnished with a Barke
wm left fa and six and twentie men, hee was sent to trucke in the
?«*.merof Riuer of Patawomek, where he had liued a long time
amongst the Saluages.
Whether hee presumed too much vpon his acquaintance
amongst them, or they sought to be reuenged of any for
the slaughter made amongst them by the English so
lately [p. 598], or hee sought to betray them, or they him,
are all seueral relations, but it seemes but imaginary : for
they [who] returned, report they left him ashore about
Patawomek, but the name of the place they knew not, with
one and twentie men, being but hue in the Barke.
The Saluages, ere they suspected any thing, boorded
them with their Canowes, and entred so fast, the English
were amazed, till a Sailer gaue lire to a peece of Ordnance
onely at randome ; at the report whereof, the Saluages
leapt ouer-boord, so distracted with feare, they left their
Canowes and swum a shore ; and presently after they
heard a great bru[i]te amongst the Saluages a shore, and
saw a mans head throwne downe the banke. Whereupon
they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was
surprised or slaine, is vncertaine.
Thus things proceed and vary not a iot,
Whether we know them, or we know them not.
&
A particular of such necessaries
as either priuate families, or single
persons, shall haue cause to prouide to goe
to Virginia, whereby greater numbers may
in part conceiue the better how to prouide
for themselues.
Apparell.
Monmoth Cap
3 falling bands.
3 shirts,
i Waste-coat,
i suit of Canuase
i suit of Frize.
i suit of Cloth.
3 paire of Irish
stockings. 4s.
4 paire of shooes. 8s. 8d.
1 paire of garters. lod.
1 dozen of points. [162] 3d.
1 paire of Canuas
[1623]
is. lod.
is. 3d.
75.
2S.
7s.
1 OS.
15s.
6d.
2d.
6d.
sheets.
7 ells of Canuas to
make a bed and
boulster, to be
8s.
filled in Virginia,
seruing for two
men.
ells of course Can-
uas to make a bed
at Sea for two men.
1 course rug at sea
for two men.
8s.
5*-
6s.
Apparrell
for one man,
and so after
the rate for
more.
ll. [i.e.. for one man.]
608 Such things as men ought to provide Lib. 4. [Ed"by/U*iy
Smith.
1624.
[1623] Victuall for a whole year e for
a man, and so after the
rate for more.
8 bushels of meale. 2/.
2 bushels of pease. 6s.
2 bushels of Ote-
meale.
1 gallon of Aqua-
vita.
1 gallon of oyle.
2 gallons of Vine
ger.
gs.
2s. 6d.
3s. 6d.
2S.
3*- 3*-
A rmes for a man ; but if halfe
your men be armed it is
well, so all haue swords
and peeces.
I Armor compleat,
light. 17s.
1 long peece fiue
foot and a halfe,
neere Musket
bore. 1/. 2s.
1 Sword. 5s.
1 Belt. is.
1 Bandilier. is. 6d.
20 pound of powder. 18s.
60 pound of shot
or Lead, Pistoll
and Goose shot. 5s.
3/. 9s. 6d.
Toolcs for a family of six per
sons, and so after the rate
for more.
5 broad howes at
2s. a peece.
5 narrow howes at
i6d. a peece
2 broad axes at 3s.
Sd. a peece.
5 felling axes at
i8d. a peece
2 Steele handsawes
at i6d. a peece.
2 two handsawes at
5s. a peece.
1 whipsaw, set and
filed; with box,
file and wrest.
2 hammers I2d. a
peece.
3 shouels at iSd. a
peece.
2 spades at iSd. a
peece.
2 Augers at 6d. peece
6 Chissels at 6d. a
peece.
2 Percers stocked
[at] \d. a peece.
3Gimbletsat2^.apeece.
2 Hatchets at 21^.
a peece.
2 frowes to cleaue
pale i8d. each.
2 hand Bills 20^. a
peece.
1 Grindstone.
Nailes of all sorts to
the value of 2/
2 Pickaxes.
1 os.
6s. U.
ys. 4d.
ys. 6d.
2s. 8d.
1 os.
I OS.
2S.
4s. 6d.
3*-
IS.
3S.
6d.
3s. 6d.
35.
3s. ^d.
4s.
35.
61. 2S. 8d.
Ed" by/uiy?624.] Lib. 4. when they goe to Virginia.
609
Houshold implements for a
family and six persons,
and so for more or lesse
after the rate.
Iron pot.
Kettell.
large Frying-pan.
Gridiron.
Skellets.
Spit.
Platters, dishes,
spoones of wood.
78.
6s.
2s. 6d.
is. 6d.
5*-
2S.
4s.
il. 8s.
For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit,
and at Sea for six men.
12s. 6d.
So the full charge after this
rate for each person, will
amount to about the
summe of 12I. 10s. lod.
The passage of each man
is 61.
The fraught of these pro-
uisions for a man, will be
about halfe a tun, which
is il. 105.
So the whole charge will
amount to about 20I.
[1623]
Now if the number be great ; [not only] Nets, Hooks,
and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon, Kine and Goats must be
added.
And this is the vsuall proportion the Virginia Company
doe bestow vpon their Tenents they send.
39
[1624]
The causes
of our first
A briefe relation written by
Captaine Smith to his Maiesties
Commissioners for the reformation
of Virginia^ concerning some
aspersions against it.
[Onourable Gentlemen, for so many faire
and Nauigable Riuers so neere adioyn-
ing, and piercing thorow so faire a
naturall Land, free from any inunda-
tions, or large Fenny vnwholsome
Marshes, I haue not seene, read, nor
heard of: And for the building of Cities,
Townes, and Wharfage, if they will vse
the meanes, where there is no more ebbe nor floud,
Nature in few places affoords any so conuenient. For salt
Marshes or Quagmires, [163] in this tract of lames
Towne Riuer I know very few ; some small Marshes and
Swamps there are, but more profitable than hurtfull : and
I thinke there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and
Chelsey, then Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one
hundred and eighty miles by the course of the Riuer.
Being enioyned by our Commission not to vnplant nor
wrong the Saluages, because the channell was so neere the
shore, where now is lames Towne, then a thick groue of i
trees; wee cut them downe, where the Saluages pretending
as much kindnesse as could bee, they hurt and slew one
and twenty of vs in two houres. At this time our diet was
for most part water and bran, and three ounces of little
J's?624.] Lib. 4. Of the Commodities of the Countrey. 61 i
better stuffe in bread for fiue men a meale ; and thus we [1607-8]
liued neere three moneths : our lodgings vnder boughes of
trees, the Saluages being our enemies, whom we neither
knew nor vnderstood; occasions I thinke sufficient to make
men sicke and die.
Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try I"1?8,-
conclusions amongst the Saluages, that we got prouision mVL in
which recouered the rest|being most sicke. Six weeks [see £1HM'
p. 531] I was led captiue by those Barbarians, though some
of my men were slaine, and the rest fled ; yet it pleased
God to make their great Kings daughter the means to
returne me safe to lames towne, and releeue our wants :
and then [8 Jan. 1608] our Common-wealth was in all
eight and thirty, the remainder of one hundred and fiue.
Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, with twelue JhJJjjJJjf.
men in a boat of three tuns, I spent fourteene weeks finesse
in [2 June — 21 July, and 24 July — 7 Sept. 1608] those large countrey
waters; the contents of the way of my boat protracted
by the skale of proportion, was about three thousand miles,
besides the Riuer we dwell vpon : where no Christian
knowne euer was, and our diet for the most part what we
could finde, yet but one died.
The Saluages being acquainted, that by command from gj^*
England we durst not hurt them, were much imboldned ; became
that famine and their insolencies did force me to breake sublected-
our Commission and instructions ; cause Powhatan [to] fly
his Countrey, and take the King of Pamavnke Prisoner ; and
also to keepe the King of Paspahegh in shackels, and put
his men to double taskes in chaines, till nine and thirty of
their Kings paied vs contribution, and the offending Sal-
uages sent to lames towne to punish at our owne discre-
tions : in the two last yeares [Oct. 1607 — Oct. 1609] I staied
there, I had not a man slaine.
All those conclusions being not able to preuent the bad P°^wfeh
euents of pride and idlenesse, hauing receiued another natural
supply of seuentie, we were about two hundred in all, but cSS^*
not twentie work-men : In following the strict directions
from England to doe that was impossible at that time; So
it hapned, that neither wee nor they had any thing to eat
but what the Countrey afforded naturally ; yet of eightie
who liued vpon Oysters in Iune and Iuly [1609], with a
6 1 2 Of the Commodities of the Countrey. Lib. 4. [J Sl^*;
[1608-9] pint of corne a week for a man lying vnder trees, and 120
for the most part liuing vpon Sturgion, which was dried
til we pounded it to powder for meale, yet in ten weeks
[1 May — 10 July 1609] but seuen died.
^ioofeof the it is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, and Munition suffi-
wemumed. cient, some Aquavita, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Ote-
meale, but in two yeares and a halfe not sufficient for six
moneths ; though by the bils of loading the proportions
sent vs, would well haue contented vs : notwithstanding we
sent home ample proofes of Pitch, Tar, Sope Ashes,
Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke grasse, Iron Ore, some
Sturgion and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and blacke
Walnut; crowned Powhatan; sought the Monacans Countrey,
according to the instructions sent vs, but they caused vs
[to] neglect more necessary workes: they had better haue
giuen for Pitch and Sope ashes one hundred pound a tun
in Denmarke : Wee also maintained fiue or six seuerall
Plantations.
what we lames towne being burnt [Jan. 1608], wee rebuilt it and
three Forts more: besidesthe Church and Store-house,we had
\p- 957.] about fortie or fiftie seuerall houses to keepe vs warme and
dry, inuironed with a palizado of foureteene or fifteene foot,
and each as much as three or foure men could carrie. We
digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee
had three Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece[s] of Ordnance
[164] (of Culuering, Demiculuering, Sacar and Falcon),
and most well mounted vpon conuenient plat-formes: [and]
planted one hundred acres of Corne. We had but six
ships to transport and supply vs, and but two hundred
seuenty seuen men, boies, and women : by whose labours
Virginia being brought to this kinde of perfection, the
most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by this
small meanes ; yet because we had done no more, they
called in our Commission, tooke a new in their owne
names, and appointed vs neere as many offices and Officers
as I had Souldiers, that neither knew vs nor wee them,
without our consents or knowledge.
Since [by 1624], there haue gone more then one hundred
ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thousand people.
Now if you please to compare what hath beene spent,
J'ST<524'.] The reason why Capt. Smith left the Countrey. 613
sent, discouered, and done this fifteene yeares [1609-1624], [1608-
by that we did in the three first yeares : and [that] euery 1624]
Gouernor that hath beene there since, giue you but such
an account as this, you may easily finde what hath beene
the cause of those disasters in Virginia.
Then came [about 10 July 1609] in Ca-ptame A r gall, and
Master Sedan, in a ship of Master Cornelius, to fish for
Sturgion; who had such good prouision,we contracted with
them for it, whereby we were better furnished then euer.
Not long after came in seuen ships [11 — 14 August 1609],
with about three hundred people ; but rather to supplant
vs then supply vs : their Admirall with their authoritie being
cast away in the Bermudas, very angry they were we had
made no better prouisionfor them. Seuen or eight weekes
[11 Aug. — 4 Oct. 1609] we withstood the invndations of these
disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to death with
Gun-powder, which occasioned me to returne for England.
In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas [viz., on Oct. 4, see How 1 left
p. xcviii] , I left the Countrey, as is formerly related , with three tr£
ships, seuen Boats, Commodities to trade, haruest newly
gathered, eight weeks prouision of Corne and Meale, about
fiue hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot powder
and match with armes for more men then we had. The
Saluages their language and habitation well knowne to two
hundred expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing, tooles of all
sorts, apparell to supply their wants : six Mares and a
Horse, fiue or six hundred Swine, many more Powltry,
what was brought or bred, but [except] victuall, there
remained.
Hauing spent some fiue yeares [1604-1609], and more My charge
then fiue hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents
and setting forward, and neere as much more about New
England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares [1603-1624] I
haue here and there not spared any thing according to my
abilitie, nor the best aduice I could, to perswade how those
strange miracles of misery might haue beene preuented,
which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity
must insue, but few would beleeue me till now too deerely
they haue paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I haue rather left
6 14 The reason why Capt. Smith left the Countrey. [J-
Smith.
1634.
[1624] all then vndertake impossibilities, or any more such costly
Myrtwwd. taskes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of those two
Countries haue I one foot of Land, nor the very house I
builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor
euer any content or satisfaction at all. And though I see
ordinarily those two Countries shared before me by them
that neither haue them nor knowes them, but by my
descriptions : Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to
heare and see those contentions and diuisions which will
hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present
remedy bee not found, as they haue hindred many hun-
dreds, who would haue beene there ere now, and makes
them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre.
For the Books and Maps I haue made, I will thanke him
that will shew me so much for so little recompence ; and
beare with their errors till I haue done better. For the
materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to affirme
them both there and here, vpon such grounds as I haue
propounded : which is to haue but fifteene hundred men to
subdue againe the Saluages, fortifie the Countrey, discouer
that yet vnknowne, and both defend and feed their Colony,
which I most humbly refer to his Maiesties most iudiciall
iudgement, and the most honourable Lords of his [165]
Priuy Councill, you his trusty and well-beloued Commis-
sioners, and the Honourable company of Planters and
well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-I lands.
Out of these Obseruations it pleased
his Maiesties Commissioners for
the reformation of Virginia , to
desire my answer to these
seuen Questions.
Quest, i. W^iWVfS^M Hat conceiue you is the cause
the Plantation hath prospered
no better since you left it in
so good a forwardnesse ?
Answ. Idlenesse and care-
lesnesse brought all I did
in three yeeres, in six
moneths to nothing ; and
of fiue hundred I left, scarce threescore remained ; and
had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke
they had beene all dead before they could be supplied.
Quest. 2. What conceiue you should be the cause, though
the Country be good, there comes nothing but Tobacco ?
Answ The oft altering of Gouernours it seemes causes
euery man [to] make vse of his time, and because Corne was
stinted at two shillings six pence the bushell, and Tobacco
at three shillings the pound; and they value a mans labour
a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not
worth ten pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with
all things: now make a mans labour in Corne worth three-
score pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound a man, then shall
they haue Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers, and
[1624]
616 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. Lib. 4. [JS?j£;
[1624] keepe their people in health to doe any thing; but till then,
there will be little or nothing to any purpose.
Quest. 3. What conceiue you to haue beene the cause of the
Massacre, and had the Saluages had the vse of any peeces in
your time, or when, or by whom they were taught ?
Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of
marshall discipline; and because they would haue all the
English had by destroying those they found so carelesly
secure, that they were not prouided to defend themselues
against any enemy; being so dispersed as they were. In my
time, though Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords
by truck, and many fugitiues did the like, and some Peeces
they got accidentally : yet I got the most of them againe ;
and it was death to him that should shew a Saluage the
vse of a Peece. Since, I vnderstand, they became so good
shot, they were imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by
the English.
Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would haue setled the
gouernment both for defence and planting when you left it ?
Answ. Twenty thousand pound would haue hyred good
labourers and mechanicall men, and haue furnished them
[/>• 487 930. with cattle and all necessaries ; and 100. of them would haue
done more then a thousand of those that went : though the
Lord Law are, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates
and Sir Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary ; but
when they had tried, they confessed their error.
Quest. 5. What conceiue you would be the remedy and the
charge ?
Answ. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of
labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there
by next Michaelmas [1624], the which to doe well will stand
you in fiue thousand pound : but if his Maiesty would
please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse
would serue ; besides the benefit of his grace to the action
would encourage all men.
Quest. 6. What thinke you are the defects of the gouernment
both here and there ?
Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers
there, makes such delaies by questions and formalitie, that
as much time is spent in complement as in action ; [166]
besides, some are so desirous to imploy their ships, hauing
J'ST<524-] Lib. 4. Answer to the Commissioners Questions. 617
six pounds for euery Passenger, and three pounds for euery [1624]
tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now
better be procured then one at the first, when the common
6tocke defrayed all fraughts, wages, prouisions and Maga-
zines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as occasions much
sicknesse, diseases and mortality: for though all the Pas-
sengers die they are sure of their fraught ; and then all must
be satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes.
As for the letters of aduice from hence, and their
answers thence, they are so well written, men would be-
leeue there were no great doubt of the performance, and
that all things were wel, to which error here they haue
beene euer much subiect ; and there not to beleeue, or not
to releeue the true and poore estate of that Colony, whose
fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and this
losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are not
sensible of the losse of their aduentures, and so they thinke,
or will not take notice ; but it is so with all men.
But howsoeuer they thinke or dispose of all things at their
pleasure, I am sure not my selfe onely, but a thousand
others haue not onely spent the most of their estates, but
the most part haue lost their Hues and all, onely but to
make way for the triall of more new conclusions : and he
that now will aduenture but twelue pounds ten shillings,
shall haue better respect and as much fauour then he that
sixteene yeere agoe [in 1609] aduentured as much, except he
haue money as the other hath ; but though he haue aduen-
tured fiue hundred pound, and spent there neuer so much
time, if hee haue no more and [be] not able to begin a family
of himselfe, all is lost by order of Court.
But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of
one purse, till those new deuices haue consumed both
mony and purse ; for at first there were but six Patentees,
now more then a thousand; then but thirteene Counsailors,
now not lesse then an hundred : I speake not of all, for
there are some both honourable and honest, but of those
Officers which did they manage their owne estates no better
then the affaires of Virginia, they would quickly fall to
decay so well as it. But this is most euident, few Officers
in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for
all their complaints would [they] leaue their places; neither
6 1 8 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. Lib. 4. [J- s™65£;
[1624] yet any of their Officers there, nor few of the rest but they
would be at home. But fewer Aduenturers here will aduen-
ture any more till they see the businesse better established,
although there be some so wilfully improuident they care
for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be
dead, or want themselues, they die or Hue but poorely for
want of necessaries, and to thinke the old Planters can
releeue them were too much simplicity ; for who here in
England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers,
haue they neuer so much ; much lesse in Virginia where
they want for themselues. Now the generall complaint
saith, that pride, couetousnesse, extortion and oppression
in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the com-
minalty at what rate they please (yea euen men, women
and children for who will giue most), occasions no small
mischiefe amongst the Planters.
As for the Company, or those that doe transport them,
prouided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receiue
their charges againe with aduantage, or that masters there
should not haue the same priuilege ouer their seruants as
here : but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore
pounds, whom the Company hath sent ouer for eight or
ten pounds at the most, without regard how they shall be
maintained with apparell, meat, drinke and lodging, is
odious, and their fruits su[i] table: therefore such merchants
it were better they were made such merchandize them-
selues, then suffered any longer to vse that trade, and those
are defects sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth
to misery, much more Virginia.
Quest. 7. How thinke you it may be rectified ?
Answ. If his Maiestie would please to intitle [resume] it
to his Crowne, and yearely that both the Gouernours here
and there may giue their accounts to you, or some that are
not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke bee
not spent in [167] maintaining one hundred men for the
Gouernour, one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the
Treasurer, fiue and twenty for the Secretary, and more for
the Marshall and other Officers who were neuer there nor
aduentured any thing ; but onely preferred by fauour to be
Lords ouer them that broke the ice and beat the path, and
must teach them what to doe. If any thing happen well, it
J"ST<S;3 Lib. 4. Answer to the Commissioners Questions, 619
is their glory ; if ill, the fault of the old directors, that in [1624"
all dangers must endure the worst, yet not flue hundred
of them haue so much as one of the others.
Also that there bee some present course taken to main-
taine a Garrison to suppresse the Saluages, till they be
able to subsist, and that his Maiesty would please to
remit his custome; or it is to be feared they will lose
custome and all, for this cannot be done by promises, hopes,
counsels and countenances, but with sufficient workmen and
meanes to maintaine them : not such delinquents as here
cannot be ruled by all the lawes in England. Yet when the
foundation is laid, as I haue said, and a common-wealth
established, then such there may better be constrained
to labour then here ; but to rectifie a common-wealth
with debaushed people is impossible, and no wise man
would throw himselfe into such a society, that intends
honestly, and knowes what he vndertakes. For there is no
Country to pillage as the Romans found : all you expect
from thence must be by labour.
For the gouernment I thinke there is as much adoe about
it as the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men here con-
ceiting Virginia as they are, erecting as many stately Offices
as Officers with their attendants, as there are labourers in
the Countrey : where a Constable were as good as twenty
of their Captaines ; and three hundred good Souldiers and
labourers better then all the rest, that goe onely to get the
fruits of other mens labours by the title of an office. Thus
they spend Michaelmas rent in Mid-summer Moone, and
would gather their Haruest before they haue planted their
Corne.
As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that
went neuer demanded any, but aduentured good summes:
and it seemes strange to me, the fruits of all their labours,
besides the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand
pounds, and such multitudes of people, those collaterall
Officers could not maintaine themselues so well as the old
did ; and hauing now such liberty to doe to the Saluages
what they will, [which] the others had not.
I more then wonder they haue not hue hundred Saluages
to worke for them towards their generall maintenance;
and as many more to returne some content and satisfaction
620 Answer to the Commissioners Questions. Lib. 4. [J- s™j£
[1624] to the Aduenturers, that for all their care, charge and
diligence, can heare nor see nothing but miserable com-
plaints : therefore vnder your correction to rectifie all, [it]
is with all expedition to passe the authority to them who
will releeue them, lest all bee consumed ere the differences
be determined.
And except his Maiestie vndertake it, or by Act of Par-
lament some small tax may be granted throughout his
Dominions, as a Penny vpon euery Poll, called a head-
penny; two pence vpon euery Chimney, or some such
collection might be raised, and that would be sufficient to
giue a good stocke, and many seruants to sufficient men
of any facultie, and transport them freely for paying onely
homage to the Crowne of England, and such duties to the
publike good as their estates increased, [as] reason should
require. Were this put in practice, how many people of
what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet
gladly goe to spend their Hues there, and by this meanes
more good might be done in one yeere, then all those
pe[t]ty particular vndertakings will effect in twenty.
For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it
from them that haue it, then from vs who had it first; pre-
tending to his Maiestywhat great matters they would doe,
and how little we did : and for any thing I can conceiue
had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could
haue done much worse ; but those oft altering of gouern-
ments are not without much charge, hazard and losse.
If I be too plaine, I humbly craue your pardon ; but you
requested me, therefore I doe but my duty. For the Nobility,
who knowes not how freely both in their [168] Purses and
assistances many of them haue beene to aduance it, com-
mitting the managing of the businesse to inferiour persons :
amongst whom questionlesse also many haue done their
vtmost best, sincerely and truly according to their conceit,
opinion and vnderstanding ; yet grosse errors haue beene
committed, but no man Hues without his fault. For my
owne part, I haue so much adoe to amend my owne, I haue
no leisure to looke into any mans particular [i.e., fault], but
those [faults] in generall I conceiue to be true. And so I
humbly rest Yours to command,
r. s.
Hus those discords, not being to be [1624]
compounded among themselues; nor yet fiihSed
by the extraordinary diligences, care and to take it
paines of the noble and right worthy skEratUn""
Commissioners, Sir William Iones, Sir
Nicholas Fortescue, Sir Francis Goston,
Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier
and Sir William Pit: a Corante was
granted against Master Deputy Farrar, and 20. or 30.
others of that party, to plead their causes before the right
Honourable the Lords of His Maiesties Priuy Councell.
Now notwithstanding all the Relations, Examinations,
and intercepting of all Letters whatsoeuer [that] came from
thence, yet it seemes they were so farre vnsatisfied and
desired to know the truth, as well for the preseruation of
the Colony, as to giue content and doe all men right, [that]
they sent two Commissioners strictly to examine the true
estate of the Colony.
Vpon whose returne after mature deliberation, it pleased
his royall Maiesty to suppresse the course of the Court at
Deputy Farrars : and that for the present ordering the
affaires of Virginia, vntill he should make a more full
settlement thereof, the Lord Viscount Mandeuile, Lord
President of his Maiesties Priuie Councell, and also other
Priuy Councellors, with many vnderstanding Knights and
Gentlemen, should euery Thursday in the afternoone meet
at Sir Thomas Smiths in Philpot lane : where all men whom
it should concerne may repaire, to receiue such directions
and warrant for their better security; as more at large
you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, vnder the
great Seale of England, dated the 15. of Iuly, 1624.
622 The King takes it into his consideration. Lib. 4. [J,SS£:
[1624] But as for the relations last returned, what numbers they
are, how many Cities, Corporations, townes, and houses,
cattle and horse they haue; what fortifications or discoueries
they haue made, or reuenge vpon the Saluages ; who are
their friends or foes ; or what commodities they haue more
then Tobacco ; and their present estate or what is presently
to be put in execution : in that the Commissioners are not
yet fully satisfied in the one, nor resolued in the other, at
this present time when this went to the Presse, I must
intreat you pardon me till I be better assured.
Thus far I haue trauelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia,
not being ignorant [that] for all my paines, this discourse
will be wrested, tossed and turned as many waies as there
is leaues [The first four Books of this General History, occupy
168 leaves] ; that I haue writ too much of some, too little
of others, and many such like obiections.
To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was
requested to doe it, if any haue concealed their approued
experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse me : as
for euery fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes of
sofisticated rehearsals, I leaue them to the charge of them
that desire them. I thanke God I neuer vndertooke any
thing yet [wherein] any could tax me of carelesnesse or
dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or
troublesome ? Ah ! were these my accusers but to change
cases and places with me but 2. yeeres, or till they had
done but so much as I, it may be they would iudge more
charitably of my imperfections.
But here I must leaue all to the triall of time, both my
selfe, Virginia's preparations, proceedings and good euents;
praying to that great God the protector of all goodnesse to
send them as good successe as the goodnesse of the action
and Country deserueth, and my heart desireth.
FINIS. [169]
The Generall Historic of Virginia, New England, &> the Summer Isles.
The Fifth Book.
1624.
The General
History of the Bermudas.
1593-1623.
Captain Smith was never at Bermuda. This part of the Generall
Historie therefore is clearly a compilation.
Our Author may have made large use of Sloanc MS. 750, in the
British Museum ; which has been edited by General Sir J. Henry
Lefroy, R.A., C.B., K.C.M.G., for the Hakluyt Society in 1881,
under the title of " The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands.
Attributed to Captain John Smith : " but clearly he was not the Author
of that manuscript, which was written apparently by a Governor
previous to Governor Butler ; ? by Governor Tucker.
The Fifth Booke.
THE
GENERALL HISTORIE
OF THE BERMVDAS, NOW
called the Summer lies, from their
beginning in the yeere of our Lord
1593. to this present 1624. with their
proceedings, accidents and
present estate.
Efore we present you the matters of fact,
it is fit to offer to your view the Stage
whereon they were acted : for as Geo-
graphy without History seemeth a
carkasse without motion ; so History
without Geography, wandreth as a
Vagrant without a certaine habitation.
Those Hands lie in the huge maine The
Ocean, and two hundred leagues from any continent, ofTh^ne!
situated in 32. degrees and 25. minutes, of Northerly
latitude, and distant from England West South- West,
about 3300. miles ; some twenty miles in length, and not
past two miles and a halfe in breadth, enuironed with
Rocks, which to the North-ward, West-ward, and South-
East, extend further then they haue bin yet well dis-
40
[1593-
16231
626 The description of the Summer lies Lib. 5. TJS^
Lsee/. 629.
[1593- couered: by reason of those Rocks the Country is naturally
1623] very strong, for there is but two places, and scar[c]e two
vnlesse to them who know them well, where shipping may
safely come in, and those now are exceeding well fortified,
but within is roome to entertaine a royall Fleet : the
Rocks in most places appeare at a low water, neither are
they much couered at a high, for it ebbs and flowes not
past fiue foot ; the shore for most part is a Rocke, so
hardened with the sunne, wind and sea, that it is not apt
to be worne away with the waues, whose violence is also
broke by the Rocks before they can come to the shore.
It is very vneuen, distributed into hills and dales ; the
mold is of diuers colours, neither clay nor sand, but a meane
betweene ; the red which resembleth clay is the worst,
the whitest resembling sand and the blackest is good, but
the browne betwixt them both which they call white,
because there is mingled with it a white meale is the best :
vnder the mould two or three foot deep, and sometimes
lesse, is a kinde of white hard substance which they call
the Rocke : the trees vsually fasten their roots in it ;
neither is it indeed rocke or stone, or so hard, though for
most part more harder then Chalke ; nor so white, but
pumish-like and spungy, easily receiuing and containing
much water. In some places Clay is found vnder it, it
seemes to be ingendred with raine water, draining through
the earth, and drawing with it of his substance vnto a
certaine depth where it congeales ; the hardest kinde of it
lies vnder the red ground like quarries, as it were thicke
slates one vpon another, through which the water hath
his passage, so that in such places there is scarce found
any fresh water, for all or the most part of the fresh water
commeth out of the Sea draining through the sand, or that
substance called the Rocke, leauing the salt behinde, it
becomes fresh. Sometimes we digged wells of fresh water
which we finde in most places, and but three or foure paces
from the Sea side, some further, the most part of them would
ebbe and flow as the Sea did, and be leuell or little higher
then the superficies of the sea : and in some places [there
are] very strange, darke and cumbersome Caues. [170]
SlferTnd ^e aire ™ most commonly cleere, very temperate,
fcItSy.an moist, with a moderate heat, very healthfull and apt for
J s^;] Lib. 5. and their naturall Commodities. 627
the generation and nourishing of all things, so as many [1593-
things transported from hence yeeld a farre greater increase, 1623]
and if it be any liuing thing it becomes fatter and
better.
By this meanes the country is so replenished with Hens
and Turkies, within the space of three or foure yeeres,
that many of them being neglected, forsake the houses and
become wilde, and so Hue in great abundance ; the like
increase there is in Hogs, tame Conies, and other Cattle
according to their kindes.
There seemes to be a continuall Spring, which is the
cause some things come not to that maturity and perfec-
tion as were requisite ; and though the trees shed their
leaues, yet they are alwaies full of greene. The Corne is
the same they haue in Virginia, and the West-Indies : of
this and many other things, without plowing or much
labour, they haue two Haruests euery yeere. For they
set about March, which they gather in Iuly ; and againe
in August, which theyreape in December; and little slips
of Fig-trees and Vines doe vsually beare fruit within the
yeere, and sometimes in lesse ; but we finde not the Grapes
as yet come to any perfection : the like fertility it hath
in Oranges and Limons, Pomgranates, and other things.
Concerning the serenity and beauty of the skie, it may
as truly be said of those Ilands as euer it was said of the
Rhodes, that there is no one day throughout the 12.
moneths, but that in some houre thereof, the sun lookes
singularly and cleere vpon them : for the temperature it
is beyond all others most admirable; no cold there is
beyond an English Aprill, nor heat much greater then
an ordinary Iuly in France. So that frost and snow is neuer
seene here, nor stinking and infectious mists very seldome ;
by reason of the maine Ocean, there is some wind stirring
that cooles the aire : the winter they haue obserues the
time with ours, but the longest daies and nights are
shorter then ours almost by two houres.
We found it at first all ouergrowne with weeds, and Trees and
plants of seuerall kinds, as many tall and goodly Cedars, Frmts'
infinite store of Palmetoes, numbers of Mulberies, wild
Oliue-trees store, with diuers others vnknowne both by
Pearc.
weed
628 The description of the Summer lies Lib. 5. [T* s^
[1593- name and nature, so that as yet they become lost to many
1623] vsefull imployments, which time and industry no doubt
will one day discouer. And euen already certaine of the
most notorious of them haue gotten them appellations
from their apparent effects, as
ThePrkkcii The Prickell-peare which growes like a shrub by the
ground, with broad thick leaues, all ouer-armed with long
and sharpe dangerous thornes, the fruit being in forme
not much vnlike a small greene Peare, and on the outside
of the same colour, but within bloud red, and exceeding
full of iuice ; with graines not much vnlike the Pomgranat,
and colouring after its nature.
The^poison The poysoned weed is much in shape like our English
Iuy, but being but touched, causeth rednesse, itching, and
lastly blisters ; the which howsoeuer after a while passe
away of themselues without further harme : yet because for
the time they are somewhat painfull, it hath got it selfe an
ill name, although questionlesse of no ill nature.
The^red Hereisalso frequently growing a certaine tall Plant, whose
stalke being all ouer couered with a red rinde, is thereupon
termed the red weed : the root whereof being soked in any
liquor, or but a small quantity of the Iuice drunke alone,
procures a very forcible vomit, and yet is generally vsed
by the people, and found very effectual against the paines
and distempers of the stomacke.
The purging A kinde of Wood-bind there is likewise by the Sea very
Bcane* commonly to bee found, which runnes vpon trees, twining
it selfe like a Vine : the fruit somewhat resembles a Beane,
but somewhat flatter, the which any way eaten worketh
excellently in the nature of a purge, and though very
vehemently, yet without all perill.
Thecostiue Contrary to this, another small tree there is, which
causeth costiuenesse.
There is also a certaine Plant like a bramble bush, which
beares a long yellow fruit, hauing the shell very hard, and
within it a hard berry, that beaten and taken inwardly
purgeth gently.
Red Pepper. There is another fruit much like our Barberies, which
being beaten or brused betweene the teeth, sets all the
mouth on an extreme heat very terrible for the time, to
auoid which they are swallowed downe whole, [171] and
weed.
transported.
J- S^;] Lib. 5. and their naturall Commodities. 629
found of the same or better operation then the red Pepper, [1593-
and thence borroweth the name. 1623]
In the bottome of the Sea there is growing vpon the Rocks J^^l*
a large kinde of Plant in the forme of a Vine leafe, but far
more spread with veines in colour of a pale red, very
strangely interlaced and wouen one into another, which
we call the Feather, but the vertue thereof, is altogether
vnknowne, but only regarded for the rarity.
Now besides these naturall productions, prouidences and *™l**n
paines since the Plantation, haue offered diuers other seeds
and plants, which the soile hath greedily imbraced and
cherished : so that at this present 1623. there are great abund-
ance of white, red, and yellow coloured Potatoes, Tobacco,
Sugarcanes, Indicos, Parsnips, exceeding large Radishes, the
American bread, the Cassado root, the Indian Pumpian, the
Water-millon, Musk-millon, and the most delicate Pine-
apples, Plantans, andPapawes; also the English Artichoke,
Pease, &c. : briefly whatsoeuer else may be expected for
the satisfaction either of curiosity, necessity or delight.
Neither hath the aire for her part been wanting with Birds,
due supplies of many sorts of Fowles, as the gray and
white Hearne, the gray and greene Plouer, some wilde
Ducks and Malards, Coots and Red-shankes, Sea-wigions,
Gray-bitterns, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds like
Sparrowes and Robins which haue lately beene destroyed
by the wilde Cats, Wood-pickars : very many Crowes,
which since this Plantation are kild, the rest fled or seldome
seene except in the most vninhabited places, from whence
they are obserued to take their flight about sun set,
directing their course towards the North-west, which
makes many coniecture there are some more Hands not
far off that way. Sometimes are also seene Falcons and
Iar-falcons, Ospraies, a Bird like a Hobby : but because
they come seldome, they are held but as passengers.
But aboue all these, most deseruing obseruation and re-
spect are those two sorts of Birds, the one for the tune of his
voice, the other for the effect, called the Cahow, and Egge-
bird: [the latter of] which on the first of May, a day con- Egge-Bird*.
stantly obserued, fall a laying infinite store of Eggs neere as
big as Hens, vpon certaine small sandie baies especially in
630 The description of the Summer lies Lib. 5. [JS^;
[1593- Coupers He ; and although men sit downe amongst them
1623] when hundreds haue bin gathered in a morning, yet there is
hath stayed amongst them till they haue gathered as many
more: they continue this course till Midsummer, and so tame
and feareles, you must thrust them off from their Eggs with
your hand. Then they grow so faint with laying, they
suffer them to breed and take infinite numbers of their
yong to eat, which are very excellent meat.
Cahowes. The Cahow is a Bird of the night, for all the day she
lies hid in holes in the Rocks, where they and their young
are also taken with as much ease as may be : but in the
night if you but whoop and hollow, they will light
vpon you, that with your hands you may chuse the fat and
leaue the leane. Those they haue only in winter : their
Eggs are as big as hens, but they are speckled, the other
white. Master Norwood hath taken twenty dozen of them
in three or foure houres, and since there hath beene such
hauocke made of them, they were neere all destroyed, till
there was a strict inhibition for their preseruation.
th« . The Tropicke bird is white, as large as a Pullet, with one
BirTand the onely long Feather in her taile, and is seldome seene far
p^bgec-os distant from other of the Tropicks. Another small Bird
ments. there is, because she cries Pemblyco they call her so, she is
seldome seene in the day but when she sings, as too oft she
doth very clamorously ; too true a Prophet she proues of
huge winds and boysterous weather.
There were a kinde of small Owles in great abundance,
but they are now all slaine or fled : some tame Ducks, Geese
and Pigeons there are, but the two latter prosper not.
ofVermine. Concerning vermine and noisome creatures, there are
not many, but onely Rats and Cats there increased since
the Plantation, but how they agree together you shall
heare hereafter. The Musketas and Flies are also too
busie, with a certaine India Bug, called by the Spaniards
a Cacarootch, the which creeping into Chests they eat and
defile with their ill-sented dung. Also the little Ants in
summer time are so troublesome, they are forced to dry
their figs vpon high frames, and anoint their feet with tar,
wherein they sticke, else they would spoile them all [172]
ere they could be drycd. Wormes in the earth also there
JS^] Lib. 5. and their natur all Commodities. 631
are but too many, so that to keepe them from destroying R«oqi
their Corne and Tobacco, they are forced to worme them "»23J
euery morning, which is a great labour, else all would be
destroyed. Lizards there were many and very large, but
now none ; and it is said they were destroyed by the Cat. Nott.
Certaine Spiders also of very large size are found hanging
vpon trees, but instead of being any way dangerous as in
other places, they are here of a most pleasing aspect, all
ouer drest, as it were with Siluer, Gold, and Pearle : and
their Webs in the Summer wouen from tree to tree, are
generally a perfect raw silke, and that as well in regard of
substance as colour; and so strong withall, that diuers
Birds bigger than Black-birds, being like Snipes, are often
taken and snared in them as a Net. Then what would the
Silke-worme doe were shee there to feede vpon the
continuall greene Mulbery ?
But aboue all the rest of the Elements, the Sea is found FisW
most abundantly liberall : hence haue they as much
excellent Fish, and as much variety as need be desired.
The most of which being vnknowne to our Northerne
parts, got there new names, either for their shapes or
conditions ; as the large Rocke-fish from his like hew, and
haunting amongst the Rocks ; the fat Hog-fish from his
swine-like shape and snout, for this is not the old knowne
Hog-fish with brussels on his backe ; the delicate Amber-
fish from his taste and smell ; Angell-fish, Cony-fish the
small yellow taile from that naturall painting ; the great
Growper from his odde and strange grunting : some of
them yet knowne to the Americans, as the Purgoose, the
Cauallo, the Gar-fish, Flying-fish and M orerayes ; the rest
are common to other Continents, as the Whale in great
numbers, the Sharke, the Pilot-fish, the Sea-Breame, the
Oyster and Lobster, with diuers others. Twenty Tortoises
haue beene taken in a day, and some of them will affoord halfe
a bushell of Egges, and suffice to feed forty men at a meale.
And thus haue you briefely epitomized Mother Natures
benefits to this little, yet dainty spot of earth ; neither
were it ingenuity to conceale wherein shee inclineth
to the Stepdame, especially since the particulars are so
632 The description of the Summer lies &c. Lib. 5. p,s2£
[1593- few, as rather requisite Antidotes against idlenesse to
1623] rouse vp industry, then any great cause of much distaste,
iwuif1 much lesse despaire : and of those to speake troth, there are
ShSTiki. onely two : viz' tne Winds, and the Wormes, especially in
the Spring and Autumne ; and thus conditioned as yet we
will let rest these small Hands, in the midst of this
mightie and maine Ocean, so inuironed on euery side, by
infinite numbers of vncertaine scattered Rocks, lying
shallowly hid vnder the surface of the water, a league,
two, three, foure, or fiue, to Sea, to the which aduantagers
added by art, as hereafter you shall heare at large, and
finde described in the Map. It may well be concluded to
be the most impregnable place in the world; and although
the Amber Greece, Pearles, nor Tobacco, are of that
quantity and certainty to be relied vpon to gaine wealth ;
yet by practise and experience they finde, by Silke, Saffron,
Indico, Madar, Sugar-canes, Wine, Oile, and such like,
great profit may be expected. Yet were those hopelesse,
in regard of their conueniency to nourish and maintaine
themselues, and releeue them shall visit them with wood,
water, and other necessaries; besides what an eye-sore they
are already becommed to them that haue them not [p. 688],
and how deare and pretious to them that haue them, I
thinke none will deny but they are well worth the keeping :
and so we will proceed to the accidents that befell the first
finders ; also the proceedings of the first Planters and
their successors, Master Norwod, Thomas Sparkes, and
diuers others.
633
A brief e relation of the shipwracke 1593.
of Henry May.
Ow these lies came by the name of [1591-3]
Bermudas, or the infinite number of Apposed
blacke Hogs, or so fearefull to the world th?,y rre
i iiii 1 ti /»t»'t called the
that many called them the lie of Deuils, Bermudas.
that all men did shun as Hell and
perdition ; I will not expostulate, nor
trouble your patiences with those vn-
certaine antiquities [173] further then
thus ; our men found diuers crosses, peeces of Spanish
monies here and there. Two or three wracks also they
found, by certaine inscriptions to bee some Spanish, some
Dutch, some French ; but the greatest rumour is, that a
Spanish ship called Bermudas was there cast away, carry-
ing Hogges to the West-Indies that swam a shore, and
there increased : how the Spaniards escaped is vncertaine :
but they say, from that ship those lies were first called
Bermudas, which till then for six thousand yeares had
beene namelesse.
But the first English-man that was euer in them, was
one Henry May, a worthy Mariner that went with Captaine
Lancaster to the East-Indies 1591. and in their returne by
the West-Indies, being in some distresse, [he] sent this
Henry May for England by one Mounsier de la Barbotier, to
acquaint the Merchants with their estate.
The last of Nouember [1591], saith May, we departed
from Laguna in Hispaniola, and the seuenteenth of Decem-
ber following [1591], we were cast away vpon the North-
west of the Bermudas; the Pilots about noone made
themselues Southwards of the lies twelue leagues, and
demanded of the Captaine their Wine of hight as out of all
danger, which they had : but it seemes they were either
drunke, or carelesse of their charge ; for through their
uegligences a number of good men were cast away.
I being but a stranger amongst fiftie and odde French-
men, it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them should
634 <A briefe relation of Henrie May. Lib. 5. [H
May.
The build-
ing and
calking
their Barke,
[1591-4] be saued. In this extremity we made a raft, which we towed
with our Boat, there were but six and twentie of vs saued ;
and I seeing scarce roome for the one halfe, durst not passe
in amongst them till the Captaine called me along with
him, leauing the better halfe to the seas mercy.
That day we rowed till within two houres of night ere we
could land, being neere dead with thirst, euery man tooke his
way to seeke fresh water; at length, by searching amongst
many weeds, we found some raine water : but in the maine
are many faire Baies, where we had enough for digging.
Now it pleased God before our ship split we saued our
Carpenters tooles, some Nailes, Sailes, and Tacklings ;
wherewith we went roundly to worke, and built a Barke
of eighty tunnes. In stead of Pitch, we made Lime, mixed
with Tortoise oyle ; and as the Carpenters calked her, I
and another paied the seames with this plaster, which
being in Aprill, became quickly dry, and as hard as a stone.
In Aprill [1592] it was so hot, we feared our water would
faile, two great Chests wee made, which we calked as our
ship ; those we stowed on each side our maine Mast, filled
them with water and thirtie liue Tortoises. Wee found many
Hogges, but so leane wee could not eat them. The tops of
the Palmeta berries was our bread, and the iuyce we got
out of the trees we cut downe our drinke, and of the leaues,
which are more then an Ell long, we couered our Cabens,
and made our beds, and found many of those prouisions
as is related, but little foule weather.
The eleuenth of May [1592] it pleased God to set vs cleere
of the He, after wee had liued there fiue moneths : and the
twentieth wee fell with Cape Britton neere New found Land,
where refreshing [we refreshed] our selues with wood and
water, and such things as we could get of the Saluages. It
seemed a good Countrey, but we staied not past foure houres
before we set saile for the banke of New found land : where
wee met many ships, but not any would take in a man of
vs, vntill it pleased God we met a Barke of Fawmothe,
which receiued vs for a little time. And with her we tooke
a French ship, wherein I left Captaine de la Barbotier, my
deare friend, and all his Company : and in August arriued
at Falmouth in this honest English Barke, 1594.
Written by me Henry May. [174]
HU returne
for
England.
"The first English ship knowne to
haue beene cast away vpon the Bermudas,
1609. From the relation of Master Iordan,
Master Iohn Euens, Master Henry-
Shelly, and diuers others.
^Ou haue heard, that when Captaine Smith [1609]
was Gouernor of Virginia, there were
nine ships sent with Sir Thomas Gates,
and Sir George Somers, and Captaine
Nuport, with hue hundred people, to take
in the old Commission, and rectifie a new
gouernment: they set saile in May, and in
the height of thirty degrees of Northerly a most
latitude, they were taken with an extreme storme, or rather SeTy
a part of Hericano, vpon the hue and twentieth of Iuly [1609],
which as they write, did not onely separate them from the
Fleet, but with the violent working of the Seas, their ship
became so shaken, torne, and leak[i]e, she receiued so much
water as couered two tire [teir] of Hogsheads aboue the
ballace [ballast], that they stood vp to the middles, with
Buckets, Baricos, and Kettles, to baile out the water.
Thus bailing and pumping three daies and three nights
without intermission, and yet the water seemed rather to
increase then diminish, in so much that being all vtterly
spent with labour, were euen resolued without any hope to
shut vp the hatches, and commit themselues to the mercy
of the Sea, which is said to be mercilesse, or rather to the
mercy of Almighty God, whose mercy farre exceeds all his
a storm.
636
The first English ship Lib.
5fMr. Jordan, J. Evans,
• L H. Shelley, &c.
[1609]
Thecara
and iudge-
ment of
Sir George
Somers.
An euident
token of
Gods mercy.
workes: seeing no sense or hope in mans apprehension, but
presently to sinke ; some hailing some good and comfortable
waters [spirits], fetched them and dranke one to another,
as taking their last leaues vntill a more happy and a more
ioyfull meeting in a more blessed world ; when it pleased
God out of his most gracious and mercifull prouidence, so
to direct and guide their ship for her most aduantage.
That Sir George Somers all this time sitting vpon the
poupe, scarce taking leisure to eat nor sleepe, couing [coning]
the ship to keepe her as vpright as he could, otherwaies she
must, long ere that, needs haue foundered, most wishedly
and happily descried land : whereupon he most comfort-
ably incouraged them to follow their worke, many of them
being fast asleepe. This vnlooked for welcome newes, as if
it had bin a voice from heauen, hurrieth them all aboue
hatches, to looke for that they durst scarce beleeue ; so
that improuidently forsaking that taske which imported no
lesse then their Hues, they gaue so dangerous aduantage to
their greedy enemy the salt water, which still entred at
the large breaches of their poore wooden castle, as that in
gaping after life, they had well-nigh swallowed their death.
Surely it is impossible any should now be vrged to doe his
best, and although they knew it, [to be] that place all men
did so shun, yet they spread all the saile they could to
attaine them : for not long it was before they strucke vpon
a rocke, till a surge of the sea cast her from thence ; and so
from one to another, till most luckily at last [she stuck]
so vpright betwixt two, as if she had beene in the stocks.
Till this they expected but euery blow a death : But now
behold, suddenly the wind giues place to a calme, and the
billowes, which each by ouertaking her, would in an instant
haue shiuered her in peeces, become peaceable and still; so
that with all conueniency and ease, they vnshipped all their
goods, victuall, and persons into their Boats, and with
extreme ioy, euen almost to amazednesse, arriued in
safetie, though more then a league from the shore, without
the losse of a man ; yet were they in all one hundred and
fiftie.
Yet their deliuerance was not more strange in falling
so happily vpon the land, as their feeding and preseruation
was beyond their hopes ; for you haue heard, it hath beene
Ed'byjJuiyS:] Lib. 5. cast vpon the Bermudas. 637
to the Spaniards more fearefull then an Vtopian Purgatory ; [1609]
and to all Sea-men no lesse terrible then an inchanted den
of Furies and Deuils; the most dangerous, vnfortunate, and
forlorne place in the world : and they found it the richest,
healthfullest and pleasantest they euer saw, as is formerly
said.
Being thus safe on shore, they disposed themselues to fjj^jf?
search the lies for food [175] and water ; others to get a firsfrang-1*
shore what they could from the ship ; not long Sir George jand.he
wandred but [he] found such a fishing, that in halfe an houre
with a hooke and line, he tooke so many as sufficed the
whole company. In some places they were so thicke in the
Coues, and so great, they durst not goe in lest they should
bite them, and these rocke fish are so great two will load
a man, and fatter nor better fish cannot be. Master Shelly
found a Bay neere a quarter of a mile ouer, so full of
Mullets, as none of them before had euer seene or heard of
the like : the next day seeking to kill them with fis-gigs,
they strucke so many the water in many places was red
with bloud, yet caught not one ; but with a net they caught
so many as they could draw a shore, with infinite number
of Pilchards and diuers other sorts. Great craw-fishes in
a night by making a fire they haue taken in great quantity.
Sir George had twice his hooke and line broke out of his
hand, but the third time he made it so strong he caught
the same fish ; which had pulled him into the Sea had not
his men got hold of him, whereby he had his three hookes
againe [that] were found in her belly. At their first hunting
for hogs they found such abundance, they killed 32 : and
this hunting and fishing was appointed to Captaine Robert
Walsingham, and Master Henry Shelly for the company in
general : they report they killed at least 500. besides Pigs,
and many that were killed by diuers others ; for the birds
in their seasons, the facility to make their cabens of
Palmeta leaues, caused many of them vtterly forget or
desire euer to returne from thence, they liued in such
plenty, peace and ease.
But let vs remember how the Knights began to resolue what
in those desperat affaires. Many proiects they had, but unmade
at last it was concluded, to decke their long boat with ^-^S^JJ
their ship hatches ; which done, with all expedition they
638 How they with 1 50. lined there 9. mondhs. [Mr- Jonf s'hiii^ &S
[1609-10] sent Master Ratten, a very sufficient Mariner, with eight
more in her to Virginia, to haue shipping from thence to
fetch them away. Three weekes or a moneth they expected
her returne, but to this day [1624] she was neuer more
heard of.
All this time was spent in searching the lies : now although
God still fed them with this abundance of plenty, yet such
was the malice of enuy or ambition, for all this good
seruice done by Sommers, such a great difference fell
amongst their Commanders, that they liued asunder in this
distresse, rather as meere strangers then distressed friends :
but necessity so commanded, patience had the victory.
Ad1tiag<v ^wo S^PS at ^ls ^me kv those seuerall parties were a
children building ; in the meane time two children were borne, the
Boy was called Bermudas, the Girle Bermuda, and amongst
all those sorrowes they had a merry English manage.
The forme of those lies you may see at large in the Map
of Master Norwood, where you may plainly see no place
knowne hath better walls, nor a broader ditch.
But hauing finished and rigged their two new Cedar ships
with such prouisions they saued from the Sea-aduenturer
they left amongst the Rocks, they called the one the Patience,
the other the Deliuerance ; they vsed Lime and Oile, as
May did, for Pitch and Tar. Sir George Summers had in
his Barke no Iron at all but one bolt in her Keele ; now
hauing made their prouisions of victuall and all things
ready, they set saile the tenth of May 1610. onely leauing
two men behinde them, called Christopher Carter and
Edward Waters, that for their offences, or the suspition
they had of their iudgements, fled into the woods : and
there rather desired to end their daies then stand to their
trials and the euent of Iustice ; for one of their consorts
was shot to death, and Waters being tied to a tree also to be
executed, had by chance a Knife about him, and so secretly
cut the Rope, he ran into the woods where they could not
finde him [pp. 591, 640, 648, 649, 660].
There were two Saluages also sent from Virginia by
Captain Smith, the one called Namuntack [p. 517], the other
Matchumps : but some such differences fell betweene them,
that Matchumps slew Namuntack, and hauing made a hole
to bury him, because it was too short, he cut of[f] his legs
Ed'byj{iysT^:] Lib. 5. The death of Sir George Summers. 639
and laid them by him ; which murder he concealed till he [1610]
was in Virginia.
The foure and twentieth of the same moneth [May 1610] Jif^iiin
they arriued in Virginia at lames towne, where they found Virginia.
but threescore persons, as you may reade at large in the
History of Virginia [pp. 498, 500], of the hue hundred left
by Captaine Smith: [as] also of the arriuall [176] of the Lord
Laware, that met them thus bound for England, returned
them backe [p. 500] ; and vnderstanding what plenty there
was of hogs and other good things in the Bermudas, was
desirous to send thither to supply his necessary occasions.
Whereupon Sir George Summers ,the best acquainted with
the place, whose noble minde euer regarded a generall good
more then his owne ends, though aboue threescore yeeres
of age, and had meanes in England su[i]table to his ranke,
offered himselfe by Gods helpe to performe this dangerous
voyage againe for the Bermudas; which was kindly accepted,
so vpon the 19. of Iune [1610], he imbarked in his Cedar
ship, about the burthen of thirty tunnes, and so set saile.
Much foule and crosse weather he had, and was forced sir George
to the North parts of Virginia ; where refreshing himselfe STeTume
vpon this vnknowne coast, he could not bee diuerted from jJ«S»«<&*
the search of the Bermudas, where at last with his company
he safely arriued : but such was his diligence with his
extraordinary care, paines and industry to dispatch his
businesse, and the strength of his body not answering fhe
euer memorable courage of his minde ; hauing liued so
long in such honourable seruices the most part of his
well beloued and vertuous life, God and nature here
determined, should euer remaine a perpetuall memory of
his much bewailed sorrow for his death : finding his time
but short, after he had taken the best course he could to
settle his estate ; like a valiant Captaine he exhorted them
with all diligence to be constant to those Plantations, and
with all expedition to returne to Virginia. In that very
place which we now call Saint Georges towne, this noble
Knight died, whereof the place taketh the name.
But his men, as men amazed, seeing the death of him who
waseuen as the life of them all, embalmed his body and set
saile for England ; being the first that euer went to seeke
those Hands : which haue beene euer since called Summers
640 [ The greatest piece of ambergris ever seen]. Lib. 5. \J^f ?6l£;
[1611-12] lies, in honour of his worthy memory, leauing three men
behind them, that voluntarily stayed, whose names were
Christopher Carter, Edward Waters, there formerly left as
is said [p. 638] ; and Edward Chard.
This Cedar ship at last with his dead body arriued at
Whit-Church in Dorsetshire ; where by his friends he was
honourably buried, with many vollies of shot, and the rites
of aSouldier: andvpon his tombewas bestowed this Epitaph.
His
Epitaph.
[>• 173-1
Hei mihi Virginia quod tarn cito praterit AZstas,
A utumnus sequitur, sceuiet inde et hiems ;
A t ver perpetuum nascetur, et A nglia lata,
Decerpit flores florida terra tuas.
In English thus :
A las Virginia's Summer so soone past,
A utumne succeeds and stormy Winters blast,
Yet Englands ioyfull Spring with ioyfidl showers,
O Florida, shall bring thy sweetest flowers.
A peece of
Amber-
greece of
80. pound
weight.
He honour of this resolution belongs principally
to Carter : for through his importunity, not to
leaue such a place abandoned, Chard and
Waters were moued to stay with him, and the
rest promised with all the speed they could againe to
reuisit them. But the ship once out of sight, those three
Lords, the sole inhabitants of all those Ilands, began to
erect their little common wealth for a while with brotherly
regency, repairing the ground, planting Corne, and such
seeds and fruits as they had, building a house, &c. Then
making priuy search amongst the creuises and corners of
those craggy Rocks, what this maine Ocean since the
worlds creation had throwne amongst them ; at last they
chanced vpon the greatest peece of Amber-greece was euer
seene or heard of in one lumpe, being in weight foure-
score pound, besides diuers other small peeces.
But now being rich, they grew so proud and ambitious,
contempt tooke such [177] place, they fell out for supe-
juiy?624. Master Richard More sent to make a Plantation^ 64 1
riority, though but three forlorne men, more then three [1610-12]
thousand miles from their natiue Country, and but small
hope euer to see it againe. Notwithstanding, they some-
times fell from words to blowes about meere trifles : in
one of which fights, one of them was bitten with his owne
dog, as if the dumbe beast would reproue them of their
folly ; at last Chard and Waters, the two greater spirits,
must try it out in the field, but Carter wisely stole away their
weapons, affecting rather to Hue amongst his enemies,
then by being rid of them Hue alone. And thus those
miserable men liued full two yeeres [May 1610 — July 1612J,
so that all their clothes were neere worne cleane from
their backs, and their hopes of any forraine releefe as
naked as their bodies.
At last they began to recouer their wits, yet jn a fashion
perhaps would haue cost them dearer then when they
were mad ; for concluding a tripartite peace of their Mata-
chin warre, they resolued to frame as good a Boat as
they could, and therein to make a desperate attempt for
Virginia, or New found Land : but no sooner were they
entred into that resolution, but they descried a saile
standing in for the shore, though they neither knew what
she was, nor what she would, they were so ouer-ioyed ;
[that] with all possible speed they went to meet her ; and
according to their hearts desire she proued an English-
man, whom they safely conducted into their harbour.
Now you are to vnderstand, that Captaine Matthew Je°rethe3
Somers, Nephew and heire to Sir George, that returned supplied.
with his dead body, though both he and his Company did 161L
their vtmost in relating all those passages to their
Countrey-menandaduenturers,theirrelationswerebeleeued
but as trauellers tales, till it came to be apprehended by
some of the Virginia Company, how beneficiall it might
be, and helpfull to the Plantation in Virginia : so that some
one hundred and twentie of them bought the pretended
right of all the Company, and had sent this ship to make
a triall; but first they had obtained Letters Patents of the
Kings most excellent Maiestie. Sir Thomas Smith was
elected Treasurer and Gouernor heere, and Master Richard
More to be Gouernor of the lies and Colony there.
4i
642
1612.
Sir Thomas
Smith
Treasurer.
Their
differences
about the
Amber-
greece.
The first beginning of a Colonie in
the Somer lies, vnder the command
of Master Richard More, extracted
out of a plot of Master Richard
Norwood Surueior, and the re-
lations of diuers others.
Aster More thus found those three men
not onely well and lusty, but well
stored with diuers sorts of prouisions,
as an Acre of Corne ready to be gathered,
number of Pumpions and Indian Beanes,
many Tortoises ready taken, good store
of hogs flesh salted, and made in flitches
of Bacon, [which] were very good : and so
presently landed his goods and sixty persons towards the
beginning of Iuly 1612. vpon the South side of Smiths He.
Not long after his arriuall, More hauing some priuate
intelligence of this Amber-greece,tooke first Chard in exami-
nation, he being one of the three [with] the most masterfull
spirit, what Amber-greece, Pearle, Treasure, or other
Commodities they had found. Chard no lesse witty then
resolute, directly answered ; Not any thing at all but the
fruits of the He : what his fellowes had done he knew not,
but if they had, he doubted not but to finde it out, and
then hee should know it certainly.
This he spake onely to win time to sweare his Consorts
to secrecy, and he would finde the meanes how they should
all returne in that ship with it all for England, otherwise
they should be deceiued of all. Till this was effected they
thought euery houre an age; now for the better conueiance
of it aboord, they acquainted it to Captaine Dauis, master
of the ship, and one Master Edwin Kendall, that for their
secrecy and transportation should participate with them.
Without further ceremony the match was accepted, and
absolutely concluded, the plot laid, time and place set downe
to haue it aboord. But Carter, were it for feare the Gouernor
fed' byjuivS?624.'] Lib. 5. [The planting of the Bermudas.] 643
at last should know of it, to whom so oft they had denied [1612]
it; or that the [178] rest should deceiue him, is vncertaine ;
but most certaine it is, he reuealed all the plot to Master
Move. To get so much wealth he knew would please them
in England, though it did displease all his Company ; and
to lose such a prize he would not for hazarding a mutiny.
So first hee reuealed himselfe to Kendall in faire tearmes,
reprouing his dishonesty ; but not being answered accord-
ing to his expectation, he committed both Chard and him
to person [prison].
The next Sabboath day Dauis comming on shore, More
also taxed with very hard language and many threats, to
lay him fast also, if he mended not his manners; Dauis for
the present replied little, but went with him to the place
of praier : but in the midst of diuine seruice he goeth
away, commanding all his Sea-men to follow him presently
aboord ; where he encourageth them to stand to him like
men, and hee would free the Prisoners, haue all the
Amber-greece for themselues, and so be gone.
The Gouernor hearing of this resolution, prepares with £jj^ J
his company to repulse force with force, so that a generall hanging,
expectance of a ciuill vnciuill warre possessed euery man;
but this threatning gust passed ouer more calmlier then
was expected : for Dauis hauing better aduised with him-
selfe, repented his rashnesse, and desired a reconcilement
with the Gouernor. Peace thus concluded, Kendall was
set at libertie ; but Chard was condemned, and vpon the
ladder to be hanged for his obstinacy : yet vpon better
consideration More repri[e]ued him, but kept him a prisoner
all the time he staied in the Country, which was generally
thought a very bad reward for his great desert ; and that
there was more of this Amber-greece imbeziled, then
would haue contented all the finders, that neuer had any
consideration at all.
The greatest part th[r]ough More [was] thus recouered;
yet Dauis and Kendall had so much, either by the ignorance
or conniuency of the Gouernors, that arriuing in England,
they prepared themselues for a new voiage : at last they
two falling out, the Company hauing notice thereof, so
tormented them both, they gaue ouer their voiage, and
durst not be seene a long time after.
644 Master Richard More Lib. 5. [R-No7XJ:
[1612] The Gouernorthus rid of the ship and those discontents,
Master remoued his seat from Smiths He to Saint Georges, after he
industry in had fitted vp some small Cabbens of Palmata leaues for
fortifying j^ w-£e an(j family jn th^t valley where now stands their
planting. prime towne called 5. Georges, hee began to apply him-
selfe to fortifie the Countrey, and training his men in the
exercise of armes. For although he was but a Carpenter,
he was an excellent Artist, a good Gunner, very witty
and industrious : he built and laid the foundation of eight
or nine Forts, called the Kings Castle, Charles Fort,
Pembrookes Fort, Smiths Fort, Pa gits Fort, Gates Fort,
Warwicks Castle, Saint Katharines Fort, &c. mounting in
them all the Ordnance he had, preparing the ground to
build Houses, plant Come, and such Fruits as they had.
Acontemion Being thus busied, and as the necessitie of the time
Mincer required, keeping his men somewhat hard at worke,
Governor!6 Master Keath his Minister; were it by the secret prouocation
of some drones that grew weary of their taskes, or his
affection to popularity is not certaine : But he begins
to tax the Gouernor in the Pulpit, hee did grinde the
faces of the poore, oppressing his Christian brethren with
Pharoahs taxes. More finding this in short time, might
breed ill bloud, called the Company together and also the
Minister, vrging them plainly, to tell him wherein he had
deserued those hard accusations : whereupon, with an
vniuersall cry they affirmed the contrary, so that Keath [fell]
downe of his knees to aske him forgiuenesse. But Master
More kindly tooke him vp, willing him to kneele to God,
and hereafter be more modest and charitable in his
speeches ; notwithstanding two other discontents so
vpbraided More with that doctrine, and stood to main-
taine it, he impaneled a Iury, with a great deale of seem-
ing much adoe he would hang them being condemned,
one of them with the very feare, fell into a dead Palsie;
so that the other was set at libertie, and proued after a
very good labourer.
Twopecces Many conclusions he tried about the Sea-venture, the
oTthe^r1 wracke of Sir George Somers, [179] but he got onely for his
paines but two peece[s] of Ordnance. Hauing framed a
Church of timber, it was blowne downe by a tempest ; so that
he built another in a more closer place with Palmeta leaues.
Aduenturt.
Ed' byjuiys?624:] Lib. 5. sent to make a Plantation. 645
Before this yeere was expired, the aduenterers sent them [1612-3]
an aduiso with thirtie Passengers and good prouisions, to Tuhe frst
prepare with all expedition for their defence against the suppy*
Spaniard, whom they vnderstood ere long would visit
them. This occasioned him to keepe all his men together
in that He so hard at worke, that wanting libertie to goe
abroad for food, liuing onely on that they had, and
expected daily to receiue from England, they were so ouer-
toiled, [that] many fell sicke, but none died. Very earnest
this ship [the Elizabeth] was to haue all the Amber-greece :
which Master More perceiuing was the chiefest cause of
their comming, and that it was the onely loadstone to
draw from England still more supplies ; for all the expresse
command sent from the Company, he returned this ship
but with the one third part ; so from thence she went to
Virginia, and not long after arriued safely in England.
But before her returne the Company sent the Martha 1613.
with sixtie Passengers more, they arriued in Iune [1613] The second
with one Master Bartlet to suruey the Hand, and the estate SLr T^,mas
of the Colonie, with expresse command for all the Amber- %££
greece : but More perceiuing him not as he would haue
him, and that the Company began to mistrust him, would
send no more but another third part : wherewith they
returned, leauing a French-man to make triall of the
Mulberies for Silke, but he did not bring any thing to
perfection ; excusing himselfe, they were not the right
Mulberies he expected.
About this time they were in hope of a small crop of
Tobacco, but it was most spoiled for want of knowledge
to vse it.
Now in England Master More became amongst the
Merchants maruelous[ly] distastfull, for the detaining so
long the Amber-greece; which delaies they so much
abhorred, they forthwith dispatched the Elizabeth the
second time and forty Passengers, much rebuking More
for so long detaining the Amber-greece : for the which,
hauing now no more colourable excuses, he deliuered it,
wherewith the ship went to Virginia, and thence home.
In this ship was brought [i.e., to Bermuda] the first Potata £es/er*sneg*f
roots ; which flourished exceedingly for a time, till by Potatoes.
negligence they were almost lost ; all but two cast-away
646 Master More his accidents and proceedings.
f"R. Norwood.
?i6aa.
ships,
[1613] roots, that so wonderfully haue increased, they are a maine
releefe to all the Inhabitants.
?twptempt This ship was not long gone but there came two Spanish
Sp^ish ships, sounding with their Boat, which attempted to come
in : but from the Kings Castle, Master More made but two
shot, which caused them presently depart. Marke here
the handy-worke of the diuine prouidence, for they had
but three quarters of a barrell of powder, and but one shot
more ; and the powder by carelesnesse was tumbled downe
vnder the mussels of the two peeces, [which] were discharged,
yet not touched with fire when they were discharged.
This feare thus past, appeares another much worse,
which was the extremity of famine : in this extremity
God sent Captaine Daniel Elfrid with a car[a]uell of meale,
which a little relieued them ; but brought withall so many
Rats, that within two yeeres after neere ruined all. Now
though Elfrid had deceiued his friend Fisher of this Caruell
in the West-Indies, they reuenged Fishers iniury ; for Elfrid
had his passage for England, and they made vse of all he had.
Some two moneths after, came in the Blessing with an
hundred Passengers ; and two daies after, the Starre with
a hundred and fourescore more, amongst which were many
Gentlemen, as Master Lower for Marshall, Master Barret,
Master Felgate, and diuers others ; but very vnproper for
what they vndertooke.
Within foureteene daies after, came in the Margaret and
two Frygats, and in them one hundred and threescore
Passengers ; also Master Bartlet came now expresly to
diuide the Country into Tribes, and the Tribes into shares.
But Master More finding no mention made of any part for
himselfe nor all them with him, as he was promised in
England, by no meanes would admit of any diuision, nor
suffer his men from finishing their fortifications, which was
so necessary, [that] it was his maine ambition to see that
accomplished : but such vnkindnesse grew betwixt this
Master Bartlet and [180] the Gouernour, that the rude
multitude, with all the disdaine they could deuise, caused
Bartlpt [to] returne for England as he came.
About this time William Millington was drawne into the
Sea by a fish, but neuer after euer seene.
The neglect of this diuision was very hardly conceited
Edbyj{iys^;] Master More his accidents and proceedings. 647
in England, so that Master More grew more and more in [1614]
dislike with the company ; notwithstanding he followed 1614.
the building of these Forts so earnestly, neglecting planting ^sjjj^
of Corne, till their store was neere all consumed, whereby moruiitie.
they became so feeble and weake, some would not, others smTaT""
could not goe abroad to seeke releefe, but starued in their Treasurer,
houses, and many that went abroad, through weaknesse
were subiect to be suddenly surprized with a disease called
the Feauges: which was neither paine nor sicknesse, but as
it were the highest degree of weaknesse, depriuing them of
power and ability from the execution of any bodily exercises,
whether it were working, walking, or what else : being thus
taken, if any presently gaue them food many times they
straight recouered, yet some after a little rest would bee
able to walke ; but if they found not present succour, died.
About this time or immediatly before, came in a company £jjjjp
of Rauens, which continued amongst them all the time of Rauens
this mortality and then departed ; which for any thing knowne,
neither before nor since were euer seene or heard of : this
with diuers other reasons caused Master More to goe out
to Sea, to see if he could discouer any other Hands, but he
went not farre ere ill weather forced him backe; and it were
a noble aduenture of him [that] would vndertake to make
more perfect all the dangers [that] are about the Summer lies.
Thus famine and misery caused Gouernour More [to] j^jjjjjjj
leaue all his workes, and send them abroad to get what they tog« oneiy
could. One hundred and fifty of the most weake and sicke yictuals*
he sent to Coupers He, where were such infinite numbers
of the Birds called Cahowes, which were so fearlesse they
might take so many as they would ; and that admired
abundance of fish, that the extremity of their hunger, and
their gluttony was such, those heauenly blessings they so
consumed and wasted by carelesnesse and surfetting,
many of them died vpon those silly Birds that offered
themselues to the slaughter : which the Gouernour vnder-
standing, caused them for change of aire to be remoued to
Port-royall, and a Company of Fishers with a Boat to
releeue them with fish. But the Gange grew so lazie the
poore weaklings still died ; they that remained killed the
Cattle they found in the He, faining the heat caused them
to runne into the Sea and so were drowned ; so that the
648 Master More his accidents and p7-oceedings. [
R. Norwood.
? 1622.
[1614] Gouernour sent againe for them home, but some obtained
leaue still to Hue abroad; one amongst the rest hid himselfe
in the Woods, and liued onely on Wilkes and land Crabs,
fat and lusty many moneths.
But most of them being at Saint Georges, ordinarily was
taken one hundred and fifty or two hundred great fishes
daily for their food ; for want of hookes and lines, the Smith
made hookes of old swords, and lines of old ropes. But
finding all those poore Engines also decay, they sent one of
the two Frigats last left with them for England, to tell
them of this misery.
All which was now attributed to Master Mores peruers-
nesse, who at first when he got the Amber-Greece had not
such a generall applause, but now all the worst could pos-
sibly be suggested was too good for him ; yet not knowing
for the present how to send a better, they let him con-
tinue still, though his time was neere expired: and with all
speed sent the Welcome fraught with prouision, where shee
well arriued, and proued her selfe as welcome in deed as
in name; for all those extremities, Master Lewes Hues
writeth, not one of all those threescore that first beganne
this Plantation was dead, which shewes it was not impos-
sible, but industry might haue preuented a great part of
the others sluggish carelesnesse.
Asutmiy, This ship much refreshed this miserable Colony, but
and^Master faster Mare seeing they sent not for him ; his time being
retume. now expired, vnderstanding how badly they reputed him
in England, and that his imploiment now was more for
their owne ends then any good for himselfe, resolued
directly to returne with this ship.
Hauing setled all things in the best order he could, [he]
left the gouernment to the charge [181] of the counsell of
six to succeed each other monethly, till they had further
directions from England ; whose names were Captaine
Miles Kendall, Captaine John Mansfield, Thomas Knight,
Charles Caldycot, Edward Waters, and Christopher Carter,
with twelue others for their assistances.
More thus taking leaue of those Hands, arriued in
England. Much wrangling they had, but at last they con-
firmed him according to promise eight shares of Land,
and so he was dismissed of his charge, with shew of fauour
and much friendship.
The rule of the six Gouemors. wib.
^^^CtfffedSff He first thing they did was casting of lots, [1615]
who should rule first ; which lot lighted
vpon Master Caldicot.
This last supply somewhat abated the sir Ttomat
extremitie of their miseries, and the t*mui€t.
better in that their fortifications being
finished, they had the more leasure to
goe abroad with that meanes [which] was
brought to that purpose to fish.
Chard as you haue heard, whom all this while More had
kept Prisoner, they set at libertie : now by reason of their
former miseries, little or nothing could be done : yet this
Gouernor hauing thus concluded his moneth, and prepared
a Frigot and two and thirtie men, hee imbarked himselfe
with two other of his fellow counsellers; namely Knight
and Waters, for the West-Indies, to get Fruits and Plants,
Goats, young Cattle, and such like.
But this poore vessell, whether through ill weather, or
want of Mariners, or both, in stead of the Indies fell with
the Canaries ; where taking a poore Portugall, the which
they manned with ten of their owne people, as soone after
separated from her in a storme, and the next day [it] was
taken by a French Pickaroune ; so that the Frigot, out of
hope of her prize, makes a second time for the West-Indies,
where she no sooner arriued, but [she] foundred in the sea.
But the men in their Boat recouered a desolate He, where
after some few moneths stay, an English Pyrat tooke them
in ; and some of them at last got for England, and, some
few yeares after, returned to the Somer lies.
Captaine Iohn Mansfield his moneth.
HE Frigot thus gone, Captaine Mansfield suc-
ceeded. Then was contriued a petition, as
from the generalitie, vnto the triumuerat
Gouernors ; wherein they supplicated, that by no
650 Capt. Iohn Mansfield his moneth. Lib. 5. [*•
Norwood
T 1623.
[1615] meanes they should resigne the gouernment to any [that]
should come from England, vpon what tearmes soeuer,
vntill six moneths after the returne of their ship sent to the
West-Indies. About this vnwarrantable action, Master
Lewes Hues their Preacher was so violent in suppressing
it, that such discontents grew betwixt the Gouernors and
him, and diuisions among the Company, he was arraigned,
condemned, and imprisoned ; but not long detained before
released. Then the matter fell so hotly againe to be
disputed betwixt him and one Master Keath a Scotch-
man, that professed scholarship, that made all the people
in a great combustion : much adoe there was, till at last
as they sate in the Church and ready to proceed to a
iudicary course against Master Hues, suddenly such an
extreme gust of wind and weather so ruffled in the trees
and Church ; some cried out a miracle ; others, it was but
an accident common in those lies, but the noise was so
terrible it disolued the assembly : notwithstanding,
Master Hues was againe imprisoned, and as suddenly
discharged; but those factions were so confused, and their
relations so variable, that such vnnecessary circumstances
were better omitted then any more disputed.
His mans moneth thus ended, begins Master
Carter, which was altogether spent in quietnesse;
and then Captaine Miles Kendall had the rule,
whose moneth was also as quietly spent as his
Predecessors. Then Captaine Mansfield begins his second
moneth, when the ship called the Edwin arriued with good
supplies. About this time diuers Boats going to sea were
lost, and some men drowned ; and [182] many of the
Company repaired to Master Hues, that there might bee
a Councell according to Master Mores order of sixe
Gouernours, and twelue Assistants : whereupon grew as
many more such silly brawles as before, which at last
concluded with as simple a reconciliation.
In the in[t]erim happened to a certaine number of priuate
persons as miserable and lamentable an accident, as euer
was read or heard of, and thus it was :
In the month of March [1615], a time most subiect of all
Ed'bjuiy3S:] Lib. 5. The deliuerance 0/" Andrew Hilliard. 651
others to such tempests ; on a Friday there went seuen [16151
men in a boat of two or three tunnes, to fish. The morn- £jronder
ing being faire, so eager they were of their iourney, some accident
went fasting : neither carried they either meat or drinke
with them, but a few Palmeta berries: but being at their
fishing place some foure leagues from the shoare, such a
tempest arose, they were quickly driuen from the sight of
land in an ouergrowne Sea, despairing of all hope, onely
committing themselues to Gods mercy, let the boat driue
which way shee would.
On Sunday the storme being somewhat abated, they
hoysed saile as they thought towards the Island. In the
euening it grew starke calme ; so that being too weake to
vse their oares, they lay a drift that night.
The next morning Andrew Hilliard (for now all his com-
panions were past strength either to helpe him or them-
selues), before a small gale of winde, spred his saile againe.
On Tuesday one died, whom they threw ouer board. On
Wednesday three. And on Thursday at night the sixt[h].
All these but the last were buried by Hilliard in the
Sea, for so weake hee was growne hee could not turne
him ouer as the rest, whereupon hee stripped him, ripping
his belly with his knife, throwing his bowels into the
water, hee spread his body abroad tilted open with a sticke,
and so lets it lie as a cisterne to receiue some lucky raine-
water, and this God sent him presently after, so that in
one small shoure hee recouered about foure spoonefuls of
raine water to his vnspeakable refreshment ; he also pre-
sented neere halfe a pint of blood in a shooe, which he did
sparingly drinke of to moist his mouth. Two seuerall daies
he fed on his flesh, to the quantity of a pound, on the
eleuenth day from his loosing the sight of land, two flying
fishes fals in his boat, whose warme iucie blood hee sucked
to his great comfort. But within an houre after to his
greater comfort you will not doubt, he once againe descried
the land, and within foure houres after was cast vpon a
rocke neere to Port r©yall, where his boat was presently
split in pieces,but himselfe,though extreamly weake, made
shift to clamber vp so steepe and high a rocke, as would
haue troubled the ablest man in the He to haue done that
by day [which] hee did by night.
652 The proceedings 0/" Daniel Tuckar. Lib. 5. [
R. Norwood.
? i6aa.
lies.
[1615-6] Being thus astride on a rocke, the tumbling Sea had
gotten such possession in his braines, that a good while it
was before his giddy head would suffer him to venture vpon
the forsaking it : towards the morning he craules a shore,
and then to his accomplished ioy descernes where hee is,
and trauels halfe a day without any refreshment then
water ; whereof wisely and temperately he stinted himselfe,
otherwise certainly hee had drunke his last.
In which case hee attaines a friends house: where at the
first they tooke him for a ghost, but at last acknowledged
and receiued him with ioy ; his story, after some houres of
recouery of strength to tell it, [theyj heard out with admi-
ration : he was not long after conueyed to the towne, where he
receiued his former health, and was liuing in the yeere 1622.
foJJJ5u™th The next newes that happened in this time of ease, was,
summer that a merry fellow hauing found some few Dollars against
the Flemish wracke, the bruit went currant the treasure
was found, and they all made men. Much adoe there was
to preuent the purloining of it, before they had it : where
after they had tyred themselues with searching, that they
found amounted not to aboue twenty pounds starling,
which is not vnlike but to be the remainder of some greater
store, washed from some wracke not farre from the shore.
The company, by the Edwin receiuing newes of the reuels
eWn7* [that] were kept in Somer lies, resolued to make choice of a
new Gouernour, called Master Daniel Tuckar, that a long
time had beene a planter [in] Virginia in the gouernment
of Captaine [183] Smith [pp. 129, 145].
All things being furnished for his voyage ; hee set saile
in the George, consorted with the Edwin, with many
passengers, which being discouered by them in those lies,
they supposed them the Frigot sent to the West Indies ;
but when they vnderstood what they were, much prepa-
ration they made to resist the new Gouernour.
Many great ostentations appeared on both sides, but
when the quondam Gouernour did see his men for most
part forsake him, all was very well and quietly compounded ;
and with much kindnesse [they] receiued and welcomed
[him] a shore, where his Commission was no sooner
read, then they accepted and acknowledged him for their
Gouernour.
A new
Gouernor
Gouernment of Captaine
Daniel Tuckar.
Bout the midst of May [1616] arriued this
Gouernor, where finding the Inhabitants
both abhorring all exacted labour, as also
in a manner disdaining and grudging
much to be commanded by him ; it could
not but passionate any man liuing. But
at last, according to the Virginia order,
hee set euery one [that] was with him
at Saint Georges, to his taske, to cleere grounds, fell trees,
set corne, square timber, plant vines and other fruits
brought out of England. These by their taske- Masters
by breake a day repaired to the wharfe, from thence to be
imployed to the place of their imployment, till nine of the
clocke, and then in the after-noone from three till Sunne-
set. Beside meat, drinke and cloaths, they had for a time
a certaine kinde of brasse money with a hogge on the one
side, in memory of the abundance of hogges [that] was
found at their first landing.
This course thus squared, imitating diuers orders vsed
in Virginia by Sir Thomas Dale : he began by them to looke
into his instructions giuen by the Company. Whereupon
by one Master Richard Norwood a Suruayor, sent ouer for
that purpose, in the time of Master Moore, hee began to lay
out the eight tribes in the maine, which were to consist of
fifty shares to a tribe ; and twenty five acers to euery
share. He also began to plant some Colony men, on some
of the especiall shares. He swore also certaine of the
chiefe men of euery tribe to bee Bailiffes thereof; and
[1616]
Sir Tkomcu
Smith
Treasurer.
[pp. 149,
466, 502.]
Captaine
Tuckars
proceedings.
654 Fine men in a boat of 3. tuns Lib. 5. [N*ku°r!&£
[1616] appointed as many men as hee was able for all supplied
shares. The goods landed in the store houses hee sent
from thence, and dispersed it to his workemen in generall :
some Boats also began to be builded ; but the pinace
called the Thomas [which it was] suspected might make an
escape, waslaidvp in adocke,weresheeyet [i624]remaineth.
a Bark* In the beginning of the second moneth of his gouernment,
westlndL. he directed warrants to all the Bailiffes, for the holding
of a generall Assise at Saint Georges, and appointed Master
Stokes Lieutenant of the Kings Castle at the Gurnets
0*. 656.1 head. The Edwin [that] came with him, he sent to the
West Indies by directions from England, to trade with the
natiues, for cattell, corne, plants, and other commodities.
A course of great importance, which had it been pursued,
would certainly have produced more hopefull effects for
the good of the Colony, then all the supplies and
Magazines from England hath or will in a long time.
The Assises. Presently after her departure, began the Assises, executed
by his Deputy. The chiefe matter handled was the
hanging one John Wood a French man, for speaking many
distastefull and mutinous speeches against the Gouernour,
to shew the rest by that example, the power of his
authority: which after with his owne hands he so oft
executed with a bastinado amongst the poorer sort ; many
tearmed it a cruelty, not much lesse then tyranny : but the
sequell is more then strange.
The strange So it was that flue of them, seeing by no meanes
Le menrtn°a they could get passage for England, resolued to vndergoe
boat* all hazards but they would make an escape from such ser-
uitude. The chiefe manner and plotter of this businesse,
was Richard Sanders and his confederates, William Goodwin
a ship Carpenter, Thomas Harison a Ioyner, lames Barker
a Gentleman, and Henry Picet. These repairing to the
Gouernour, and with pleasing insinuations told him, if hee
would allow them but [184] things necessary, they would
build him a boat of two or three tunnes, with a close decke,
[that] should go a fishing [in] all weathers. The Gouernour
halfe proud that hee had brought his men to so good a
passe, as he concerned, to offer themselues to so necessary
a worke; instantly with all willingnesse furnished them with
Ed' ^jjiy^:] Lib. 5. sailes ouer the mame Ocean. 655
all things they could desire, and many faire promises to [1616]
incourage them to performe it with all expedition. Hauing
made choise of a place most fit from molestation, they
went forward with that expedition, that in a short time
shee was brought to perfection. By this time, the ship
that brought the Gouernour, being ready to depart, hee
sends a lusty gange to goe [and] fetch his new boat to carry
him aboard; but arriuingat the place where she was built,
they could heare no more of her, but [that] she was gone
the last euening to Sea, to try how shee would saile.
Much search and dispute was where this boat should be :
but at last they found diuers letters in the cabbins, to this
effect, directed to the Gouernour, and other their friends :
that their hard and bad vsage was so intollerable, and their
hope so smal euer againe to see their Countrey, or be
deliuered from such seruitude, they did rather chuse to
put themselues to that desperate hazard to goe for England,
in which if they miscaried, as it was much to be mis-
trusted, their Hues and bloods should be required at their
hands [who] was the cause. A compasse Diall Barker had
borrowed of Master Hues, to whom he writ that as hee had
oft perswaded them to patience, and that God would pay
them though none did : hee must now bee contented with
the losse of his Diall, with his owne doctrine. Such
leasure they found to bee merry when in the eye of reason
they were marching into a most certaine ruine.
The Gouernour being thus satisfied of their escape,
extreamly threatned them no lesse then a hanging, but the
stormes of the Ocean they now more feared then him ; good
prouision by bartering they had got from the ship, where
Goodwin in a brauado told the Mariners, though he could
not be permitted to goe with them, yet peraduenture hee
might be in England before them : whereat the Master and
his Mate laughed merrily.
But hauing beene now vnder saile three weekes, the
winds so fauoured them, they felt nothing of what they had
cause to feare : then a blustering gale blowing in their
teeth, put them to much extremity for diuers dayes, then
becomming more gentle away they past prosperously some
eight or ten dayes more, till meeting a French Piccaroune
of whom they desired succour, hee like himselfe tooke from
656 The proceedings of Lib. 5. [NMBr;£f&c!
[1616] them what hee liked, leauing them not so much as a
crosse-staffe to obserue withall, and so cast them off :
their course stiil they continued till their victuall began to
fall to the lowest ebbe ; and the very knees of their small
vessell were halfe hewed away for fire wood.
At last to their infinit ioy they arriued in Ireland, where
the Earle of Tomund honorably entertained them, and
caused the boat to be hung vp for a Monument ; and well
she might, for shee had sailed more then 3300 miles by
a right line thorow the maine Sea, without any sight of
land : and I thinke since God made the world, the like
nauigation was neuer done, nor heard of.
This fortunate Sanders going to the East Indies, in the
rifling [o£ some ships there tooke, it was his chance to buy
an old chest for three or foure shillings ; but because it
wanted a key hee repented his bargaine, and would gladly
haue sold it againe for lesse. A certaine time it lay tossed
to and fro as a thing hee little regarded, but at last hauing
little to doe, hee broke it open, where he found a thousand
pounds starling, or so much gold as bought him in England
a good estate: which leauing with his wife, he returned
againe to the East Indies,
The George setting saile three dayes after this escape,
the Gouernour seazed and confiscated all that those
fugitiues left behinde them.
Plants from With in a weeke after, returned the Edwin from the
indi^f5' West Indies, furnished with figges, pynes, sugar-canes,
I/.654.] plantaines, papanes and diuers other plants; which were
presently replanted, and since increased into greater
numbers : also an Indian and a Negar, and so much ligna
vit[ce] as defrayed all the charge. The Gouernor thus busied
amongst his plants, making hedges of Figtrees, and
Pomgranets, and seuerall diuisions by [185] Palizadoes for
the defence of their guarding and keeping their cattell,
for in such husbandry qualities he well deserued great
commendations.
The exploits The Aduenturers to supply him sent with all speed they
/wKam could, the Hopewell, a small Barke, but an excellent sailer ;
and in her one Captaine Powell an excellent Mariner, and
well acquainted in the Indieswherehewastogoe[and] trade,
Edby/uiy^h4:] Lib. 5. Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 657
after he had landed his passengers in the Summer lies : but [1616]
in his iourney at the Westerne lies meeting a Brasile man,
hee liked the suger and passengers sowell, hee man[ne]d the
Caruill with his owne men, and continued his course, but
bethinking himself how this would be entertained at the
Summer lies, hee found such doubts, hee went directly
for the West Indies to take time to resolue what to doe.
Arriuing there hee met a French rouer, one euery way as
cunning as himselfe, but much more trecherous. A great
league of kindnesse is soone made betweene them ; vpon
confidence whereof, Powell and some of the chiefe with
him being inuited aboord him, is easily entised, and in the
midst of their cups both hee and his company treacher-
ously made prisoners : and thus was forced to giue him
their prise, or hang at the yards arme with all his company.
Hauing set them a shore, away goes the French man ;
Powels ship being but hard by, presently fetcht them
all a boord : but finding his victuall neere spent, and no
hope at all to recouer his prize, [he] set his Portugales on
shore, and set saile for the Summer lies ; where safely
arriuing, hee declared the whole passage to the Gouernour,
lest some other in telling might make it worse, of which
the Gouernour seemed well enough to approue.
This Gouernour still spent his time in good husbandry,
although some of the snarling sort here in England, whom
nothing will please, writ to him hee was fitter to be a
Gardiner then a Gouernour: some time he spent in digging
of agreat pond, but that workeprouedaltogethervnprofitable.
About that time was held the second Assise. The J^£cond
greatest matter passed, was a Proclamation against the
spoile of Cahowes ; but it came too late, for they were
most destroyed before : a platforme [battery] hee caused to
be erected by Pagits Fort, where a good Fort were very
necessary.
Captaine Powell not hauing performed his seruice in
the West Indies [that] he conditioned with the Company,
is sent thither againe by this Gouernour, and thirteene
or fourteene of his best men, furnished with all things
necessary. In the meane time the Company vnder-
standing, that in Ianuary, February and March, there are
many Whales ; for which fishing they sent the Neptune, a
42
neere
deuoi
with rats.
658 The wonderfull increase Lib. 5. [NMBrutTe0r"a^
[1616-7] tall ship well prouided with euery thing fitting for that
pupose. But before she arriued, Captaine Tuckar, who
had brought also with him most prouisions for that imploi-
ment, sent three good Shalops to try what could be done :
but whether it was the swiftnes of the Whale in swim-
ming, or the condition of the place, certaine it is for all
their labour and hazard, they could kill none, though they
strucke many.
1617 To be<;in his second yeere, he called the third Assise,
Assise""1 wnere diuers were punished as their faults deserued : three
sir Thomas were condemned to die ; two were repri[e]ued, but the third
Tourer was nangeci : the next day there was also a leuy for the
repairing two Forts ; but that labour tooke not such effect
as was intended, for want of good directions.
The But the great God of heauen being angry at somewhat
neeretrey happened in those proceedings, caused such an increase of
silly rats, in the space of two yeeres so to abound, before
they regarded them, that they filled not onely those places
where they were first landed, but swimming from place to
place, spread themselues into all parts of the Countrey,
insomuch that there was no Hand but it was pestered with
them ; and some fishes haue beene taken with rats in their
bellies, which they caught in swimming from He to He :
their nests they had almost in euery tree, and in most
places their burrowes in the ground like conies : they
spared not the fruits of the plants, or trees, nor the very
plants themselues, but ate them vp. When they had set
their corne, the rats would come by troupes in the night
and scratch it out of the ground. If by diligent watch
any escaped till it came to earing, it should then very
hardly escape them : and they became noysome euen to
the very persons of men.
They vsed all the diligence they could for the destroying
of [186] them, nourishing cats both wilde and tame, for
that purpose; they vsed ratsbane, and many times set fire
on the woods, that oft ran halfe a mile before it was
extinct ; euery man was enioyned to set twelue traps, and
some of their owne accord haue set neere an hundred,
which they euer visited twice or thrice in a night ; they
also trained vp their dogges to hunt them, wherein they
became so expert, that a good dog in two or three houres
Ed- byjJu'iysT624.] Lib. 5. and confusion of Rats, 659
would kil forty or fifty. Many other deuices they vsed to [1617]
destroy them, but could not preuaile, finding them still
increasing against them : nay they so deuoured the fruits
of the earth, that they were destitute of bread for a yeere
or two ; so that when they had it afterwards, they were
so wained [weaned] from it, they easily neglected to eat it
with their meat. Besides they endeuoured so much for the
planting [of] Tobacco for present gaine, that they neglected
many things [that] might more haue preuailed for their
good ; which caused amongst them much weaknesse and
mortality, since the beginning of this vermine.
At last it pleased God, but by what meanes it is not a strange
well knowne, to take them away; in so much that the $rats!°n
wilde cats and many dogs which liued on them, were
famished, and many of them leauing the woods, came
downe to their houses, and to such places where they vse
to garbish their fish, and became tame. Some haue
attributed the destruction of them to the encrease of wild
cats, but that is not likely they should be so suddenly
encreased rather at that time, then foure yeeres before ;
and the chiefe occasion of this supposition was, because
they saw some companies of them leaue the woods, and
slew themselues for want of food. Others by the cold-
nesse of winter, which notwithstanding is neuer so great
there as with vs in March, except it be in the wind :
besides the rats wanted not the fethers of young birds and
chickins, which they daily killed, and Palmeta mosse to
build themselues warme nests out of the wind, as vsually
they did; neither doth it appeare that the cold was so
mortall to them, seeing they would ordinarily swimme
from place to place, and bee very fat euen in the midst of
winter. It remaineth then, that as God doth sometimes
effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes,
so wee need not doubt, but that in the speedy encrease of
this vermine ; as also by the preseruation of so many of
them by such weake meanes as they then enioyed, and
especially in the so sudden remouall of this great annoy-
ance, there was ioyned with and besides the ordinary and
manifest meanes, a more mediate and secret worke of God.
About this time Henry Long, with seuen others in an
extreame storme were cast away, but three of them
660 The adventures of Master Powell. Lib. 5. [A^:
[1617] escaped. One of them being asked what hee thought in
the worst of that extremity, answered, he thought [of]
nothing but gallowes claime thy right : and it seemes God
well heard his prayer, and rewarded his ingratitude; for
he was handed within halfe a yeere after.
In that March [1617] also hue men went to Sea, but as yet
was neuer heard of; and three more [were] drowned in a boat.
By Hilliards house grew a very faire Cedar, which by a
thunder clap was rent almost to small shiuers, and a man
[that] stood by him and Samuel Tanton, [was] most fearfully
blasted ; yet neither they, the house, nor a little childe :
yet a paire of racks in the house was all torne to fitters.
The Neptune not long after arriuing to fish for whale,
her fortune proued no better then the Gouernours ; yet
some are of opinion, profit might be made by them.
SmS"™6 ^n ^ay t1^1?] theydiscried foure saile, so that manning
Poweihom all their Forts, they stood two daies in Armes, expecting
the indies. what they were. at last they founci jt Master Powell
returned from the West-Indies in the Hopewell, where
missing such trade as he expected, these three Frigots
comming in his way, he could not chuse but take them.
Meale, Hides and Munition was their lading. Faire
weather the Gouernor made with Powell, till he had got
all the goods into his owne possession, and then called
Powell to a strict account for doing such an vnwarrantable
act; much a doe then was betwixt the taker and receiuer:
but Powell was glad to be excused to answer it in England,
leauing all hee had taken behinde him in the lies. The
Neptune also returned with him, but noble Powell lost all
his pay and pillage for [187] this yeeres worke. For which
the Company sent for to Tuckar, so that he also lost his
part as well as Powell.
Notwithstanding, the Gouernour by this meanes being
strong in shipping, fitted the Caruill with twelue men,
(M59i> vnder the command of Edward Waters formerly spoken
648,' 64^.'] of, and sent them to Virginia about such businesse as hee
had conceiued. Arriuing there, they obtained some goates,
and hogs, and what they could spare, and so returned
for the Summer lies ; but whether they could not finde the
lies for want of skill, or [were] beaten off by ill weather ; or
the ill will they bare the Gouernor, it matters not much :
Ed. by J. Smith."]
July 1624. J
The diuision of the lies by M. R. Norwood. 661
but they bare vp again for Virginia, where they all [1617-8]
remained, and would returne no more to Summer lies.
The Gouernour thinking to make some vse of the hides,
set some that professed themselues Tanners, to make
tryall of their skill ; but they lost their labours and spoiled
the hides.
Also he called another Assise concerning a poore a supposed
fellow called Gabriel, for concealing some speeches Master ESby
Pollard and Master Rich should vse, tending to the dis- 2dSter
reputation of the Gouernour, and his iniustice and cruelties; Rich-
which being brought within the compasse of sedition and
mutiny, though a yeere agoe : many were called in ques-
tion about it, although euery one ordinarily had spoke as
much. Yet Gabriel for example sake was condemned to
bee hanged ; and was vpon the ladder, but reprieued. The
other two Master Pollard, and Master Rich were imprisoned ;
but vpon better consideration, the fact appeared so small
and ridiculous, vpon their submission they were pardoned,
and restored to their places.
&
The diuision of the Summer lies into Tribes, by
Master Richard Norwood, Surueyor.
1618.
The diui-
sion of the
into
bes.
Sir Thornm
Or Smith
Treasurer.
Ccording to the directions of the Councell and
Company, as they had determined by lot,
Master Norwood tooke a plot of the He, and ii«
diuided it with as much faithfulnes as he J
could, assigning to euery Aduenturer his share
proportion, as namely, to lay out a large proportion,
to bee called the generall land, and imployed for
publike vses, as for the maintenance of the Gouernour,
Ministers, Commanders of Forts, souldiers, and such like:
and to this end was assigned 5. Georges Hand, 5. Dauids
Hand, Longbridge Hand, Smiths Hand, Coopers Hand, Cony
Hand, Nonesuch Hand, part of the maine, and sundry other
small lies. The rest was to be diuided into eight parts,
each part to be called a tribe, and to haue his denomina-
tion of some principall person that was Aduenturer therein :
662 [ The names and shares of the Adventurers.
Mr. Pollard
N. Butler, &c.
[1618] and accordingly the first Tribe to bee Eastward, was then
called Bedfords Tribe, now Hamiltons: the second, Smiths:
Tribe the third, Cavendish, now Denonshires : the fourth,
Pembrooks : the fift, Pagits : the sixt, Mansils now Warwicks:
the seuenth, Southhampton : the eighth, Sand[y]s : m the
honours of the Right honorable the Marquis Hamilton, Sir
Thomas Smith, the Earle of Deuonshire, the Earle of
Pembrooke, the Lord Pagit, the Earle of Warwicke, the
Earle of Southhampton, and Sir Edwin Sand[y]s.
Againe each of those Tribes were to bee diuided into fifty
parts, called shares ; and euery Aduenturer to haue his
shares in these tribes as was determined, by casting lots in
England, the manner of it appeares by the Map, and more
largely by his Booke of the Suruay of the Countrey, which
is in the Records of the Colony.
And then began this which was before as you haue
heard, but as an vnsetled and confused Chaos, to receiue a
a disposition, forme, and order, and become indeed a
Plantation. [188]
The names of the Aduenturers, and their shares
in euery Tribe, according to the suruey, and
the best information yet ascertained,
of any of their alterations.
Master
Master
Master
Master
Master
Master
Master
Master
Hamiltons Tribe.
Share[s].
Ames L. Marquis
Hamilton] . 6
Sir Edward
Harwood. 4
John Delbridge. 3
Iohn Dike 3
Ellis Roberts. 2
Robert Phips. 1
Ralph King. 1
Quicks assignes. 2
William Canni[n]g. 4
William Canni[n]g. 1
Master William Web. 1
Master Iohn Bernards as-
signes. 2
Master Elias Roberts Iun. 1
Master Iohn Gearing. 2
Master Cleophas Smith. 2
Robert Earle of Warwick. 4
Master Thomas Couell. 3
Master Greenwels assignes. 1
Master Cley. 1
Master Powlson. 2
Master Iohn Dike. ij
Common land for con-
ueniency. 25
Master Iohn Dike. ij
Ed. by J. Smith.
July 1624.
The names and shares of the Adventurers^ 663
Master George Thorps as-
2. Smiths Tribe.
Shares.
Sir Dudley Digs assignes. 2
Master Richard Edwards. 2
Master William Pane. 4
Master Robert Smith. 2
Master George Barkley as-
signes. 5
Sir Samuel Sand[y]s. 1
Master A nthony Pennistone. 4
Sir Edwin Sand[y]s. 5
Sir Thomas Smith. 5
Master Richard More. 4
Master Ad[am\ Brumfteld. 2
Master Robert Iohnson
A Iderman. 5
Master Iohn Wroth. 3
Master George Smith. 4
3. Deuonshire Tribe.
Shares.
Master Anthony Penistone. 2
Master Iohn Dike. 1
Master Iohn Dike. 1
Master Iohn Bernards heir es. 2
Robert Earle of Warwick. 2
Master Francis West. 2
William Lord Cavendish. 5
William E arle of Deuonshire 5
Master Edward Luckin. 5
Master Edward Ditchfield. 1
Master Edward Ditchfield. 4
Master William Nicols. 2
Master Edward Ditchfield. 1
Master Iohn Fletcher. 2
Master Gedion Delawne. 2
Master Anthony Pennistone. 3
Master Best. 2
Master Edward Luckin. 2
Master Richard Rogers. 2
Master William Palmer. 4
4. Pembrookes Tribe.
Master George Smith. 4
Gleab land. 2
Master Nicholas Hide. 1
Sir Lawrence Hide. 1
Master Thomas Iudwyn. 2
WilliamE arle of Pembroke. 10
Master Richard Edwards. 1
Master Harding. 1
Master Richard Edwards. 1
Master Elias Roberts. 1
Master Richard Edwards. 1
Master Iacobsons assignes. 1
Master Iohn Farrar. 1
Master Nicholas Farrar. 1
Master Nicholas Farrar. 1
Master William Canning. 2
Master Richard Martin. 2,
Master Moris Abbot. 2
Master Richard Caswell. 1
Master Richard Caswell. 2
Master William Caswell. 1
Master Richard Edwards. 2
Master Richard Caswell. 1
Master Richard Edwards. 1
Master George Sand[y]s
assignes. 2
Master William Paine. 2
5. Pagits Tribe.
Master Iohn Chamberlaine. 5
Master Thomas Ayres, and)
Master Richard Wiseman.) ^
Master Richard Wiseman. 1
William Lord Pagit. 10
[1618]
664 [The names of the Adventurers ', &c.~\ Lib. 5.
r Mr. Pollard,
l_N. Butler, &c.
[1618] Master William Palmer.
Master Bagnell.
Master Iohn Bale.
Master Wheatley.
Master Christopher Barron.
Master Iohn Wodall.
Master Iohn Wodall.
Master Lewis.
Master Owen Arthors as-
signes. 2
Master George Etheridge. 4
2
Sir William Wade. 1
Master Iohn Bernards
heires. 1
6. Warwicks Tribe.
Shares.
Master Wheatley. 2
Captaine Daniel Tuckar.
Master William Felgate.
Robert Earle of Waruicke.
Master George Smith.
Master Samuel Tickner.
Master Francis Mevell.
Master S[t]ephen Sparrow
Master Ioseph Man.
Captaine Daniel Tuckar.
Master Elias More.
Doctor Anthony Hunton.
Master Francis Moverill.
Master Richard Poulson.
Master Mathew Shephard.
Master George Tuckar.
2
1
5
5
2
1
1
5
2
1
2
1
1
1
10
Master Ch[arles] Clithcroe. 1
Master George Swinow. 2
Master Richard Tomlings. 1
Master Francis Meverill. 1
Master Iohn Waters. 2
Master Martin Bond. 2
7. Southamptons Tribe.
Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 4
Master Iohn Britton. 1
Master Richard Chamber-
land. 3
Master Leonard Harwods
assignes. 1
Master Iohn Banks. 1
Sir Nathanael Rich. 12
Robert Earle of War-
wicke. 3 [189]
Master Richard More. 6
Master George Scot.
Master Edward Scot. • 6
Master Anthony A bdy.
Henry Earle of Southampton. 4
Master Andrew Broumfeld. 2
Master Henry T imbed. 2
Sir Thomas Hewet. 2
Master Perce. 1
Sir Ralph Winwood. 2
8. Sandys Tribe.
Shares.
M. George Barcklies heires. 5
Sir Edwin Sand[y]s. 5
Master Ierom Hidon. 10
M aster Thomas Millin and |
Master Iohn Cuffe.
Master Robert Chamberlaine 2
Master Abr. Chamberlaine. 1
Master George Smith. 2
Master Robert Gore.
Sir Edward Sackvile.
Sir Iohn Dauers.
Master Robert Gore.
Master Iohn Del bridge.
Master Iohn Wroth.
Master Iohn Wests heires.
Master Richard Chamber-
laine. 10
fed' byjuiysT624.] The proceedings of Captaine Daniel Tuckar. 665
Touching the common ground in each Tribe, as also [1618]
the ouer-plus, you may finde that at large in the Booke of
Surueyes amongst their Records.
Now though the Countrey was small, yet they could
not conueniently haue beene disposed and well setled,
without a true description and a suruey of it ; and againe,
euery man being setled where he might constantly abide,
they knew their businesse, and fitted their houshold
accordingly: then they built no more Cabbens, but sub-
stantiall houses ; they cleered their grounds, and planted
not onely such things as would yeeld them their fruits in
a few moneths, but also such as would affoord them profit
within a few yeares, so that in a short time the Countrey
began to aspire, and neerely approach vnto that happi-
nesse and prosperitie, wherein now it flourisheth, &c.
But to follow the History ; vpon the best plot of ground 1618-
[that] could be found, the Gouernor preuailed so much with
the generalitie, they built a faire house of Cedar : which
being done, he appropriated it to himselfe, which occasioned
exceeding much distaste.
About this time arriued the Diana with a good supply of ™e first
men and prouision, and the first Magazin euer seene in agaaI
those lies ; which course is not so much commended here,
as cursed and abhorred by reason of enhansements of all
the Inhabitants there ; six or seuen weeks this ship staied,
then hauing towards her fraught thirtie thousand [pounds]
weight of Tobacco : which prouing good, and comming to a
lucky Market, gave great encouragement to the Aduenturers
to goe lustily forward in their Plantation ; and without such
successe, there is nothing but grudging and repining.
But about the appropriation of this new built house,
many bad discontents grew betwixt the oppressed Colony
and the Gouernor ; especially betwixt him and the Minister,
and Lewes, who would neither be feared with threats nor
imprisonment, that their malice continued till they met in
England: of which the Minister made the cause soplaine,[that]
hee very well and honestly, it seemes, discharged himselfe.
Now in those times of these endlesse vnciuill broiles,
two desperate men and a proper Gentlewoman got into a
666 Proceedings of Capt. Daniel Tuckar. Lib. 5. [NMBruJef &J
[1618] Boat, and thinking to make an escape to Virginia, as
£j>ioits appeared by some Letters they left behinde them, were
of desperate neuer more heard on.
Fugumes. The very next moneth after, the like was attempted by six
others, so desirous they were to be rid of their seruitude ;
but their plot being discouered by one of their societie, they
were apprehended, arraigned, and condemned to be hanged:
the next day being led with halters about their neckes to the
place of execution, one was hanged, and the rest repri[e]ued.
o?1therriua11 ^^e D*ana arriuing well in England, for all the infinite
Butting, numbers of complaints, the Tobacco did helpe to sweeten
all manner of grieuances; yet it bred a distaste in the
opinions of so many, they began to thinke of another
Gouernor : but for that time it was so qualified by diuers
of his friends, they dispatched away the Blessing, which
arriued in the Somer lies.
Though their generall Letter was faire and courteous to
the Gouernor, yet by the report of the Passengers and
diuers particular letters from his friends, it was assured him
his cruelty and couetousnesse,forall his paines and industry,
was much disliked, nor was he like[ly] to enioy his [190]
house, and that land he had planted for himselfe by the ex-
treme oppression of the Comminalty. This caused so many
ielousies to arise in his conceit, that at last he fully resolued
to returne by this ship ; that no sooner set saile for England,
then they proceeded to the nomination of a new Gouernor.
Many were presented according to the affections of those
that were to giue in their voices, but it chiefely rested
betwixt one Captaine Southwell, and one Master Nathaniel
Butler; where wee will leaue them a while to the con-
sideration of the Court and Company.
Now Captaine Tuckar hauing instituted Captaine Kendall
one of the six Gouernors before spoken of, for his substitute,
returned with this ship directly for England ; as well to
excuse himselfe of those obiections he suspected, as to get
assured him the house and land he had alotted for himselfe,
lest it might otherwise be disposed of in his absence.
Collected out of their Records by N.B. and the
relations of Master Pollard, and diuers others.
of two ships.
T'he Gouernment of Captaine
Miles Kendall, Deputy for
Captaine Tuckar.
HE vnexpected returne [to England] of [1618]
Captaine Tuckar, caused a demurre in The:
the election of the new Gouernor; some
perswading these oft changes were so
troublesome, dangerous, and chargeable,
it were best to continue Captaine Ken-
dall; others againe stood for Captaine
Tuckar: but during the time of these
opinions, the Gilliflower was dispatched with a supply.
Now I should haue remembred, Tuckar was no sooner
out of the harbour, but he met Master Elfred in a ship
called the Treasurer, sent from Virginia to trade : by her
he writ to his Deputy Master Kendall, to haue a care
of all things, and beware of too much acquaintance with
this ship, which hee suspected was bound for the West-
Indies. Notwithstanding, Elfred receiued what kindnesse
the He could afford; he promised to reuisit them at his
returne. This done, because they would not be gouernlesse
when his Deputiship was expired, there was a generall
assembly, and by that Election Kendall was confirmed to
succeed still Gouernor.
Now they began to apply themselues to the finishing [of]
some plat-forme about Smiths Fort, and laying the foundation
of a Church to be built of Cedar, till the Gillyflower arriued
with some priuate letters to Kendall, how he was elected
Gouernor of those lies for three yeeres.
During her stay, they held their Assises, where for some
668 The GouernmentofCapt. Miles Kendall. Lib. 5. [*•**$£
[1618-9] few suspected facts three were condemned, and the better
to terrifie the rest, led to the place of execution, but
reprieued; diuers of the rest had their faults pardoned, and
the Gilliflower set saile for New found land.
SS£rne ^e *oue anc* kindnesse, honesty and industry of this
chosen Captaine Kendall, hath beene very much commended ; by
Goueraor. otherSj somewhat disliked : but an Angell in those imploi-
ments cannot please all men, yet this consideration bred
much ill bloud as well here as there, so that the Company
directly concluded, Captaine Butler should with what
expedition they could, goe to be their Gouernor :
In the Interim they tooke the opportunitie of a ship,
called the Sea-flower, bound for Virginia ; and by her sent a
Preacher and his Family, with diuers Passengers, and newes
of a new Gouernor. This bred a great distaste amongst
many, that still they should haue new officers and
strangers for their Gouernors they neuer heard of, and
themselues still kept there whether they would or no,
without any preferment, no nor scarce any of them their
inhabiting, to haue any land at all of their owne, but Hue
all as tenants, or as other mens poore seruants.
About this time came in Captaine Kerby with a small
Barke from the West-Indies : who hauing refreshed him-
selfe, was very kindly vsed by the Gouernor ; [191] and so
departed.
Not long after a Dutch Frigot was cast away vpon the
Westerne shore; yet by the helpe of the English they saued
the men, though the ship perished amongst the Rocks.
A little after, one Ensigne Wood being about the loading
of a peece, by thrusting a pike into the concauitie, grating
vpon the shot, or somewhat about the powder, strucke fire
within her and so discharged, but wounded him cruelly
and blew him into the Sea: though hee was got out by
some that stood by him, yet hee died of those wounds.
Within two or three daies after, Captaine Elfred now
comes in a second time : but of that we shall say more in
the gouernment of Captaine Butler ; who presently after
arriued with a good supply, and was kindly entertained
by Captaine Kendall and all the Colony.
From a relation of Thomas Sparks, and diuers others.
"The Gouernment of Captaine
Nathaniel Butler.
Aptaine Butler being arriued the twentieth [1619]
of October, 1619. some mutterings there
was how to maintaine their election of
Captaine Kendall', but better remembring
themselues, that conceit quickly dissolued.
The next day [20 Oct.], Kendall, the tStfanT
Ministers, and the Counsellwent aboord much hurt
to salute the new Gouernor, where after Hericano.
they had dined with the best entertainment he could giue 1619.
them ; they saw the Redout belonging to the Kings Castle by
a mischance on fire, whither he repaired with all the meanes
he could to quench it ; but all the platforme and cariages
were consumed before theirfaces,andtheycouldnothelpe it.
Two daies after he went vp to the Towne, had his
Commission publikely read, made a short speech to the
Company, and so tooke vpon him the gouernment. Then
presently he began to repaire the most necessary defects.
The next moneth, came in the Garland, sent from
England six or seuen weekes before him ; so that being
seuenteene weeks in her voyage, it was so tedious and
grieuous to diuers of the Fresh-water Passengers, that such
a sicknesse bred amongst them, many died as well Sailers as
Passengers. Hauing taken the best order he could for their
releefe, [he] passed through all the Tribes, and held his first
Assise in Captaine Tuckars house [p. 665] at the ouer-plus
[i.e., on the spare land not yet appropriated to any particular share] .
Towards the last of this moneth of Nouember [1619]
there arose a most terrible storme or Hericano, that blew
vp many great trees by the roots: the Warwick that
670 The Gouernment of Lib. 5. L^^jifrSJ;
[1619-20] brought the Gouernor was cast away, but the Garland, [that]
rid by her, saued her selfe by cutting downe her Masts ; and
not long after a second storme, no lesse violent then the
first, wherein the Mount (which was a frame of wood built
by Master More for a Watch-tower to looke out to Sea)
was blowne vp by the roots, and all that Winter crop of
corne blasted. And thus was the new Gouernor welcomed.
The With the beginning of the new yeere [1620] he began his
the°Kin^s first peece of fortification, vpon a Rocke which flankers the
CasU** Kings Castle, and finding the ship called the Treasurer
starke rotten and vnseruiceable, hee tooke nine peeces of
Ordinance from her to serue other vses. The Garland for
want of meanes, could not make her voiage to Virginia as
she was appointed ; wherefore he entertained her to
returne to England, with all the Tabacco they had in the
He. It was Ianuary [1620] before she departed, in which
time, shee failed not much to haue beene twice cast away.
But those strange and vnauoidable mischances, rather
seemed to quicken the Gouernors industry then to dull it.
Hauing finished the Church begun by Captaine Kendall,
with an infinite toile and labour he got three peeces out
0^.669,674.] of the wracke VVarwicke. Hauing an excellent Dutch
Carpinter he entertained of them that were cast away in
the Dutch Frigot ; he imploied him in building of Boats,
whereof they were in exceeding great want.
In February [1620], they discouered a tall ship beating
too and againe, as it seemed by her working, being ignorant
of the Coast ; some thought her a Spaniard to view their
Forts, which stand most to [192] that part she so neerely
approached ; some, English ; but the most, some Dutch
man of Warre : The wind blew so high, they durst not send
out a Boat, though they much doubted she would be foule
of their Rocks ; but at last she bore vp rommy for the Sea,
and we heard of her no more.
Amber- That euening, a lucky fellow it should seeme he was,
fJund! tnat found a peece of Ambergreece of eight ounces, as he
had twice before ; which bringing to the Gouernor, he had
ready money for the one halfe, after three pound an ounce,
according to their order of Court, to encourage others to
looke out for more, and preuent the mischiefe insueth by
concealing of it.
"•^j&rfSf] Lib. 5. Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 671
Within a few daies after, they descried two Frigots that [1620]
came close to the shore, and sent a Letter to the Gouernor, Jj^SfjjJJ
writ in Italian, that they were Hollanders had beene in the Frigots." c
West-Indies, and desired but to arriue, refresh themselues
with wood and water, and so be gone. The Gouernor
forthwith sent them to vnderstand, that being there vnder
his Maiestie of England to command those lies, he was
to carrie himselfe a friend to his friends, and an enemy to
his enemies ; if therefore he could shew a lawfull Com-
mission for his being honestly and nobly emploied, he and
his should be kindly welcome, otherwise they were to
aduenture at their perills.
But his Commission was so good, he staied there two
moneths, and was so well fitted with Oile and Bacon, they
were all glad and happy of this Dutch Captaine Scoutans
arriuall ; with many thanks to their old friend Captaine
Powell that had conducted him thither. The Colony being
exceedingly in great want and distresse, bought the most
part of it at reasonable rates; so Captaine Scoutan returned
to the West-Indies, and Captaine Powell for his part in the
Low-Countries.
Whilest these things were in action, the Aduenturers in
England made many a long looke for their ships ; at last
the Garland brought them all the newes, but the Tobacco
was so spoiled either in the leaking ship, or the making vp,
it caused a great suspicion there could none [that] was good
come from those lies ; where (were they but perfit in the
cure) questionlesse it would be much better then a great
quantitie of that they sell for Verinas, and many a thousand
of it in London hath beene bought and sold by that title.
The Gouernor being cleere of those distractions, falls The
vpon the restoring of the burnt Redoubt, where he cuts bUSS
out a large new plat-forme, and mounts seuen great peece[s] Mimsters-
of Ordnance vpon new cariages of Cedar. Now amongst
all those troubles, it was not the least to bring the two
Ministers to subscribe to the Booke of Common Praier,
which all the Bishops in England could not doe. Finding
it high time to attempt some conformitie, [he] bethought
himselfe of the Liturgie of Garnsey and Iarse, wherein all
those particulars they so much stumbled at, were omitted.
No sooner was this propounded, but it was gladly imbraced
672 The Gouernment of Lib. 5. [Ed> by/u'iy Te*!
[1620] by them both, whereupon the Gouernor translated it
verbatim out of French into English, and caused the eldest
Minister vpon Easter day [16 April 1620] to begin the vse
thereof at Saint Georges towne; where himselfe, most of the
Councell, Officers and Auditorie receiued the Sacrament :
the which forme they continued during the time of his
gouernment.
Much about this time, in such a faire morning that had
inuited many Boats farre out to the Sea to fish, did rise
such a Hericano that much indangered them all, so that
one of them with two Boies were driuen to Sea and neuer
more heard of.
T,?e The Ministers thus agreed, a Proclamation was pub-
theUMount. lished for keeping of the Sabbath; and all the defective
cariages he endeuoured to haue renewed ; [he also] builded
a small Boat of Cedar onely to goe with Ores, to be ready
vpon any occasion to discouer any shipping, and tooke
order euery Fort should haue the like. Also caused num-
bers of Cedars to be brought from diuers places in flotes,
to rebuild the Mount, which with an vnspeakable toile,
was raised seuen foot higher then before, and a Falcon
mounted at the foot, to be alwaies discharged for a warning
to all the Forts vpon the discouery of any shipping : and
this he called Rich Mount. This exceeding toile and
labour, hauing no Cattle but onely mens [193] strengths,
caused many petitions to the Gouernour, that all those
generall works might cease till they had reaped their har-
uests, in that they were in great distresse for victuall ;
which hee so well answered, their owne shames did cause
them desist from that importunity, and voluntarily per-
forme as much as hee required.
The Tombc Finding accidentally a little crosse erected in a by place,
summ/rs?' amongst a many of bushes, vnderstanding there was buried
the heart and intrailes of Sir George Summers, hee resolued
to haue a better memory for so worthy a Souldier, then
that. So finding also a great Marble stone brought out
of England, hee caused it by Masons to bee wrought
handsomely and laid ouer the place, which hee inuironed
with a square wall of hewen stone, Tombe like ; wherein
hee caused to bee grauen this Epitaph he had composed,
and fixed it vpon the Marble stone ; and thus it was,
Ed. by J. Smith."] T TR
July 1624. J l-lii'
5. Captaine Nathaniel Butler.
673
[1620]
In theyeere 1 6 1 1,
Noble Sir George Summers went hence to heauen ;
Whose well trVd worth that held him still imploid,
Gaue him the knowledge of the world so wide.
Hence 't was by heauens decree, that to this place
He brought new guests, and name to mutuall grace.
A t last his soule and body being to part,
He here bequeathe his entrails and his heart.
Vpon the sixt of Iune [1620], began the second Assise, ^;nrer
that reduced them to the direct forme vsed in England, ofiawes
For besides the Gouernour and Councell : they haue the reformed
Bailiffes of the Tribes, in nature of the Deputy Lieu-
tenants of the shires in England, for to them are all pre-
cepts and warrants directed, and accordingly answered
and respected ; they performe also the duties of Iustices of
Peace, within their limits. The subordinate Officers to
these in euery tribe, are the Constables, Head-borowes,
and Church-wardens ; these are the triers of the Tobacco,
which if they allow not to be marchantable, is burnt : and
these are the executioners of their ciuill and politicke
causes.
For points of warre and martiall affaires, they haue the JJgJj^1
Gouernour for Lieutenant generall, the Sergeant maior,
Master of Ordinance, Captaines of Companies, Captaines
of Forts, with their seuerall officers, to traine and exer-
cise those numbers vnder their charge, in martiall
discipline.
Concerning their Courts for decision of right and iustice,
the first, though last in constitution, is their generall Courts"
assembly ; allowed by the state in England, in the nature
of a Parliament, consisting of about forty persons ; viz.
the Gouernour, the Counsell, the Bailiffes of the tribes,
and two Burgesses of each tribe chosen by voyces in the
tribe, besides such of the Clergie as the Gouernour thinkes
most fit, to be held once a yeere, as you shal heare more
thereof hereafter.
The next Court is the Assise or Iayles of deliuerie, held
twice euery yeere, in Christmas, and Whitson weeke,
for all criminall offenders, and ciuill causes betwixt party
and party ; as actions of debt, trespasse, battery, slander,
43
Ciuill
Officers and
674 ^ Gouernment of Lib. 5. |^-*/u-,*7J£
[1620] and the like : and these are determined by a Iury of
twelue men, and aboue them is also a grand Iury to
examine matters of greater consequence.
The last day of the Assise might also well be held a Court,
for hearing the trangressions in matters of contempt, mis-
behauiour towards any Magistrate, riots, seditious speakers,
contemners of warrants, and such like.
There are also as occasion shall require, many matters
heard by the Gouernor, or his Officers, and oft iustice done
in seuerall places ; but those are but as daies of hearing,
and as preparatiues against their Courts, &c.
The second At this last Assize eighteene were arrained for criminall
causes, a number very extraordinary considering the place ;
but now occasioned by reason of the hard yeere, and the
store of ill chosen new commers : of these, some were
censured to the whipping post, some burned in the hand,
but two were condemned to die, yet the one was reprieued,
the other hanged ; this done, euery man returned to his
home.
[#.669,670.] Many trials they made againe about the Warwicke,
but to small purpose, [194] her Ordnance being lashed
so fast they could not be vnlcosed, till the ropes and decks
were rotten, yet some few buttes of beare being flotie they
got, which though it had lien six moneths vnder water
was very good: notwithstanding the next yeere [1621],
they recouered flue peeces of Ordnance.
Ageneraii Vpon the first of August [1620], accordingtotheCompanies
manSon"* instructions from England, began the generall assembly at
Parliament, the towne of Saint George, which was the first these lies
euer had : consisting as is said, of the Gouernour, Councell,
Bailiffes, and Burgesses, and a Secretarie to whom all bils
were presented, and by him openly read in the house, also
a Gierke to record the Acts, being thirty two in all ; fif-
teene of which [Acts] being sent into England, were by a
generall consent receiued and enacted, the titles whereof
are these following : as for all the reasons for them, they
would be too tedious to recite.
Their Acts The first was against the vniust sale and letting of
apprentises and other seruants, and this was
especially for the righting the vndertakers in England.
The second, concerning the disposing of aged,
fed bVuiv^.i ^IB- 5- Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 6^5
diseased, and impotent persons : for it being considered [1620]
how carelesse many are in preferring their friends, or
sending sometimes any they can procure to goe, such
vnseruiceable people should be returned back at their
charge that sent them, rather then be burdensome to
the poore Inhabitants in the lies.
The third, the necessary manning the Kings Castle,
being the key of the He, that a garison of twelue
able men should bee there alwaies resident : and
3000. eares of corne, and 1000. pounds of Tobacco
payed them by the generality yeerely, as a pension.
The fourth, against the making vnmarchantable
Tobacco ; and Officers sworne to make true trials,
and burne that was naught.
The fift, inioyned the erection of certaine publike
bridges, and the maintenance of them.
The sixt, for a continuall supply of victuall for all the
Forts, to bee preserued, till some great occasion to
vse it.
The seuenth was, for two fixed dayes euery yeere for
the Assises.
The eight, commands the making of high-waies, and
prohibiting the passage ouer mens grounds and
planted fields; as well to preuent the spoyling of
gardens, as conueniencie to answer any alarum.
The ninth, for the preseruing young tortoises and
birds, that were carelesly destroyed.
The tenth prouided against vagabonds, and pro-
hibited the entertainement of other mens seruants.
The eleuenth compelled the setting of a due quantity
of corne for euery family.
The twelfth, the care corne being set, enioyned the
keeping vp of their poultry till it was past their
reaches.
The thirteenth, for the preseruation of sufficient
fences, and against the felling of marked trees appointed
for bounds.
The fourteenth, granted to a leuy for a thousand
pound weight of Tobacco, towards the payment of
publike workes, as the bridges and the mount.
The fifteenth, for the enioyning an acknowledgement
676
The Gouernment of Lib. 5. [EdbyjJuiy
Smith.
1624.
[1620]
The arriuall
of the
Magtutin
ship.
and acception of all resident Gouernours, and the
warranting him to continue, though his time be
expired, till the arriuall of a legitimate successor
from England, to preuent all vnmeet and presump-
tuous elections : besides it was desired by petition
in England, the new Gouernour should Hue two
months as a priuate man after his arriuall, if his
predecessor did stay so long, the better to learne and
obserue his course.
And these are the contents of those fifteene Acts,
applied as you may perceiue : which the lawes of England
could not take notice of, because euery climate hath
somewhat to it selfe in that kinde in particular; for
otherwise as it is conceiued, it had beene a high impu-
dency and presumption to haue medled with them, or
indeed with any such as these lawes, that had with such
great iudgement and iustice alwaies prouided for.
No sooner was this businesse ouer, but the Magazin
ship is discouered, and that night came into the Harbour ;
but in a very weake and sickly case, hauing cast ouer
board twenty or thirty of her people: and so violent was
the infection, that the most part of the sailers, as well as
passengers, were so sicke, or dismaid, or both, that the
Master confessed, had they stayed at the Sea but a weeke
longer, they had all perished.
There arriued with this ship diuers Gentlemen of good
fashion, with their wiues and families ; but many of them
crasie by the tediousnesse of the voyage : [195] howsoeuer
most of them, by the excellent salubrity of the aire, then
which the world hath not a better, soone after recouered ;
yet some there were that died presently after they got
ashore : it being certainly the quality of the place, either
to kill, or cure quickly, as the bodies are more or lesse
corrupted.
By this ship the Company sent a supply of ten persons
for the generality, but of such bad condition that it seemed
they had picked the Males out of Newgate, the Females
from Bridewell : As the Gouernour found it his best
course, to grant out the women to such as were so greedy
of wiues, and would needs haue them for better for worse ;
and the men hee placed in the Kings Castle for souldiers.
Edby/uiyslt] Lib. 5.
Captaine Nathaniel Butler.
677
But this bad, weake, sickly supply being dispersed for [1620]
their best reliefe, by the much imployment of his boats in
remoouing them, many of his owne men became infected,
so that for some weekes, they were not able to doe him
any seruice at all.
Strict instructions also they brought for the planting of
Sugar canes, for which the Iland being rockie and dry, is
so vnproper, that few as yet haue beene seene to prosper :
yet there are others [that] hold the contrary opinion, that
there is raine so ordinarily, the lies are so moist, as pro-
duceth all their plants in such infinit abundance : there is
no great reason to suspect this, were it rightly vsed, more
then the rest.
Seuenty thousand [pounds] weight of Tobacco being ££°£tof
prepared towards her fraught, she returned for England. Tobacco.
No sooner was shee gone then came in another, sent by
the Company and generalty, well conditioned ; but shee
failed not much to haue beene cast away amongst those
dangerous and terrible rocks. By her came also expresse
command, they should entertaine no other ships, then
were directly sent from the Company : this caused much
grudging, and indeed a generall distraction and exclamation
among the Inhabitants, to be thus constrained to buy what
they wanted, and sell what they had at what price the
Magazin pleased ; and to debarre true men from comming
to them for trade or reliefe, that were daily receiued in all
the harbours in England. So long this ship stayed going
for fraught and wages, the Master not caring how long he
lay at that rate in a good harbour, [that] the Gouernour
was ready to send her away by Proclamation. Thus ended
the first yeere of the gouernment of C[aptaine] Butler.
ing of three
bridges and
other works.
With the first [? days] of the second yeere were held the 1620.
Assises, where all the Bailiffes were fined for not giuing a Thebuild-
beginning to the building of the bridges ; there was also an
order to restraine the excessiue wages all handicrafts men
would haue : and that the Church-wardens should meet
twice a yeere, to haue all their presentments made perfect
against the Assises.
The Assises done, all the ablest men were trained in
their armes, and then departed to their owne homes.
578 The Gouernment of Lib. 5. [■*• byfc^4;
[1621] The towne thus cleered, he made certaine new carriages
for some demy Culuerings, and a large new storehouse of
Cedar for the yeerely Magazines goods ; finished Warwicks
Fort begun by Master More, and made a new platforme
at Pagits Fort, also a faire house of lime and stone for
the Townes-house. The three bridges appointed by the
generall assembly, was followed with such diligence, [that]
though they were more then an hundred, or an hundred
and twenty foot in length, hauing the foundation and
arches in the Sea, [they] were raised and accomplished,
so that man or beast with facility might passe them.
The At Whitsonday [zoMay 1621] was held the fourth generall
AsS, Assise at Saint Georges, where were tryed twenty seuerall
prieed- causes ; foure or hue were whipped or burnt in the hand, for
>ngs. breaking of houses : also an order was made, that the
party cast in the triall of any cause, should pay to euery
of the Iurours foure pence : moreouer, that not past ten
leaues at the most should grow vpon a plant of Tobacco,
and that also in the making it vp, a distinction should
diligently be obserued of two kinds, a better and a worse :
then they built a strong stone house for the Captaine of
the Kings Castle and corps du guard ; and repaired what
defects they could finde in the platformes and carriages.
Captaine Powell so oft mentioned, hauing beene in the
West-Indies for the States of Holland, came to an anchor
within shot of their Ordnance, desiring admittance for
wood and water, of which hee had great need, but the
Gouernor [196] would not permit him, so he weighed
and departed ; whereat the company were so madded, it
was not possible to constraine them to cease their exclai-
mations against the Companies inhibition, till they were
weary with excla[i]ming. But still for their better defence,
not thinking themselues sufficiently secure, hauing finished
two new plat-formes more, arriued the Magazin ship [Sept.
1621] : but her Master was dead, and many of the Passengers;
the rest for most part very sicke. And withall, a strange
and wonderfull report of much complaint made against the
Gouernor to the Company in England, by some of them
returned in the last yeeres shipping. But it was eight
daies before she could get in by reason of ill weather,
being forced againe to Sea j so that time, they kept euery
wracke.
Edbyjiiys?6!S:] LlB- 5- Captaine Nathaniel Butler. 679
night continually great fires, [that] she might see the He as [16211
well by night as day : but at last she arriued, and he plainly
vnderstood, he had more cause a great deale to looke for
misconstruction of all his seruice then an acknowledg-
ment, much lesse a recompence any better then his pre-
decessors; but it is no new thing to requite the best desert
with the most vildest of ingratitude.
The very next daies night after the arriuall of the a strange
Magazins ship, newes was brought the Gouernor by a ofaSpiS
dismaied Messenger from Sand[y]s his Tribe, that one hun-
dred Spaniards were landed in that part, and diuers ships
discouered at Sea ; whereupon he presently manned the
Forts, and instantly made thitherward in person with
twentie men, determining as he found cause to draw
together more strength by the way. Being got thither
by the breake of the next day, in stead of an enemy which
he expected, he met onely with a company of poore dis-
tressed Portugals and Spaniards, who in their passage
from Carthagena in the West-Indies, in consort with the
Spanish fleet of Plait [the annual Plate Fleet, taking the
treasure to Spain] ; by the same storme that had in-
dangered the Magazin ship, lost theirs vpon those terrible
Rocks, being to the number of seuenty persons, [who] were
strangely preserued ; and the manner was thus.
About Sunne-set their ship beating amongst the Rock3,
some twenty of the Sailers got into the Boat with what
treasure they could ; leauing the Captaine, the Master,
and all the rest to the mercy of the Sea. But a Boy not
past foureteene yeares of age that leaped after, to haue
got into the Boat ; missing that hope, it pleased God he
got vpon a Chest a drift by him : whereon they report
he continued two daies, and was driuen neere to the
cleane contrary part of the He, where he was taken vp
neere dead, yet well recouered. All this night the ship
sticking fast, the poore distressed in her the next day spying
land, made a raft; and were those [that] gaue the alarum
first a shore about three of the clocke in the after noone.
The morning after, about seuen of the clocke came in the
Boat to a place called Mangroue Bay ; and the same day
their Carpenter was driuen a shore vpon a Planke neere
Bog-Bay. There was a Gentlewoman that had stood wet
68o The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Edbyj{
Smith.
uly 1624.
[1621] vp to the middle vpon the raft from the ship to the shore,
being big with childe ; and although this was vpon the
thirteenth of September, [1621] she tooke no hurt, and was
safely deliuered of a Boy within three daies after.
The best comfort [that] could be giuen them in those
extremities they had, although some of the baser sort had
beene rifling some of them before the Gouernors arriuall.
Also the Spanish Captaine and the chiefe with him, much
complained of the treachery of his men to leaue him in that
manner, yet had conueyed with them the most of the
money they could come by, which he easily missed ; where-
upon hee [Butler] suddenly caused all them he accused, to
be searched, and recouered to the value of one hundred and
fortie pounds starling : which he deliuered into the Cap-
taines hands, to be imploied in a generall purse towards
their generall charge. During their stay in the lies, some
of the better sort, nine or ten weeks [13 Sept. — ? 12 Nov.],
dieted at his owne table ; the rest were billited amongst
the Inhabitants at foure shillings the weeke, till they found
shipping for their passage, for which they paied no more
then the English paied themselues ; and for the passage
of diuers of them, the Gouernor was glad to stand bound
to the Master. Some others that were not able to procure
such friendship, were so constrained to stay in the lies,
till by their labours they had got [197] so much as would
transport them : and thus they were preserued, releeued,
and deliuered.
In the moneth insuing [October 1621] arriued the second
ship ; and she also had lost her Master, and diuers of her
Passengers : in her came two Virginian Women [these
were of the Indian maids that had gone to England in 1616, in
attendance on Pocahontas] to be married to some would
haue them, that after they were conuerted and had
children, they might be sent to their Countrey and kindred
to ciuilize them.
Towards the end of this moneth [Oct.] came in the third
ship with a small Magazin ; [she] hauing sold what she
could, caried the rest to Virginia : and neuer did any of
those Passengers complaine either of their good diet, or too
good vsage at sea; but the cleane contrary still occasioned
many of those extremities.
Ed. by J. Smith."] T TT3
July 1624 J ^IB'
5. Their accidents and proceedings. 68 1
The fift of Nouember [1621] the damnable plot of the
powder treason was solemnized, with Praiers, Sermons,
and a great Feast : whereto the Gouernor inuited the
chiefe of the Spaniards, where drinking the Kings health,
it was honored with a quicke volly of small shot, which
was answered from the Forts with the great Ordnance,
and then againe concluded with a second volley of small
shot ; neither was the afternoone without musicke and
dancing, and at night many huge bone-fires of sweet-wood.
The Spaniards to expresse their thankfulnesse, at their
departure, made a deed of gift to the Gouernor of whatso-
euer he could recouer of the wracked ship ; but the ships
as they went out came so dangerously vpon a Rock, that
the poore Spaniards were so dismaied, swearing this place
was ominous vnto them, especially the women, that
desired rather to goe a shore and die howsoeuer, than
aduenture any further in such a labyrinth of dangers : but
at last she got cleere without danger, and well to England.
The other went to Virginia, wherein the Gouernor
sent two great Chests filled with all such kinds and
sorts of Fruits and Plants as their Hands had ; as Figs,
Pomgranats, Oranges, Lemons, Sugar-canes, Plantanes,
Potatoes, Papawes, Cassado roots, red Pepper, the Prickell
Peare, and the like.
The ships thus dispatched, hee goeth into the maine,
and so out to sea to the Spanish wracke. He had beene
there before, presently after her ruine ; for neuer had ship a
more sudden death, being now split in peeces all vnder
water. He found small hope to recouer any thing, saue a
Cable and an Anchor, and two good Sacars ; but the wind
was so high hee was forced to returne, being ten miles
from the shore, onely with three Murderers [small cannon],
which were knowne to be the same Captaine Kendall had
sold to Captaine Kerby : whose ship was taken by two men
of warre of Carthagena, the most of his men slaine or
hanged, and he being wounded, died in the woods. Now
their Pilot being at this seruice, got thus those three
Murderers to their ship; and their ship thus to the
Bermudas, as the Spaniards remaining related to the
Gouernor and others.
Hauing raised three small Bulwarkes at Southhamptons
[1621]
How they
solemnized
the powder
treason, and
the arriuall
of two
ships.
The
Spaniards
returne, and
in danger
againe.
1621.
Three
English
Murderers
found in
the Spanish
wracke.
682 The Gotternment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Edbyjiiys^
[1621-2] Fort, with two Curtaines, and two Rauilings, which indeed
is onely the true absolute peece of fortification in the lies.
Their Christmas [1621] being come, and the prefixed day of the
•S'Sher Assise ; diuers were whipped and burnt in the hand, onely
passages, three young boyesfor stealing were condemned, and at tfte
very point of hanging repri[e] ued. The Gouernour then sent
his Lieutenant all ouer the maine to distribute Armes to
those were found most fit to vse them, and to giue order [s] for
their randezuous, which were hanged vp in the Church.
About this time it chanced a pretty secret to be discouered
to preserue their corne from the fly, or weauell, which did
in a manner as much hurt as the rats. For the yeere before
[1620] hauing made a Proclamation that all Corne should
be gathered by a certaine day; because many lazy persons
(A W ranne so after the ships to get Beere and Aquavita, for
which they will giue any thing they haue, much had beene
lost for want of gathering. This yeare [1621] hauing a very
faire crop, some of the Inhabitants, none of the best hus-
bands, hastily gathered it for feare of the penaltie, threw
it in great heaps into their houses vnhusked, and so let it
lie foure or fiue moneths, which was thought would haue
spoiled it : where the good husbands husked it, and with
much labour hung it vp, where the Flies did so blow on
it, they increased to so many Weauels, they generally [198]
complained of great losse ; but those good fellowes that
neuer cared but from hand to mouth, made their boasts,
that not a graine of theirs had beene touched nor hurt ;
there being no better way to preserue it then by letting it
lie in its huske, and spare an infinite labour formerly [that]
had beene vsed.
There were also very luckily about this time found out
diuers places of fresh water, of which many of the Forts
were very destitute; and the Church-wardens and Side-men
were very busie in correcting the prophaners of the
Sabbath, Drunkards, Gamesters, and such like.
There came also from Virginia a small Barke with many
thanks for the presents sent them : much Aquauitae, Oile,
Sacke, and Bricks they brought in exchange of more Fruits
and Plants, Ducks, Turkies and Limestone ; of which she
had plenty, and so returned.
During the aboad of the stay of this ship, the manage of
Ed" byjuiysT624*] Lib. 5. Their accidents and proceedings. 683
one of the Virginia m&idesw&s consummated with a husband [1622]
fit for her, attended with more then one hundred guests,
and all the dainties for their dinner [that] could be prouided.
They made also another triall to fish for Whales, but it
tooke no more effect then the former : this was done by
the Master of the Virginia ship that professed much skill
that way, but hauing fraughted his ship with Limestone,
with 20000. [pounds] weight of Potatoes, and such things
as he desired, [he] returned for Virginia.
Aprill and May [1622] were spent in building a strong new
Prison, and perfecting some of the Fortifications, and by
the labour of twenty men in fourteene daies was got from
the Spanish wracke foure excellent good Sacres, and
mounted them at the Forts.
Then began the generall Assize [June 1622], where not f0sd^ge
fewerthen fifty ciuill, or rathervnciuill actionswere handled,
and twenty criminal! prisoners brought to the bar ; such a
multitude of such vild people were sent to this Plantation,
that he [Butler] thought himselfe happy his time was so
neere expired : three of the foulest acts were these : the first
for the rape of a married woman, which was acquitted by a
senselesse Iury ; the second for buggering a Sow, and the
third for Sodomy with a boy, for which they were hanged.
During the time of the imprisonment of this Buggerer of
the Sow, a Dung-hill Cocke belonging to the same man
did continually haunt a Pigge of his also, and to the
wonder of all them that saw it, who were many, did so
frequently tread the Pigge as if it had beene one of his
Hens, that the Pigge languished and died within a while
after; and then the Cocke resorted to the very same Sow
(that this fellow was accused for) in the very same
manner: and as an addition to all this, about the same
time two Chickens were hatched, the one whereof had two
heads; the other crowed very loud and lustily within
twelue houres after it was out of the shell.
A desperate fellow being to bee arraigned for stealing a
Turky, rather then he would endure his triall, secretly
conueighed himselfe to Sea in a little Boat, and neuer since
was euer heard of; nor is he euer like to be, without an
exceeding wonder, little lesse then a miracle.
In Iune [1622] they made another triall about the Spanish
684 The Goiiernment of C apt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed- by/ul^ ™%
[1622] wracke, and recouered another Sacre and a Murderer: also
Auoretualls he caused to be hewed out of the maine Rocke a paire of
about the . . ~ . ..... _ , *
wracks. large staires ior the conuenient landing of goods and pas-
sengers, a worke much to the beauty and benefit of the
towne. With twenty chosen men, and two excellent
Divers, the Gouernour went himselfe to the wracke
Warwick, but they could recouer but one Murderer [a
small cannon] : from thence he went to the Sea-aduenUire,
the wracke of Sir George Summers, the hull though two
or three fathomes in the water, they found vnperished and
with much a doe weighed a Sacre, her sheat Anchor,
diuers barres of Iron and pigs of Lead, which stood the
Plantation in very great stead.
Towards the end of Iuly [1622] he went to seeke for a
wracke they reported lay vnder water with her hatches
spiked vp, but they could not finde her, but from the Spanish
wracke [which] lay there by, they weighed three faire Sacres
more, and so returned through the Tribes to Saint Georges :
some were also imployed to seeke out beds of Oisters for
Pearle, some they found, some seed Pearle they got, but
out of one little shell aboue all the rest they got about 120.
small Pearle, but somewhat defectiue in their colour. [199]
punters ^e t*me °^ Captain Butlers gouernment drawing neere
compbints. an end, the Colony presented vnto him diuers grieuances,
to intreat him to remember to the Lords and Company in
England at his returne : also they appointed two to be
ioyned with him, with letters of credence to solicit in their
behalfe those grieuances following:
First, they were defrauded of the food of their
soules : for being not fewer then one thousand and
flue hundred people, dispersed in length twenty miles,
they had at that present but one Minister, nor neuer
had but two ; and they [had been] so shortned of their
promises, that but onely for meere pity they would
haue forsaken them.
Secondly, neglected in the safety of their Hues by
wants of all sorts of munition.
Thirdly, they had beene censured contrary to his
Maiesties Lawes, and not allowed them the benefit of
their booke as they are in England, but by Captaine Butler.
E<1 ^jiiyiS.'] Lib. 5. Their accidents and proceedings. 685
Fourthly, they were frustrated of many of their [1622]
couenants, and most extremely pinched and vndone
by the extortion of the Magazine ; for although their
Tobacco was stinted but at two shillings sixpence
the pound, yet they pitched their commodities at what
rate they pleased.
Fifthly, their fatherlesse children are left in little
better condition then slaues ; for if their Parents die in
debt, their children are made as bondmen till the debt
be discharged.
These things being perfected, there grew a great question
of one Heriot for plotting of factions and abusing the
Gouernour, for which he was condemned to lose his eares,
yet he was vsed so fauourably he lost but the part of one
in all.
By this time it being growne past the wonted season ^^"JJJ
of the comming in of ships from England, after a generall Butur.
longing and expectation, especially of the Gouernour,
whose Commission being neere vpon expiration, gaue him
cause to wish for a meane of deliuerance from so trouble-
some and thanklesse an imploiment as he had hitherto
found it ; a saile is discouered, and long it was not before
shee arriued in the Kings Castle-Harbour.
This Barke was set out by two or three priuate men of
the Company, and hauing landed her supplies, was to goe
for Virginia', by her the Gouernour receiued certaine
aduertisements of the carriage and behauiour of the
Spaniards, which he had relieued as you haue heard [p. 680]
the yeere before : that quite contrary both to his merit,
their vow, and his owne expectation, they made clamours
against him; the which being seconded by the Spanish Am-
bassadour, caused the State to fall in examination about it.
Whereupon hauing fully cleared their ingratefulnesse
and impudency, and being assured of the choice of a suc-
cessor that was to be expected within hue or six weekes ;
hee was desirous to take the opportunity of this Barke,
and to visit the Colony in Virginia in his returne for
England [p. 603] : leauing the gouernment to Captaine
Felgat, Captaine Stokes, Master Lewis Hewes, Master
Nedom and Master Ginner.
686 The Gouernment of Capt. Nathaniel Butler. [Ed'fcy/U,s^:
[1622] But now his time being fully expired, and the fortifi-
cations finished, viz.
The Kings Castle wherein were mounted vpon suf-
ficient Platformes fixteene peece of Ordnances:
In Charles Fort two ;
In Southampton Fort fiue, betwixt which and the
Castle passeth the Chanell into the Harbour, secured
by three and twenty peeces of good artillery to play
vpon it.
In Cowpers He is Pembrocks Fort, where is two
Peeces.
The Chanell of Saint George is guarded by Smiths
Fort, and Pagits Fort, in which is eleuen peece of
Ordnance. Saint George towne is halfe a league
within the Harbour, commanded by Warwicks Fort,
where are three great Peeces : and on the Wharfe
before the Gouernours house eight more, besides the
warning Peece by the mount, and three in Saint
Katharines ;
So that in all there are ten Fortresses and two and
fifty peeces of Ordnance sufficient and seruiceable : their
formes and situations you may see more plainlier described
in the Map ; and to defend those, he left one thousand
fiue hundred persons with neere a hundred boats, and
the He well replenished with store of such fruits, pro-
uisions and Poultry, as is formerly related : yet for so
departing and other occasions, much difference hath
beene betwixt him and some of the Company, as any of
his Predecessors ; which I rather wish were reconciled,
then to be a reporter of such vnprofitable dissentions.
[200]
For
Till trechery and faction , and auarice be gone,
Till enuy and ambition, and backbiting be none,
Till periury and idlenesse, and iniury be out,
And truly till that villany the worst of all that rout;
Vnlesse those vises banisht be, what euer Forts you haue,
A hundred walls together put will not haue power to saue.
Eabyjiy ?£!;;] The gouernment of Master lohn Barnard.
6&7
Master lohn Barnard sent to be Gouernour.
1622.
O supply this place was sent by the noble [1622-3]
aduenturers lohn Bernard, a Gentleman The Lord
both of good meanes and quality, who Treasurer,
arriued within eight daies after Butlers 3Jg£J»
departure [1622] with two ships, and £*r™r
about one hundred and forty passengers eputy'
with armes and all sorts of munition
and other prouisions sufficient.
During the time of his life which was but six weekes
in reforming all things he found defectiue, he shewed
himselfe so iudiciall and industrious as gaue great satis-
faction ; and did generally promise vice was in great
danger to be suppressed, and vertue and the Plantation
much aduanced : but so it hapned that both he and his
wife died in such short time they were both buried in one
day and one graue ; and Master lohn Harrison chosen
Gouernour till further order came from England.
What hapned in the gouernment of Master
lohn Harrison.
j<g|^ggpHey are still much troubled with a great 1623.
5^=§Y& short worme that deuours their Plants f^f^ard
in the night, but all the day they lie hid Treasurer
in the ground ; and though early in the ciSSi
morning they kill so many, they would £jjj^#
thinke there were no more, yet the
next morning you shall finde as many.
The Caterpillers to their fruits are
also as pernicious, and the land Crabs in some places
are as thicke in their Borowes as Conies in a Warren, and
doe much hurt.
Besides all this, there hapned this yeere [1623] a verv
heauy disaster, for a ship wherein there had beene much
swearing and blaspheming vsed all the voyage, and landed
what she had to leaue in those lies, iouially froliking in
their Cups and Tobacco, by accident fired the Powder, that
at the very instant blew vp the great Cabin, and some one
way and some another : it is a wonder to thinke how they
could bee so blowne out of the gun-roome into the Sea,
688 \_Whathapned in the gouernment of ' M. Harrison. "^jiJSS
[1623-4] where some were taken vp liuing, so pitifully burned [that]
their liues were worse then so many deaths, some died, some
liued : but eighteene were lost at this fatall blast, the ship
also immediatly sunke with threescore barrels of meale sent
for Virginia, and all the other prouision in her was thus lost,
Note. Now to consider how the Spaniards, French, and Dutch
haue beene lost and preserued in those inuincible lies, yet
neuer regarded them but as monuments of miseries, though
at this present they all desire them ; How Sir Thomas
Gates, and Sir George Summers being ready to sinke in the
sea were saued, what an incredible abundance of victuall
they found, how it was first planted by the English, the
strange increase of Rats, and their sudden departure,
the hue men came from England in a boat, the escape of
Hilliard, and the rest of those accidents there hapned :
a man would thinke it a tabernacle of miracles, and the
worlds wonder, that from such a Paradise of admiration
who would thinke should spring such wonders of afflictions
as are onely fit to be sacrificed vpon the highest altars
of sorrow, thus to be set vpon the highest Pinacles of con-
tent, and presently throwne downe to the lowest degree of
extremity, as you see haue beene the yeerely succeedings
of those Plantations ; the which to ouercome, as it is an
incomparable honour, so it can be no dishonour if a man doe
miscarry by vnfortunate accidents in such honourable ac-
tions, the which renowne and vertue to attaine hath [201]
caused so many attempts by diuers Nations besides ours,
euen to passe through the very amazement of aduentures.
Vponthe relation of thisnewesthe Company hath sent one
Captaine Woodhouse, a Gentleman of good repute and great
experience in the warres,and no lesse prouident then indus-
trious and valiant : then returned report, all goeth well there.
It is too true, in the absence of the noble Treasurer, Sir
Edward Sackvill, now Earle of Dorset ; there haue beene
1624 suc^ complamts betwixt the Planters and the Company,
sir Thomas that, by command, the Lords appointed Sir Thomas Smith
fSamra againe Treasurer, that since then according to their order
and Master of Court he is also elected: where now we must leaue
Depulyf* them all to their good fortune and successe, till we heare
further of their fortunate proceedings.
FINIS.
To his friend Captaine Smithy
vpon bis description of New -England.
Ir ; your Relations I haue read : which shew,
The/s reason I should honour them and you :
And if their meaning I haue vnderstood,
I dare to censure thus: Your Proiect's good ;
And may {if follow' d) doubtlesse quit the paine,
With honour, pleasure and a trebble gaine :
Beside the benefit that shall arise
To make more happy our Posterities.
For would we daigne to spare, though 'twere no more
Then what ore-fils, and surfets vs in store,
To order Nature's fruitfulnesse a while
In that rude Garden, you New-England stile ;
With present good, ther's hope in after-daies
Thence to repaire what Time and Pride decaies
In this rich Kingdome. And the spacious West
Being still more with English bloud possest,
The proud Iberians shall not rule those Seas,
To checke our ships from sailing where they please ;
Nor future times make any forraine power
Become so great to force a bound to Our.
44
0>.i83
[1616]
690 [Reprint of Complimentary Verses. il gSSSu
16x6.
[1^16] Much good my minde foretels would follow hence
With little labour, and with lesse expence.
Thriue therefore thy Designe, who ere enuy :
England may ioy in England's Colony,
Virginia seeke her Virgin sisters good,
Be blessed in such happy neighbourhood :
Or, whatsoere Fate pleaseth to permit,
Be thou still honoured for first mouing it,
George Wither, e societate LincoL
^
i/.tsa.] To that worthy and generous
Gentleman, my very good friend,
Captaine Smith.
Ay "Fate thy Protect, prosper that thy name
May be eternized with liuing fame :
Though foule Detraction Honour would peruert,
And Enuie euer waits vpon desert : [202]
In spight of Pelias, when his hate lies cold,
Returne as Iason with a fleece of gold.
Then after-ages shall record thy praise,
That a New-England to this He didst raise:
And when thou di'st (as all that Hue must die)
Thy fame Hue here ; thou, with Eternity.
R. Gunncll.
E.Robin*oa. Reprint of Complimentary Verses.] 691
To his wort hie Captaine, fr^i
the Author.
Ft thou hast led, when I brought vp the Rere [1616]
In bloudy wars, where thousands haue beene slaine.
Then giue me leaue in this some part to beare ;
And as thy seruant, here to reade my name.
Tis true, long time thou hast my Captaine beene
In the fierce warres o/Transiluania:
Long ere that thou America hadst seene,
Or led wast captiu'd in Virginia ;
Thou that to passe the worlds foure parts dost deeme
No more, then fwere to goe to bed, or drinke,
And all thou yet hast done, thou dost esteeme
As nothing. This doth cause me thinke
That thou Fane seene so oft approu'd in dangers,
{And thrice captiu'd, thy valour still hath freed)
Art yet preserued, to conuert those strangers :
By God thy guide I trust it is decreed.
For me : I not commend but much admire
Thy England yet vnknowne to passers by-hcr
For it will praise it selfe in spight of me ;
Thou it, it thou, to all posterity.
Your true friend and souldier, Ed. Robinson.
4>
692
[Reprint of Complimentary Verses.
T. Carlton.
1616
[A »3»1
ri6i6]
To my honest Captaine^
the Author.
Alignant Times I What can be said or done,
But shall be censurd and traducH by some !
This worthy W or ke, which thou hast bought so deare,
Ne thou, nor it, Detractors need to feare.
Thy words by deeds so long thou hast approu'd,
Of thousands know thee not thou art belou'd.
And this great Plot will make thee ten times more
Knowne and belou'd, than ere thou wert before.
I neuer knew a Warrier yet, but thee,
From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free.
I call thee Warrier : and I make the bolder ;
For, many a Captaine now, was neuer Souldier.
Some such may swell at this : but (to their praise)
When they haue done like thee, my Muse shall raise
Their due deserts to Worthies yet to come,
To Hue like thine (admir'd) till day of Doome.
Your true friend, sometimes your souldier,
Thos. Carlton. [203]
The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, 5r* the Summer Isles.
The Sixth Book.
1624.
The General History of New England.
1606-1624 ;
with a Note on Newfoundland.
1622.
This Sixth Book consists: of a reprint, with variations, of our
Author's own :
A Description of New England, 1616, pp. 175-232.
New Englands Trials, 1620, pp. 233-248.
together with extracts from :
Dr. J. DEE. British Monarchy, 1577, pp. 245, 773.
[G. Mourt]. Relation or Journal, 6r*c, 1622, zXpp. 749- 760.
An Abstract of Letters from New Plymouth, 16 July 1622, pp. 760-762.
E. W[inslow]. Good News from New England, 1624, pp. 762-9.
R. Whitbourne. A loving Invitation . . . Newfoundland, 1622,
pp. 777-7Zi>
The Sixth Booke.
THE
GENERALL
HISTORIE OF
New-England.
Oncerning this History you are to vnder-
stand the Letters- Patents granted by his
Maiesty in 1606. for the limitation of
Virginia, did extend from 34. to 44.
which was diuided into two parts ;
namely, the first Colony and the second :
the first was to the honourable City of
London, and such as would aduenture
with them to discouer and take their choice where they
would, betwixt the degrees of 34. and 41. The second was
appropriated to the Cities of Bristol, Exeter and Plimoth, &c.
and the West parts of England, and all those that would
aduenture and ioine with them, and they might make their
choise any where betwixt the degrees of 38. and 44. ; prouided
Here should bee at least 100. miles distance betwixt
^se 2 Colonies : each of which had lawes, priuileges and
^ritie, for the gouernment and aduancing their seuerall
:ons alike.
[1606]
696 \_The Northern Virginia company^ Lib. 6. [EHarl&*;
1.1607-8] Now this part of America hath formerly beene called
Norumbega, Virginia, Nuskoncus, Penaquida, Cannada, and
such other names as those that ranged the Coast pleased.
But because it was so mountainous, rocky and full of
lies, few haue aduentured much to trouble it, but as is
formerly related ; notwithstanding, that honourable Patron
%^T* of vertue, Sir John Popham, Lord chiefe Iustice of Eng-
Treasurer. land, in the yeere 1606. procured meanes and men to
possesse it, and sent Captaine George Popham for Presi-
dent, Captaine Rawley Gilbert for Admirall, Captaine
Edward Harlow master of the Ordnance, Captaine Robert
Dauis Sargeant-Maior, Captaine Elis Best Marshall, Master
Seaman Secretary, Captaine lames Dauis to be Captaine of
the Fort, Master Gome Carew chiefe Searcher : all those
were of the Councell, who with some hundred more were
to stay in the Country : they set saile from Plimoth the
last of May [1607], and fell with Monahigan the eleuenth
of August.
At Sagadahock 9. or 10. leagues southward, they planted
themselues at the mouth of a faire nauigable Riuer, but the
coast all thereabouts [being] most extreme stony and rocky :
that extreme frozen Winter [1607-8] was so cold they
could not range nor search the Country, and their proui-
sion so small, they were glad to send all but 45. of their
company backe againe. Their noble President Captaine
Popham died, and not long after arriued two ships well
prouided of all necessaries to supply them ; and some
small time after another, by whom vnderstanding of the
[204] death of the Lorde chiefe Iustice, and also of Sir
Iohn Gilbert: whose lands there the President Rawley Gilbert
was to possesse according to the aduenturers directions,
finding nothing but extreme extremities, they all returned
for England in the yeere 1608. and thus this Plantation was
begunne and ended in one yeere, and the Country esteemed
as a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky Desart.
Notwithstanding, the right Honourable Henry Earle of
South-hampton and those of the He of Wight, imploied
Captaine Edward Harlow to discouer an He supposed about
Cape Cod, but they found their plots had much abused them,
for falling with Monahigan, they found onely Cape Cod no
Edby/a'iy^4:] LlB-6- [Captaine Harlow'* Relation.] 697
He but the maine, there they detained three Saluages [1608]
aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but
Pechmo leapt ouer board, and got away; and not long
after with his consorts cut their Boat from their sterne,
got her on shore, and so filled her with sand, and guarded
her with Bowes and Arrowes the English lost her. Not
farre from thence they had three men sorely wounded
with Arrowes.
Anchoring at the He of Nohono, the Saluages in their
Canowes assaulted the Ship till the English Guns made
them retire ; yet here they tooke Sakaweston that, after
he had liued many yeeres in England, went a Souldier to
the warres of Bohemia.
At Capawe they tooke Coneconam and Epenow [pp. 264,
701], but the people at Agawom vsed them kindly. So with
fiue Saluages they returned for England.
Yet Sir Francis Popham sent diuers times one Captaine
Williams to Monahigan onely to trade and make core fish,
but for any Plantations there was no more speeches.
For all this, as I liked Virginia well, though not their
proceedings ; so I desired also to see this country, and
spend some time in trying what I could finde, for all those
ill rumors and disasters.
From the relations of Captaine Edward Harlow
and diuers others.
[My first visit to New England.]
N the month of Aprill 1614. at the charge of V-«87.]
Captaine Marmaduke Roydon, Captaine George J^agrestt0
Langam, Master Iohn Bidey and Master William %*»
& Skelton, with two ships from London, I chanced
to arriue at Monahigan an He of America, 434. P430, 40'], ^
of Northerly latitude : our plot was there to take Whales, 256.936.]
for which we had one Samuel Cramton, and diuers others
expert in that faculty, and also to make trialls of a Mine
of gold and copper ; if those failed, Fish and Furs were
then our refuge to make our selues sauers howsoeuer.
England.
1614.
698 Captaine Smith his first voiage to Norumbega. [3.l6JJ;
Smith,
une 1616.
[1614] We found this Whale-fishing a costly conclusion ; we saw
many and spent much time in chasing them, but could
not kill any. They being a kinde of Iubartes, and not
the Whale that yeelds Fins and Oile as we expected ;
for our gold it was rather the Masters deuice to get a
voyage that proiected it, then any knowledge he had at all
of any such matter. Fish and Furs were now our guard,
and by our late arriuall and long lingring about the Whale,
the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee perceiued
it, wee thinking that their seasons serued at all times : but
we found it otherwise, for by the middest of lime the fishing
failed, yet in Iuly and August some were taken, but not
sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required.
Of dry fish we made about forty thousand, of Cor-fish
about seuen thousand.
t/>. 188.] Whilest the Sailers fished, my selfe with eight others
moditfeT °^ them might best bee spared, ranging the Coast in a
1 got small Boat, we got for trifles neere eleuen thousand
tJT5u£ted Beuer skinnes, one hundred Martins, as many Otters, and
po«nd* the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues.
We ranged the Coast both East and West much further,
but Eastward our commodities were not esteemed, they
were so neere the French who afforded them better,
with whom the Saluages had such commerce that only by
trade they made exceeding great voyages (though they
were without the limits of our precincts ) : during the
time we tried those conclusions, not knowing the coast,
nor Saluages habitations.
With these Furres, the traine Oile and Cor-fish, I
returned for England in the Barke, where within six
moneths after our departure from the Downes, wee safely
arriued backe. The best of this fish was sold for 5. li. the
hundred; the rest, by ill vsage, betwixt three pounds and 50.
shillings.
The other ship stayed to fit her selfe for Spaine with the dry
fish which was sold at Maligo, at forty Rialls the Quintall,
each hundred [weight] weighing two quintals and a halfe.
Thetrechery But one Thomas Hunt [205] the Master of this ship (when
°H™TtT I was gone) thinking to preuent that intent I had to
make there a Plantation, thereby to keepe this abounding
Countrey still in obscuritie, that onely he and some few
T. Smith."]
July 1624.J
and how it was first called New England. 699
Merchants more might enioy wholly the benefit of the [1614]
Trade, and profit of this Countrey, betraied foure and
twenty of those poore Saluages aboord his ship : and most [A 754-1
dishonestly, and inhumanely, for their kinde vsage of me
and all our men, caried them with him to Maligo, and
there for a little priuate gaine sold those silly Saluages
for Rials of eight ; but this vilde act kept him euer after
from any more emploiment in those parts.
Now because at this time I had taken a draught of the
Coast, and called it New England; yet so long he [i.e.,
Hunt] and his Consorts drowned that name with the Eccho
of Cannaday ; and some other ships from other parts also,
that vpon this good returne the next yere went thither [June
1615] : that at last I presented this Discourse with the Map,
to our most gracious Prince Charles, humbly intreating his
Highnesse hee would please to change their barbarous
names for such English, as posteritie might say Prince
Charles was their God-father ; which for your better vnder-
standing both of this Discourse and the Map, peruse this
Schedule, which will plainly shew you the correspondency of
the old names to the new, as his Highnesse named them.
The old names.
Cape Cod.
The Harbor at Cape Cod.
Chawum.
Accomack.
Sagoquas.
Massachusets Mount.
Massachusits Riuer.
Totan.
A great Bay by Cape Anne.
Cape Tragabigsanda.
Naembeck.
Aggawom.
Smiths lies.
Passataquack.
Accominticus.
Sassanows Mount.
Sowocatuck.
The new names.
Cape lames.
Milforth hauen.
Barwick.
Plimoth.
Oxford.
Cheui[o]t hills.
Charles Riuer.
Fa[t\mouth.
Bristow.
Cape Anne.
Bastable.
Southampton.
Smiths lies.
Hull.
Boston.
Snowdon hill.
Ipswich.
How Prince
Charles
called the
most re-
markable
places
in New-
England.
[p. 232.)
7<do The Description of New England Lib. 6. [3_t6JJ
Smith,
une 1616.
[1614] Bahama. Dartmouth.
A good Harbor within that Bay. Sandwich.
Ancociscos Mount. Shuters hill.
Ancocisco. The Bas[s]e.
A nmoughcawgen. Cambridge.
Kenebecka. Edenborow.
Sagadahock. Letii.
Pemmayquid. S. Iohns tovvne.
Segocket. Norwich.
Mecadacut. Dunbarton.
Pennobscot. Aberden.
Nusket. Low Mounds [i.e., Lomonds],
Those being omitted, I named my selfe.
Monahigan. Bar ties lies.
Matinack. Willowbies lies.
Metinacus. Haughton lies.
The rest of the names in the Map, are places that had no
names that we did know.
Aspersions But to continue the History succeedingly as neere with
1$tfaJi.tw the day and yeere as may bee.
[y.«i*] Returning in the Barke as is said ; it was my ill chance
to put in at Plimoth, where imparting those my purposes
to diuers I thought my friends, whom as I supposed were
interested in the dead Patent of this vnregarded Countrey,
I was so encouraged and assured to haue the managing [of J
their authoritie in those parts during my life, and such large
promises, that I ingaged my selfe to vndertake it for them.
Arriuing at London^ though some malicious persons
suggested there was no such matter to be had in that so
bad abandoned Countrey, for if there had, other could haue
found it so well as I ; therefore it was to be suspected I
had robbed the French men in New France or Cannada ;
and the Merchants set me forth seemed not to regard it :
yet I found so many promised me such assistance, that I
entertained [contracted with] Michael Cooper the Master of the
Barke, that returned with me and others of the Company.
How he dealt with others, or others with him, I know not ;
but my publike proceeding gaue such encouragement, that
it became so well apprehended by some few of the Virginia
/uiyTJS:] I-IB- 6- h Captaine Iohn Smith. 701
Company, as those proiects [206] for fishing onely was so [1614]
well liked, they furnished Couper with foure good ships to
Sea, before they at Plimoth had made any prouision at all
for me ; but onely a small Barke set out by them of the
He of Wight.
Some of Plimoth, and diuers Gentlemen of the West ^fj^
Countrey, a little before I returned from New England, in voiage to
search for a Mine of Gold about an He called Capawuck, Capawu '
South -wards from the Shoules of Cape lames, as they
were informed by a Saluage called Epenew [p. 697] : that
hauing deluded them as it seems thus to get home, seeing
they kept him as a prisoner in his owne Countrey, and
before his friends : being a man of so great a stature, he
was shewed vp and downe London for money as a wonder ;
and it seemes of no lesse courage and authoritie, then of
wit, strength, and proportion. For so well he had contriued
his businesse, as many reported he intended to haue .
surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to
his liking, before them all he leaped ouer-boord. Many
shot they made at him, thinking they had slaine him : but
so resolute they were to recouer his body, the master of
the ship was wounded, and many of his company. And
thus they lost him ; and not knowing more what to do,
returned againe to England with nothing : which so had
discouraged all your West Countrey men, they neither
regarded much their promises, and as little either me or
the Countrey, till they saw the London ships gone and me
in Plimoth according to my promise [in Jan. 1615, p. 733],
as hereafter shall be related.
I must confesse I was beholden to the setters forth of JJjdoiiere
the foure ships that went with Couper, in that they offered send foure
me that imploiment if I would accept it ; and I finde fo New'ps
still my refusall incurred some of their displeasures, whose ^nilantl-
loue and fauour I exceedingly desired ; and though they
doe censure me opposite to their proceedings, they shall
yet still in all my words and deeds finde, it is their error,
not my fault that occasions their dislike : for hauing
ingaged my selfe in this businesse to the West Countrey, I
had beene very dishonest to haue broke my promise, nor
7o2 The Description of New England Lib. 6. [3_l6j{,
Smith.
une 1616.
1614] will I spend more time in discouery or fishing, till I may
goe with a Company for a Plantation ; for I know my
grounds, yet euery one to whom I tell them, or that reads
this Booke, cannot put it in practise, though it may helpe
any that hath seene or not seene to know much of those
parts. And though they endeuour to worke me out of
my owne designes, I will not much enuy their fortunes :
but I would be sorry their intruding ignorance should by
their defailments bring those certainties to doubtfulnesse.
So that the businesse prosper I haue my desire, be it by
whomsoeuer that are true subiects to our King and
Countrey : the good of my Countrey is that I seeke, and
there is more then enough for all, if they could be
contented.
r/. 188.3 New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea,
SnofNew opposite to N oua Albion [California] in the South Sea,
England, discouered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his
Voyage about the world, in regard whereof this is stiled
New England, being in the same latitude. New France of
it is Northwards, South-wards is Virginia, and all the
adioyning continent with new Granado, new Spaine, new
Andolosia, and the West-Indies.
Ow because I haue beene so oft asked such
strange questions of the goodnesse and great-
nesse of those spatious Tracts of Land, how
they can be thus long vnknowne, or not pos-
sessed by the Spaniards, and many such like demands ; I
t/. 189] intreat your pardons if I chance to bee too plaine or tedious
in relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction.
Notes^of Florida is the next adioyning to the Indies, which
vnprosperously was attempted to be planted by the
French, a Countrey farre bigger then England, Scotlandf
France and Ireland, yet little knowne to any Christian,
but by the wonderfull endeuours of Ferdinando de Soto, a
valiant Spaniard, whose writings in this age is the best
guide knowne to search those parts.
Florida.
juiy8?^*.] Lib. 6. by Captaine Iohn Smith. 703
Virginia is no He as many doe imagine, but part of the [1614]
Continent adioyning to Florida, whose bounds may be Notes 0/
stretched to the magnitude thereof, without offence to any Vireiiua%
Christian Inhabitant, for from the degrees of thirtie to
forty eight, his Maiesty hath now enlarged his Letters
Patents. The Coast extending South-west [207] and
North-east about sixteene or seuenteene hundred miles,
but to follow it aboord the shore may well be three
thousand miles at the least : of which twentie miles is
the most giues entrance into the Bay of Chisapeacke,
where is the London Plantation, within which is a
Countrey, as you may perceiue by the Map, of that little
I discouered, may well suffice three hundred thousand
people to inhabit : but of it, and the discoueries of Sir Ralph
Laine and Master Heriot, Captaine Gosnold, and Captaine
Waymouth, they haue writ so largely, that posteritie may
be bettered by the fruits of their labours.
But for diuers others that haue ranged those parts since,
especially this Countrey now called New England, within
a kenning sometimes of the shore ; some touching in one
place, some in another ; I must intreat them pardon me
for omitting them, or if I offend in saying, that their true
descriptions were concealed, or neuer were well obserued,
or died with the Authors, so that the Coast is yet still but
euen as a Coast vnknowne and vndiscouered.
I haue had six or seuen seuerall plots of those Northerne ia *9°o
parts, so vnlike each to other, or resemblance of the Coun-
try, as they did me no more good then so much waste
paper, though they cost me more, it may bee it was not
my chance to see the best ; but lest others maybe deceiued
as I was, or through dangerous ignorance hazard them-
selues as I did, I haue drawne a Map from point to point,
He to He, and Harbour to Harbour, with the Soundings,
Sands, Rocks, and Land-markes, as I passed close aboord
the shore in a little Boat ; although there bee many things
to bee obserued, which the haste of other affaires did cause
me to omit : for being sent more to get present Com-
modities, then knowledge of any discoueries for any future
good, I had not power to search as I would ; yet it will
serue to direct any [that] shall goe that waies to safe
Harbours and the Saluages habitations : what merchandize
704 The Description of New England Lib. 6. [
J. Smith
3-16 June 1616
[1614]
Observa-
tions for pre-
sumptuous
ignorant
directors.
[/• 191.)
and Commodities for their labours they may finde, this
following discourse shall plainly demonstrate.
Thus you may see of these three thousand miles, more
then halfe is yet vnknovvne to any purpose, no not so
much as the borders of the Sea are yet certainly dis-
couered : as for the goodnesse and true substance of the
Land, we are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them,
vnlesse it be those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack and
Sagadahock, but onely here and there where we haue
touched or seene a little, the edges of those large
Dominions which doe stretch themselues into the maine,
God doth know how many thousand miles, whereof we
can yet no more iudge, then a stranger that saileth betwixt
England and France, can describe the harbours and dangers
by landing here or there in some Riueror Bay, tell thereby
the goodnesse and substance of Spaine, Italy, Germany,
Bohemia, Hungaria, and the rest ; nay, there are many haue
liued fortie yeeres in London, and yet haue scarce beene ten
miles out of the Citie : so are there many that haue beene
in Virginia many yeeres, and in New England many times,
that doe know little more then the place they doe inhabit,
or the Port where they fished, and when they come home,
they will vndertake they know all Virginia and New Eng-
land, as if they were but two Parishes or little Hands. By
this you may perceiue how much they erre, that thinke euery
one that hath beene in Virginia or New England, vnder-
standeth or knoweth what either of them are ; Or that the
Spaniards know one halfe quarter of those large Territories
they possesse, no not so much as the true circumference
of Terra incognita, whose large Dominions may equalize
the goodnesse and greatnesse of America for any thing yet
knowne. It is strange with what small power he doth
range in the East-Indies, and few will vnderstand the
truth of his strength in America: where hauing so much
to keepe with such a pampered force, they need not
greatly feare his fury in Sotnmer lies, Virginia, or New
England, beyond whose bounds America doth stretch
many thousand miles. Into the frozen parts whereof,
one Master Hutson [Hudson] an English Mariner, did
make the greatest discouerie of any Christian I know,
where hee vnfortunately was left by his cowardly Com-
/uiyTe^".] Lib. 6. by Captaine Iohn Smith. 705
pany, for his exceeeding deserts, to end and die a most [1614]
miserable death. [208]
For Affrica, had not the industrious Portugals ranged
her vnknowne parts, who would haue sought for wealth
amongst those fried Regions of blacke brutish Negars
where notwithstanding all their wealth and admirable
aduentures and endeuours more then one hundred and
fortie yeeres [1476-1616] they know not one third part of
those blacke habitations.
But it is not a worke for euery one to manage such
an affaire, as make a discouery and plant a Colony,
it requires all the best parts of art, iudgement, courage,
honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to doe but
neere well; some are more proper for one thing then
another, and therein best to be imploied : and nothing
breeds more confusion then misplacing and misimploying
men in their vndertakings. Columbus, Courtes, Pitzara, [A965.]
Zoto, Magilanus, and the rest serued more then a Prenti-
ship, to learne how to begin their most memorable
attempts in the West-Indies, which to the wonder of all
ages successefully they effected, when many hundreds of
others farre aboue them in the worlds opinion, being
instructed but by relation, came to shame and confusion
in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other
matters were both wise, discreet, generous and couragious.
I say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable
merits, but to answer those questionlesse questions, that
keepe vs backe from imitating the worthinesse of their braue
spirits, that aduanced themselues from poore Souldiers to
great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, their King to
be one of the greatest Potentates on earth, and the fruits
of their labours his greatest power, glory, and renowne.
45
[1614]
237, 938.
The
principal!
Countries or
gouern-
merits.
[/>. 938.1
The Description of New England-
Hat part we call New England, is betwixt
the degrees of fortie one and fortie hue,
the very meane betwixt the North pole
and the line ; but that part this Dis-
course speaketh of, stretcheth but from
Penobscot to Cape Cod, some seuentie
nue leagues by a right line distant each
from other ; within which bounds I haue
seene at least fortie seuerall habitations vpon the Sea Coast,
and sounded about nue and twentie excellent good
Harbours, in many whereof there is anchorage for nue
hundred saile of ships of any burden ; in some of them
for one thousand, and more then two hundred lies ouer-
growne with good Timber of diuers sorts of wood, which
doe make so many Harbours, as required a longer time
then I had to be well obserued.
The principall habitation Northward we were at, was
Pennobscot. Southward along the Coast and vp the Riuers,
we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemaquid, Nuscoucus, Saga-
dahock, Aumoughcowgen, and Kenebeke; and to those
Countries belong the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck,
Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque,
Masher osqueck, Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Pashara-
nack, &c. To these are alied in confederacy, the Countries
of Ancocisco, Accomynticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, and
Naemkeck : All these for any thing I could perceiue, differ
little in language, fashion, or gouernment : though most
of them be Lords of themselues, yet they hold the Bashabes
of Penobscot, the chiefe and greatest amongst them.
The next I can remember by name, are Mattahunts, two
I
juiy^S'.] Lib. 6. The Description of New England. 707
pleasant lies of Groues, Gardens, and Corne fields a [1614]
league in the Sea from the maine : Then Totant, Massa-
chuset, Topent, Secassaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack,
Chawum, Patuxet, Massasoyts, Pakanokick : then Cape Cod,
by which is Pawmet and the He Nawset, of the language and
aliance of them of Chawum ; the others are called Massachusets,
and differ somewhat in language, custome, and condition.
For their Trade and Merchandize, to each of their
principall families or habitations, they haue diuers
Townes arid people belonging, and by their relations and
descriptions, more then twentie seuerall habitations and
riuers that stretch themselues farre into the Countrey,
euen to the Borders of diuers great Lakes, where they kill
and take most of their Otters.
From Pennobscot to Sagadahoc. This Coast [209] is V- 193-1
mountainous, and lies of huge Rockes, but ouer-growne for
most part, with most sorts of excellent good woods, for
building Houses, Boats, Barks or Ships, with an incredible
abundance of most sorts of Fish, much Fowle, and sundry
sorts of good Fruits for mans vse.
Betwixt Sagadahock, and Sowocatuck, there is but two
or three Sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape lames
very many : especially the Coast of the Massachusets is so
indifferently mixed with high Clay or Sandy clifts in one
place, and the tracts of large long ledges of diuers sorts,
and Quaries of stones in other places, so strangely diuided
with tinctured veines of diuers colours : as Free-stone for
building, Slate for tyling, smooth stone to make Furnasses
and Forges for Glasse and Iron, and Iron Ore sufficient
conueniently to melt in them ; but the most part so
resembleth the Coast of Deuonshire, I thinke most of the
clifts would make such Lime-stone : if they bee not of
these qualities, they are so like they may deceiue a better
iudgement then mine: all which are so neere adioyning
to those other aduantages I obserued in these parts, that
if the Ore proue as good Iron and Steele in those parts
as I know it is within the bounds of the Countrey, I dare
ingage my head (hauing but men skilfull to worke the
Simples there growing) to haue all things belonging to
the building and rigging of ships of any proportion, and
good Merchandise for their fraught, within a square of
708 The Description of New England. Lib. 6. [3.l6 jIJTm.
[1614]
A proofe of
an excellent
clime.
[/>• 194-1
ten or foureteene leagues, and it were no hard matter to
proue it within a lesse limitation.
And surely by reason of those sandy clifts, and clifts of
rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens and
Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong,
and well proportioned people, besides the greatnesse of
the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of the Fish,
and the moderate temper of the aire (for of fiue and forty
not a man was sicke, but two that were many yeares
diseased before they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging
and accidentall diet) who can but approue this a most
excellent place, both for health and fertilitie : and of all
the foure parts of the world I haue yet seene not inhabited,
could I haue but means to transport a Colony, I would
rather liue here then any where ; and if it did not main-
taine it selfe, were we but once indifferently well fitted, let
vs starue.
Obserua
lions of the
stapieCom. ^he maine staple from hence to bee extracted for the
modifies Mr # i • i i i
present. present, to produce the rest, is Fish, which howbeit may
seeme a meane and a base Commoditie ; yet who will but
truly take the paines and consider the sequell, I thinke
will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see,
what great aduentures the hopes of setting forth men of
warre to rob the industrious innocent would procure, or
such massie promises in grosse, though more are choaked
then well fed with such hastie hopes. But who doth not
^Hoiunders. know that the poore Hollanders chiefely by fishing at a
great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea,
are made a people so hardy and industrious, and by the
venting this poore Commoditie to the Easterlings for as
meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rozen,
Cordage, and such like ; which they exchange againe to
the French, Spaniards, Portugals, and English, &c. for what
they want, are made so mighty, strong, and rich, as no
state but Venice of twice their magnitude is so well
furnished, with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes,
strong Fortresses, and that abundance of shipping, and
all sorts of Merchandize, as well of Gold, Siluer, Pearles,
Diamonds, pretious Stones, Silkes, Veluets, and Cloth of
/uiySS:] Lib. 6. The Description of New England. 709
Gold ; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such grosse Commodities ? [1614]
What voiages and discoueries, East and West, North and
South, yea about the world, make they ? What an Army
by Sea and Land haue they long maintained, in despight
of one of the greatest Princes of the world, and neuer
could the Spaniard with all his Mines of Gold and Siluer,
pay his debts, his friends, and Army, halfe so truly as the
Hollanders still haue done by this contemptible Trade of
Fish. Diuers (I know) may alleage many other assist-
ances ; but this is the chiefest Mine, and [210] the Sea
the source of those siluer streames of all their vertue,
which hath made them now the very miracle of industry,
the onely paterne of perfection for these affaires : and the
benefit of fishing is that Primum Mobile that turnes all
their spheares to this height, of plentie, strength, honor,
and exceeding great admiration.
Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie, that makes \p. i9S.]
their wealth and shippings multiplicitie such as it is : and Note.
from which (few would thinke it) they should draw so
many millions yeerely as they doe, as more in particular
in the trials of New England [pp. 233-272] you may see ;
and such an incredible number of ships, that breeds them
so many Sailers, Mariners, Souldiers, and Merchants, neuer
to be wrought out of that Trade, and fit for any other. I
will not deny but others may gaine as well as they that will
vse it, though not so certainly, nor so much in quantitie,
for want of experience : and this Herring they take vpon
the Coast of England and Scotland, their Cod and Ling
vpon the Coast of Izeland, and in the North seas, if wee
consider what gaines the Hamburgans, the Biskinners, and
French make by fishing; nay, but how many thousands
this fiftie or sixty yeeres [1564-1614 or 1624] haue beene
maintained by New found land, where they take nothing
but small Cod, whereof the greatest they make Cor-fish,
and the rest is hard dried, which we call Poore-Iohn, would
amaze a man with wonder.
If then from all those parts such paines is taken for
this poore gaines of Fish, especially by the Hollanders,
that hath but little of their owne, for building of ships
and setting them to sea ; but at the second, third, fourth,
or fift hand, drawne from so many parts of the world
Jio The Altitiide comparatiuely, Lib. 6. [3_l6J{
Smith.
unc 1616.
[1614J ere they come together to be vsed in those voiages: If
these (I say) can gaine, why should we more doubt then
they; but doe much better, that may haue most of all
those things at our doores for taking and making, and
\p- 196.] here are no hard Landlords to racke vs with high rents,
or extorting fines, nor tedious pleas in Law to consume
vs with their many yeeres disputation for iustice; no
multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders
as in popular States : so freely hath God and his Maiestie
bestowed those blessings on them [that] will attempt to
obtaine them, as here euery man may be master of his
Note. owne labour and land, or the greatest part (if his Maiesties
royall meaning be not abused) and if he haue nothing
but his hands, he may set vp his Trade ; and by industry
quickly grow rich, spending but halfe that time well,
which in England we abuse in idlenesse, worse, or as ill.
tFheaAu'"d0/ Here is ground as good as any lieth in the height of
compara- forty one, forty two, forty three, &c. which is as temperate,
tmely" and as fruitfull as any other parallel in the world.
As for example, on this side the line, West of it in the
South Sea, is Nona Albion, discouered as is said [p. 702] by
Sir Francis Drake. East from it is the most temperate
part of Portugall, the ancient Kingdomes of Galizia, Bisky,
Nauarre, Aragon, Cattilonia, Castillia the old, and the
most moderatest of Castillia the new, and Valentia ; which
in spaitu. is the greatest part of Spaine: which if the Histories be
true, in the Romans time abounded no lesse with gold and
siluer Mines, then now the West-Indies ; the Romans then
vsing the Spaniards to worke in those Mines, as now the
Spaniards doe the Indians.
in France. jn FranCe the Prouinces of Gascony, Langadocke, A uignon,
Prouince, Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same
parallel ; which are the best and richest parts of France.
In Italy the Prouinces of Genua, Lumbar dy, and Verona,
with a great part of the most famous state of Venice, the
Dukedomes of Bononia, Mantua,Ferrara,Rauenna,Bolognia,
Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Vrbine,Ancona, and the ancient Citie
and Countrey of Rome, with a great part of the Kingdome
of Naples. In Slauonia, Istria, and Dalmatia, with the
in Greece Kingdomes of A Ibania. In Grecia those famous Kingdomes
juiy?<£3 Lib. 6. and particular Commodities. 711
of Macedonia, Bullulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, [1614]
where is seated the most pleasant and plentifull Citie in
Europe, Constantinople.
In Asia in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts in Asia.
of Natolia, Armenia, [211] Persia, and China ; besides diuers CA*97-]
other large Countries and Kingdomes in those most milde
and temperate Regions of Asia.
Southward in the same height is the richest of Gold Mines, Beyond the
Chily, and Baldinia, and the mouth of the great Riuer of Plate, me'
&c. for all the rest of the world in that height is yet vnknowne.
Besides these reasons, mine owne eies that haue seene
a great part of those Cities and their Kingdomes (as
well as it) can finde no aduantage they haue in Nature
but this, they are beautified by the long labour and
diligence of industrious people and art ; This is onely as
God made it when hee created the world.
Therefore I conclude, if the heart and intrailes of those
Regions were sought, if their Land were cultured, planted,
and manured by men of industry, iudgement, and experi-
ence ; what hope is there, or what need they doubt, hauing
the aduantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any of
these famous Kingdomes in all commodities, pleasures,
and conditions: seeing euen the very hedges doe naturally
affoord vs such plentie, as no ship need returne away
emptie, and onely vse but the season of the Sea, Fish
will returne an honest gaine, besides all other aduantages ;
her treasures hauing yet neuer beene opened, nor her
originals wasted, consumed, nor abused.
And whereas it is said the Hollanders serue the Easter- JJiSu?11"
lings themselues, and other parts that want with Herring, commodities
Ling, and wet Cod: The Easterlings, a great part of &tbTyb°
Europe, with Sturgion and Cauiare, as the Blacke Sea industry-
doth Grecia, Podolia, Sagouia, Natolia, and the Hellespont.
Cape Blanke, Spaine, Portugall, and the Leuant, with
Mulit and Puttargo. New found land, the most part of
the chiefe Southerne Ports in Europe, with a thin Poore-
Iohn ; which hath beene so long, so much ouer-laied with
Fishers, as the fishing decaieth, so that many oft times
are constrained to returne with a small fraught. Norway
7 i 2 The seasons and facilitie Lib. 6. [3_l6 }[
Smith,
une 1616.
[1814] and Poland affoords Pitch and Tarre, Masts and Yards.
Sweathland and Russia, Iron and Ropes. France and
Spaine, Canuase, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oile. Italy and
Greece, Silkes and Fruits. I dare boldly say, because I
haue seene naturally growing or breeding in those parts,
the same materials that all these are made of, they may
\t. i58.] as well bee had here, or the most part of them within the
distance of seuentie leagues for some few ages, as from all
those parts, vsing but the same meanes to haue them that
they doe ; but surely in Virginia, their most tender and
daintiest fruits or commodities, would be as perfit as
theirs, by reason of the heat, if not in New England, and
with all those aduantages.
The nature First, the ground is so fertill, that questionlesse it is
approued?" capable of producing any Graine, Fruits, or Seeds, you
will sow or plant, growing in the Regions aforenamed.
But it may be not to that perfection of delicacy, because
the Summer is not so hot, and the Winter is more cold
in those parts we haue yet tried neere the Sea side, then
wee finde in the same height in Europe or Asia : yet I
made a Garden vpon the top of a Rocky He in three and
forty degrees and an halfe, foure leagues from the maine
in May, that grew so well, as it serued vs for Sallets in
Iune and Iuly.
All sorts of Cattle may here be bred and fed in the lies
or Peninsulaes securely for nothing. In the Interim,
till they increase (if need be) obseruing the seasons, I
durst vndertake to haue Corne enough from the Saluages
for three hundred men, for a few trifles ; and if they
should be vntowards, as it is most certaine they will,
thirtie or fortie good men will be sufficient to bring
them all in subiection, and make this prouision, if they
vnderstand what to doe : two hundred whereof may eight
or nine moneths in the yeere be imploied in helping the
Fisher-men, till the rest prouide other necessaries, fit to
furnish vs with other Commodities.
The season. In March, Aprill, May, and halfe Iune, heere is Cod in
approuedi abundance ; In May, Iune, Iuly, and August, Mullit
and Sturgion, whose Roes doe make Cauiare and Puttargo ;
Herring, if any desire them : I haue taken many out of
the bellies of Cods, some in nets ; but the Saluages
/uiyTe^'.J Lib. 6. for Trade and Plantations. 7 1 3
compare the store in the Sea with the haires of their [1614
heads : and surely there are an incredible abundance
vpon this Coast. [212] In the end of August, September,
October, and Nouember, you may haue Cod againe to
make Core-fish or Poore-Iohn : Hake you may haue when
the Cod failes in Summer, if you will fish in the night,
which is better then Cod. Now each hundred you take
here, is as good as two or three hundred in New found
Land ; so that halfe the labour in hooking, splitting and
touring, is saued : And you may haue your fish at what
market you will, before they haue any in New found land,
where their fishing is chiefelybutinlune andluly; where[as]
it is here in March, Aprill, May, September, October and [A *99-i
Nouember, as is said : so that by reason of this Plantation,
the Merchants may haue their fraught both out and home,
which yeelds an aduantage worth consideration.
Your Core-fish you may in like manner transport as you
see cause, to serue the Ports in Portugall, as Lisbone, Auera,
Porta Port, and diuers others, (or what market you please)
before your Ilanders [Icelanders] returne. They being tied
to the season in the open Sea, and you hauing a double
season, and fishing before your doores, may euery night
sleep quietly ashore with good cheere, and what fires you
will, or when you please with your wiues and family :
they onely and their ships in the maine Ocean, that must
carie and containe all they vse, besides their fraught.
The Mullits here are in that abundance, you may take
them with nets sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape
Blanke they hooke them : yet those are but a foot and a halfe
in length; these two, three, or foure, as oft I haue measured,
which makes me suspect they are some other kinde of
fish, though they seeme the same, both in fashion and
goodnesse. Much Salmon some haue found vp the Riuers
as they haue passed ; and here the aire is so temperate, as
all these at any time may be preserued.
Now, young Boies and Girles, Saluages, or any other implement
bee they neuer such idlers, may turne, carie or returne p^opfeTnd
a fish, without either shame or any great paine. He is chndrln.se
very idle that is past twelue yeeres of age and cannot
doe so much ; and she is very old that cannot spin a threed
to make Engins to catch a fish.
7 1 4 The seasons and facilitie Lib. 6. [3_l6 j[
Smith,
une 1616.
[1614] For their transportation, the ships that goe there to
She*"11*" ^s^ may transport the first : who for their passage will
Plantation, spare the charge of double manning their ships, which
they must do in New found land to get their fraught ;
but one third part of that company are onely proper to
serue a stage, carie a Barrow, and turne Poore-Iohn ;
notwithstanding, they must haue meat, drinke, clothes,
and passage so well as the rest.
Now all I desire is but this, That those that voluntarily
will send shipping, should make here the best choice
they can, or accept such as shall bee presented them to
serue them at that rate : and their ships returning leaue
such with me, with the value of that they should receiue
comming home, in such prouisions and necessarie tooles,
armes, bedding, apparell, salt, nets, hookes, lines, and
i/. 200.1 such like, as they spare of the remainings ; who till the
next returne may keepe their Boats, and doe them many
other profitable offices. Prouided, I haue men of abilitie
to teach them their functions, and a company fit for
Souldiers to be ready vpon any occasion, because of the
abuses that haue beene offered the poore Saluages, and the
libertie that both French and English, or any that will,
haue to deale with them as they please ; whose disorders
will be hard to reforme, and the longer the worse.
Now such order with facilitie might be taken, with euery
Port, Towne, or Citie, with free power to conuert the bene-
fit of their fraughts to what aduantage they please, and
increase their numbers as they see occasion, who euer as
they are able to subsist of themselues, may begin the new
Townes in New England, in memory of their old : which
freedome being confined but to the necessitie of the generall
good, the euent (with Gods helpe) might produce an
honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation.
Present Salt vpon Salt may assuredly be made, if not at the first
SeT™04*" in ponds, yet till they be prouided this may be vsed : then
the ships may transport Kine, Horse, Goats, course Cloth,
and such Commodities as we want ; by whose arriuall may
be made that prouision of fish to fraught the ships that
they stay not ; and then if the Sailers goe for wages it
i-i6
junfTeie.] Lib. 6. for Trade and Plantations. 7 1 5
matters not, it is hard if this returne defray not the [1614]
charge : [213] but care must be had they arriue in the
Spring, or else that prouision be made for them against
winter.
Of certaine red berries called Kermes, which is worth Kem«*-
ten shillings the pound, but of these haue beene sold
for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yeerely be
gathered a good quantity.
Of the Muskrat may be well raised gaines worth their Musquasses.
labour, that will endeuour to make triall of their goodnesse.
Of Beuers, Otters and Martins, blacke Foxes, and Beuers [/.«.,
Furres of price, may yeerely be had six or seuen thousand, theirskins'
and if the trade of the French were preuented, many
more : 25000. this yeere [1614] were brought from those
northerne parts into France, of which trade we may haue
as good part as the French if we take good courses.
Of Mines of Gold and Siluer, Copper, and probabilities ia**.]
of Lead, Crystall and Allum, I could say much if rela- Mines-
tions were good assurances ; it is true indeed, I made
many trialls according to the instructions I had, which
doth perswade me I need not despaire but that there are
metals in the Country: but I am no Alcumist, nor will
promise more then I know : which is, who will vndertake
the rectifying of an iron Forge, if those that buy meat
and drinke, coles, ore, and all necessaries at a deare rate,
gaine ; where all the sethings are to be had for taking vp,
in my opinion cannot lose.
Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if woods,
those that build ships and boats, buy wood at so great
a price as it is in England, Spaine, France and Holland, and
all other prouisions for the nourishment of mans life, Hue
well by their trade; when labour is all [that is] required to
take these necessaries without any other tax, what hazard
will be here but to doe much better, and what commodity
in Europe doth more decay then wood ? for the goodnesse
of the ground, let vs take it fertill or barren, or as it is,
seeing it is certaine it beares fruits to nourish and feed
man and beast as well as England, and the Sea those
seuerall sorts of fishes I haue related.
Thus seeing all good things for mans sustenance may
with this facility be had by a little extraordinary labour,
7 1 6 Present commodities with the gaines. Lib. 6. [3_l6 j{'nf JJJJ:
[1614] till that transported be increased, and all necessaries for
shipping onely for labour, to which may added the assist-
ance of the Saluages which may easily be had, if they be
discreetly handled in their kinds, towards fishing, planting,
and destroying woods.
What gaines might be raised if this were followed (when
there is but once men to fill your store houses dwelling
there, you may serue all Europe better and farre cheaper
then can the Hand Fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape-Llanke,
or Newfound land, who must be at much more charge then
you) may easily be coniectured by this example.
An example Two thousand [pounds] will fit out a ship of 200. tunnes,
SponCeueryCS and one [ship] of 100. tuns. If of the dry fish they both make,
monethsS,x [they] fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine, sell it but at
retume. ten shillings a quintall, but commonly it giues fifteene or
!>.aoa.] twenty, especially when it commeth first, which amounts
to 3. or 4000. pound, but say but ten, which is the lowest,
allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate to 2000.
[pounds] which is the whole charge of your two ships and the
equipage: then the returne [by exchange] of the mony and the
fraught of the ship for the vintage or any other voyage is
cleere gaine; with your ship of one hundred tunnes of
traine Oile and Cor-fish, besides the Beuers and other
commodities, and that you may haue at home within six
moneths if God please to send but an ordinary passage.
Then sauing halfe this charge by the not staying of your
ships, your victuall, ouerplus of men and wages, with her
fraught thither with necessaries for the Planters, the Salt
being there made, as also may the nets and lines within a
short time ; if nothing may be expected but this, it might
in time equalize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceede
them : hauing their fraughts alwaies ready against the
arriuall of the ships.
This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and
so incourage and imploy a great part of our Idlers and
others that want imployment fitting their qualities at
home, where they shame to doe that they would doe
abroad, that could they but once taste the sweet fruits
of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be
aduised by good discipline to take more pleasure in honest
industry, then in their humors of dissolute idleness. [214]
,-ie j£nf?6i6.] The habitations of the Saluages in particular. 71 7
But to returne a little more to the particulars of this [1614]
Countrey, which I intermingle thus with my proiects and Ades"'P-
reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those countrey
parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Aire, the gJEJ, and
Land, the Fruits, their Rocks, the People, the Gouern- $™tions,
ment, Religion, Territories, Limitations, Friends and Foes:
But as I gathered from their niggardly relations in a broken
language, during the time I ranged those Countries, &c.
The most Northerne part I was at, was the Bay of Pen- [>. *o3.]
nobscot, which is East and West, North and South, more
then ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was
constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay,
that the Riuer ranne farre vp into the Land, and was
well inhabited with many people; but they were from their
habitations, either fishing amongst the lies, or hunting
the Lakes and Woods for Deere and Beuers. The Bay
is full of great lies of one, two, six or eight miles in
length, which diuides it into many faire and excellent
good Harbours.
On the East of it are the Tarrentines, their mortall
enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report, that
Hue with those people as one Nation or Family. And
Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a
high Mountaine, a kinde of fortresse against the Tarren-
tines, adioyning to the high Mountaines of Pennobscot,
against whose feet doth beat the Sea ; but ouer all the
Land, lies, or other impediments, you may well see them
foureteene or eighteene leagues from their situation.
Segocket is the next, then Nuskoucus, Pemmaquid, and
Sagadahock.
Vp this Riuer, where was the Westerne Plantation,
are Aumoughcawgen, Kinnebeke, and diuers others, where
are planted some Corne fields. Along this Riuer thirtie
or fortie miles, I saw nothing but great high clifts of
barren Rocks ouergrowne with Wood, but where the
Saluages dwell there the ground is excellent salt [fat],
and fertill.
Westward of this Riuer is the Country of Aucocisco, in
the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great lies,
which diuides it into many good Harbours.
Sawocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large Sandy
7 i 8 The habitations of the Saluages in particular. [3_l6 /unf 7^
[1614] Bay, which hath many Rockes and lies, but few good
Harbours but for Barkes I yet know.
But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre as I could
see Eastward of it, is nothing but such high craggy
clifty Rockes and stony lies, that I wonder such great
Trees could grow vpon so hard foundations. It is a
Countrey rather to affright then delight one, and how to
describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation, or more
[/. ao4.] barren, I know not ; yet are those rocky lies so furnished
with good Woods, Springs, Fruits, Fish and Fowle, and
the Sea the strangest Fish-pond I euer saw, that it makes
me thinke, though the coast be rocky and thus affrightable,
the Vallies and Plaines and interior parts may well not-
withstanding be very fertill. But there is no Country so
fertill [that] hath not some part barren, and New-England
is great enough to make many Kingdomes and Countries,
were it all inhabited.
As you passe the coast still westward, Accominticus
and Passataquack are two conuenient Harbours for small
Barkes ; and a good Country within their craggy clifts.
Augoan is the next : this place might content a right
curious iudgement, but there are many sands at the
entrance of the Harbour, and the worst is, it is imbayed
too farre from the deepe Sea; here are many rising
hils, and on their tops and descents are many come
fields and delightfull groues. On the East is an He of
two or three leagues in length, the one halfe plaine
marish ground, fit for pasture or salt Ponds, with many
faire high groues of Mulbery trees and Gardens ; there
is also Okes, Pines, Walnuts, and other wood to make
this place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe
Harbour.
Naiemkeck, though it be more rocky ground, for Augoan
is sandy, [is] not much inferiour neither for the harbour, nor
any thing I could perceiue but the multitude of people.
^a?4^' From hence doth stretch into the Sea the faire headland
l^ss7, ' Tragabigzanda, now called Cape An, fronted with the
three lies wee called the three Turkes heads; to the
r" ~' north of this doth enter a great Bay, where we found
some habitations and Corne fields, they report a faire
Riuer and at least 30. habitations [215] doth possesse
\j>p. 204, 730,
3-i6 junf TiSi] The habitations of the Saluages in particular. 719
this Country. But because the French had got their [1614]
trade, I had no leisure to discouer it.
The lies of Mattahunts are on the west side of this Bay,
where are many lies and some Rocks that appeare a
great height aboue the water like the Pyramides in Mgypt,
and amongst them many good Harbours, and then the
country of the Massachusits, which is the Paradice of all
those parts ; for here are many lies planted with Come,
Groues, Mulberies, saluage Gardens and good Harbours,
the Coast is for the most part high clayie sandy clifts, the y.905.]
sea Coast as you passe shewes you all along large Corne
fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people : but t/A 747.
the French hauing remained here neere six weekes, left 754' 933'
nothing for vs to take occasion to examine the Inhabitants
relations, viz. if there be three thousand people vpon those
lies, and that the Riuer doth pierce many daies iourney
the entrailes of that Country.
We found the people in those parts very kinde, but in their
fury no lesse valiant ; for vpon a quarrell we fought with
forty or fifty of them, till they had spent all their Arrowes,
and then we tooke six or seuen of their Canowes, which
towards the eueningthey ransomed for Beuer skinnes: and
at Quonahasit falling out there but with one of them, he
with three others crossed the Harbour in a Canow to
certaine rockes whereby wee must passe, and there let flie An Indian
their Arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger ; yet siaine,
one of them was siaine, and another shot through his thigh. £2. er
Then come you to Accomacke an excellent good Harbour,
good land, and no want of any thing but industrious
people : after much kindnesse, wee fought also with them,
though some were hurt, some siaine, yet within an houre
after they became friends.
Cape Cod is the next [that] presents it selfe, which is onely
a headland of high hils, ouer-growne with shrubby Pines,
hurts and such trash; vbut an excellent harbour for all
weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the
one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a
Sickell; on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet, and in the
bottome of the Bay them of Chawum.
Towards the South and South-west of this Cape, is found
a long and dangerous shoule of rocks and sand, but so
720 The land markes and other notes. Ltb. 6. Q-^/unfT^.'
[1614] farre as I incercled it, I found thirty fathome water and a
strong currant, which makes mee thinke there is a chanell
about this Shoule, where is the best and greatest fish to
be had winter and summer in all the Country ; but the
Saluages say there is no Chanell, but that the Shoales
beginne from the maine at Pawmet to the He of Nawset,
and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea.
[//. 264,697, The next to this is Capawucke, and those abounding
701,733] Countries of Copper, Corne, People and Mineralls, which
I went to discouer this last yeere [1615] ; but because I mis-
{/. 206.] carried by the way, I will leaue them till God please I haue
better acquaintance with them.
The Massachusets they report sometimes haue warres
with the Bashabes of Pennobscot, and are not alwaies friends
with them of Chawum and their alliance ; but now they
are all friends, and haue each trade with other so farre as
they haue society on each others frontiers : for they [the
Bashabes] make no such voyages as from Pennobscot to
Cape Cod, seldome to Massach[u]set.
In the North as I haue said they haue begun to plant
Corne, whereof the south part hath such plenty as they
haue what they will from them of the North, and in the
Winter much more plenty of fish and fowle ; but both
Winter and Summer hath it in one part or other all the
yeere, being the meane and most indifferent temper betwixt
heat and cold, of all the Regions betwixt the Line and the
Pole : but the Furs Northward are much better, and in
much more plenty then Southward.
Mikes'1 ^e remarkablest Ues ana" Mountaines for land Markes
are these : the highest He is Sorico in the Bay of Pen-
nobscot, but the three lies, and the lies of Matinack are
much further in the Sea : Metynacus is also three plaine
lies, but many great Rocks : Monahigan is a round high He,
and close by it [is] Monanis, betwixt which is a small Harbour
where we rid ; in Darner Us lies is such another, Sagadahocke
is knowne by Satquin, and foure or hue lies in their mouth.
Smiths lies are a heape together, [216] none neere them
[#.204,718, against Accomintycus : the three Turkes heads, are three
8381 lies, seene farre to Sea-ward in regard of the Head-land.
[//. 204, 206, The chiefe Head-lands, are onely Cape Tragabigzanda, and
*xjfilsl&\ Cape Cod; now called [p. 232] Cape lames, and Cape Anne.
j-iejunfTeieJ Lib. 6. The land markes and other notes. 721
The chiefe Mountaines, them of Pennobscot, the twinkling [1614]
Mountaine of Acocisco, the great Mountaine of Sassanow,
and the high Mountaine of Massachuset. Each of which
you shall finde in the Map, their places, forme, and
altitudes.
The waters are most pure, proceeding from the intrailes
of rocky Mountaines.
The Herbs and Fruits are of many sorts and kinds, as Herbs and
Alkermes, Currans, Mulberies, Vines, Respises, Gooseberies, ^HJjj
Plums, Wall-nuts, Chesse-nuts, Small-nuts, Pumpions,
Gourds, Strawberies, Beanes, Pease, and Maize ; a kinde
or two of Flax, wherewith they make Nets, Lines, and
Ropes, both small and great, very strong for their quantities.
Oake is the chiefe wood, of which there is great Woods.
difference, in regard of the soyle where it groweth, Firre,
Pine, Wall-nut, Chesse-nut, Birtch, Ash, Elme, Cipris,
Cedar, Mulbery, Plum tree, Hazell, Saxefras, and many
other sorts.
Eagles, Grips, diuers sorts of Hawkes, Craines, Geese, Birds.
Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Cranes, Swannes, Sheldrakes,
Teale, Meawes, Gulls, Turkies, Diue-doppers, and many
other sorts whose names I know not.
Whales, Grompus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgion, Cod, *«he».
Hake, Haddocke, Cole, Cuske or small Ling, Sharke,
Mackarell, Herring, Mullit, Base, Pinnacks, Cunners,
Pearch, Eeles, Crabs, Lobsters, Mustels, Wilks, Oisters,
Clamps, Periwinkels, and diuers others, &c.
Moos, a beast bigger than a Stag, Deare red and fallow, Beasts-
Beuers, Wolues, Foxes both blacke and other, Aroughcunds,
wilde Cats, Beares, Otters, Martins, Fitches, Musquassus,
and diuers other sorts of Vermin whose names I know not.
All these and diuers other good things doe here
for want of vse still increase and decrease with little
diminution, whereby they grow to that abundance, you
shall scarce finde any bay, shallow shore or Coue of sand,
where you may not take many clamps or Lobsters, or
both at your pleasure, and in many places load your Boat
if you please ; nor lies where you finde not Fruits, Birds,
Crabs, and Mustels, or all of them ; for taking at a low
water Cod, Cuske, Hollibut, Scate, Turbit, Mackarell, or
such like are taken plentifully in diuers sandy Bayes,
46
722 Generall Observations. Lib. 6. [^6^m
[1614] store of Mullit, Bases, and diuers other sorts of such
[>.ao8.j excellent fish as many as their Net can hold: no Riuer
where there is not plenty of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both,
all which are to be had in abundance obseruing but their
seasons : but if a man will goe at Christmas to gather
Cherries in Kent, though there be plenty in Summer, he
may be deceiued ; so here these plenties haue each their
seasons, as I haue expressed.
We for the most part had little but bread and Vinegar, and
though, the most part of Iuly when the fishing decayed,
they wrought all day, lay abroad in the lies all night, and
liued on what they found, yet were not sicke. But I would
wish none long [to] put himselfe to such plunges, except
necessity constraine it: yet worthy is that person to starue
that here cannot Hue if he haue seuse, strength and health,
for there is no such penury of these blessings in any place
but that one hundred men may in two or three houres make
their prouisions for a day, and he that hath experience
to manage these affaires, with forty or thirty honest in-
dustrious men, might well vndertake (if they dwell in
these parts) to subiect the Saluages, and feed daily two
or three hundred men, with as good Come, Fish, and
Flesh as the earth hath of those kinds, and yet make
that labour but their pleasure : prouided that they haue
Engines that be proper for their purposes.
iJITlhit' Who can desire more content that hath small meanes, or
haue great but onely his merit to aduance his fortunes, then to tread and
SI3i,and plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his
life ; if hee haue but the taste of vertue and magnanimity,
what to such a minde can bee more pleasant then planting
and building a foundation for his posterity, got from the
rude earth by Gods blessing and his [217] owne industry
without preiudice to any ; if hee haue any graine of faith
or zeale in Religion, what can he doe lesse hurtfull to any,
or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to conuert those
poore Saluages to know Christ and humanity, whose
labours with discretion will triple requite thy charge and
paine ; what so truly su[i]tes with honour and honesty, as
the discouering things vnknowne, erecting Townes, peopling
Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things vniust,
meanes.
?-i6jinfS:] Lib. 6. Generall Obseruations. 723
teaching vertue and gaine to our natiue mother Country [1616]
a Kingdome to attend her, finde imploiment for those that \p. 209.]
are idle, because they know not what to doe : so farre from
wronging any, as to cause posterity to remember thee ; and
remembring thee,euerhonourthat remembrance with praise.
Consider what were the beginnings and endings of the
Monarchies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians
and Romans, but this one rule; what was it they
would not doe for the good of their common weale, or
their mother City ? For example : Rome, what made her
such a Monarchesse, but onely the aduentures of her
youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad ; and
the iustice and iudgement out of their experiences, when
they grew aged : what was their ruine and hurt but this,
the excesse of idlenesse, the fondnesse of parents, the want
of experience in Maiestrates, the admiration of their vn-
deserued honours, the contempt of true merit, their vniust
iealousies, their politike incredulities, their hypocriticall
seeming goodnesse and their deeds of secret lewdnesse ;
finally in fine, growing onely formall temporists, all that
their Predecessors got in many yeeres they lost in a few
daies : those by their paines and vertues became Lords of
the world, they by their ease and vices became slaues to
their seruants ; this is the difference betwixt the vse of
armes in the field and on the monuments of stones, the
golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery,
iustice and corruption, substance and shadowes, words and
deeds, experience and imagination, making common weales
and marring common weales, the fruits of vertue and the
conclusions of vice.
Then who would Hue at home idly, or thinke in himselfe
any worth to Hue, onely to eat, drinke and sleepe, and so
die ; or by consuming that carelesly , his friends got worthily ;
or by vsing that miserably that maintained vertue honestly;
or for being descended nobly, and pine with the vaine
vaunt of great kindred in penury ; or to maintaine a silly
shew of brauery, toile out thy heart, soule and time
basely, by shifts, tricks, Cards and Dice ; or by relating
newes of other mens actions, sharke here and there for a
dinner or supper; deceiuethy friends by faire promises and
dissimulation, in borrowing where thou neuer meanest to
724 Generall Obseruations. Lib. 6. Q.,6jL2*l5:
[1616] pay; offend the Lawes, surfet with excesse, burthen thy
[/». aio.] Countrie, abuse thy selfe, despaire in want, and then cousen
thy Kindred, yea euen thy owne brother, and wish thy Parents
death (I will not say damnation) to haue their estates: though
thou seest what honours and rewards the world yet hath
for them that will seeke them and worthily deserue them.
I would bee sorry to offend, or that any should mistake
my honest meaning ; for I wish good to all, hurt to none :
but rich men for the most part are growne to that dotage
through their pride in their wealth, as though there were
no accident could end it or their life.
And what hellish care doe such take to make it their
owne misery and their Countries spoile, especially when
there is most need of their imploiment, drawing by all
manner of inuentions from the Prince and his honest Sub-
iects, euen the vitall spirits of their powers and estates :
as if their baggs or brags were so powerfull a defence, the
malicious could not assault them, when they are the onely
bait to cause vs not onely to bee assaulted, but betrayed
and murthered in our owne security ere wee will perceiue
it. [218]
An example May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their im-
wuctoit pregnable walls, riches and pleasures [at] last taken by the
nesse. Turke, which were then but a bit in comparison of their
mightinesse now, remember vs of the effects of priuate
couetousnesse; at which time the good Emperour held
himselfe rich enough, to haue such rich subiects, soformall
in all excesse of vanity, all kinde of delicacy and prodi-
gality : his pouerty when the Turke besieged the Citizens
(whose merchandizing thoughts were onely to get wealth)
little conceiuing the desperat resolution of a valiant expert
enemy, left the Emperour so long to his conclusions,
hauing spent all he had to pay his young raw discontented
Souldiers, that suddenly he, they, and their City were all
a prey to the deuouring Turke, and what they would not
spare for the maintenance of them who aduentured their
Hues to defend them, did serue onely their enemies to
torment them, their friends and Country, and all Christen-
dome to this present day. Let this lamentable example
remember you that are rich (seeing there are such great
theeues in the world to rob you) not [to] grudge to lend some
3-i6juneST65j Lib. 6. Getierall Obseruations. 725
proportion to breed them that haue little, yet willing to [1616:
learne how to defend you, for it is too late when the deed t>. m.i
is doing.
The Romans estate hath beene worse then this, for the
meere couetousnesse and extortion of a few of them so
moued the rest, that not hauing any imploiment but con-
templation, their great iudgements grew to so great malice,
as themselues were sufficient to destroy themselues by
faction ; let this moueyou to imbrace imployment for those
whose educations, spirits and iudgements want but your
purses, not only to preuent such accustomed dangers, but
also to gaine more thereby then you haue.
And you fathers that are either so foolishly fond, or so
miserably couetous, or so wilfully ignorant, or so negligently
carelesse, as that you will rather maintaine your children in
idle wantonnesse till they grow your masters ; or become so
basely vnkinde that they wish nothing but your deaths; so
that both sorts grow dissolute ; and although you would wish
them any where to escape the Gallowes and ease your
cares; though they spend you here one, two or three
hundred pound[s] a yeere ; you would grudge to giue halfe
so much in aduenture with them to obtaine an estate,
which in a small time, but with a little assistance of your
prouidence, might bee better then your owne. But if an
Angell should tell you [that] any place yet vnknowne, can
affoord such fortunes, you would not beleeue it, no more
then Columbus was beleeued there was any such land as is
now the well knowne abounding A merica, might lesse such
large Regions as are yet vnknowne, as well in America, as
in Africa and Asia, and Terra incognita.
I haue not beene so ill bred but I haue tasted of plenty The
and pleasure, as well as want and misery ; nor doth neces- £idE£ns.
sity yet, or occasion of discontent rorce me to these
endeuours ; nor am I ignorant what small thankes I shall
haue for my paines, or that many would haue the world
imagine them to bee of great iudgement, that can but
blemish these my designes, by their witty obiections and
detractions: yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds will so y.«»J
preuaile with some, that I shall not want imploiment in
these affaires, to make the most blinde see his owne
726 The reasons for a Plantation. Lib. 6. [3_l6JJ
Smith,
le 1616.
[1616] senselesnesse and incredulity, hoping that gaine will make
them affect that which Religion, Charity and the common
good cannot. It were but a poore deuice in mee to deceiue
my selfe, much more the King and State, my Friends and
Country, with these inducements : which seeing his Maiesty
hath giuen permission, I wish all sorts of worthy honest
industrious spirits would vnderstand, and if they desire
any further satisfaction, I will doe my best to giue it, not
to perswade them to goe onely, but goe with them ; not
leaue them there, but Hue with them there.
I will not say but by ill prouiding and vndue managing,
such courses may bee taken [that] may make vs miserable
enough: but if I may haue the execution of what I haue
proiected, if they [219] want to eat, let them eat or neuer
disgest mee. If I performe what I say, I desire but that
reward out of the gaines [which] may su[i]te my paines,
quality and condition ; and if I abuse you with my tongue,
take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike at the yeeres
end, defraying their charge, by my consent they should
freely returne ; I feare not want of company sufficient, were
it but knowne what I know of these Countries; and by the
proofe of that wealth I hope yeerely to returne, if God please
to blesse me from such accidents as are beyond my power
in reason to preuent ; for I am not so simple to thinke that
\p. 9*8.] euer any other motiue then wealth will euer erect there a
common wealth,ordraw company fromtheireaseandhumors
at home, to stay in New-England to effect my purposes.
^uJS'*" ^nc* *est any snou^ thinke the toile might be insupport-
LTprofit. able, though these things may bee had by labour and dili-
gence; I assure my selfe there are who delight extremely in
vaine pleasure, that take much more paines in England to
enioy it, then I should doe here [New England] to gaine
wealth sufficient, and yet I thinke they should not haue halfe
such sweet content: for our pleasure here is still gaines, in
England charges and losse ; here nature and liberty affoords
I/. »i3.] vs that freely which in England we want, or it costeth vs
deerely. What pleasure can bee more then being tired
with any occasion a shore, in planting Vines, Fruits, or
Herbes, in contriuing their owne grounds to the pleasure
of their owne minds, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards,
Buildings, Ships, and other workes, &c. to recreate
3-i6 junkie*.] Lib. 6. The reasons for a Plantation. 727
themselues before their owne doores in their owne Boats [1616]
vpon the Sea, where man, woman and childe, with a small
hooke and line, by angling may take diuers sorts of
excellent Fish at their pleasures; and is it not pretty
sport to pull vp two pence, six pence, and twelue pence, as
fast as you can ha[u]le and vere a line ; hee is a very bad
Fisher [that] cannot kill in one day with his hooke and
line one, two, or three hundred Cods, which dressed and
dryed, if they bee sold there for ten shillings a hundred,
though in England they will giue more then twenty, may
not both seruant, master and Merchant be well content
with this gaine ? if a man worke but three daies in seuen,
hee may get more then hee can spend vnlesse hee will bee
exceedingly excessiue. Now that Carpenter, Mason,
Gardiner, Tailer, Smith, Sailer, Forger, or what other,
may they not make this a pretty recreation, though they
fish but an houre in a day, to take more then they can eat in
a weeke ; or if they will not eat it, because there is so much
better choise, yet sell it or change it with the Fisher-men
or Merchants for any thing you want ; and what sport doth
yeeld a more pleasing content, and lesse hurt and charge
then angling with a hooke, and crossing the sweet aire from
He to He, ouer the silent streames of a calme Sea ; wherein
the most curious may finde profit, pleasure and content.
Thus though all men be not fishers, yet all men what-
soeuer may in other matters doe as well, for necessity doth
in these cases so rule a common wealth, and each in their
seuerall functions, as their labours in their qualities may be
as profitable because there is a necessary mutuall vse of all.
For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them Jjgjj1^
then ranging daily these vnknowne parts, vsing fowling Gentlemen
and fishing for hunting and hawking, and yet you shall see
the wilde Hawkes giue you some pleasure in seeing them
stoupe six or seuen times after one another an houre or
two together, at the skulls of Fish in the faire Harbours,
as those a shore at a fowle ; and neuer trouble nor torment \p. W4-1
your selues with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending
them, nor kill horse and man with running and crying,
See you not a Hawke : for hunting also, the Woods, Lakes
and Riuers affoord not onely chase sufficient for any that
delights in that kinde of toile or pleasure, but such beasts
728 How New England is more proper for the
r J. Smith.
L3-16 June 1616.
[1616]
Imploi-
ments for
Labourers.
to hunt, that besides the delicacie of their bodies for food,
their skinnes are so rich, as they will recompence thy
daily labour with a Captaines pay. [220]
For Labourers, if those that sow Hempe, Rape, Turnups,
Parsnips, Carrats, Cabidge, and such like ; giue twentie,
thirtie, fortie, fiftie shillings yeerely for an Acre of Land;
and meat, drinke, and wages to vse it, and yet grow rich :
when better, or at least as good ground may bee had and
cost nothing but labour ; it seemes strange to me any such
should grow poore.
My purpose is not to perswade children from their
parents, men from their wiues, nor seruants from their
masters ; onely such as with free consent may bee spared :
but that each Parish, or Village, in Citie, or Countrey,
that will but apparell their fatherlesse children of thirteene
or fourteene yeeres of age, or young maried people that
haue small wealth to Hue on, here by their labour may Hue
exceeding well. Prouided alwaies, that first there be a
sufficient power to command them, houses to receiue them,
meanes to defend them, and meet prouisions for them, for
[any] place may be ouer-laine : and it is most necessary to
haue a fortresse (ere this grow to practise) and sufficient
masters of all necessarie mec[h]anicall qualities, to take
ten or twelue of them for Apprentises ; the Master by this
may quickly grow rich, these may learne their trades them-
selues to doe the like, to a generall and an incredible benefit
for King and Countrey, Master and Seruant.
Examples
of the
Spaniards.
[/■ 215.)
It would be a History of a large volume, to recite the
aduentures of the Spaniards and Portngals, their affronts
and defeats, their dangers and miseries ; which with such
incomparable honor, and constant resolution, so farre
beyond beleefe, they haue attempted and indured in their
discoueries and plantations, as may well condemne vs of
too much imbecillitie, sloth, and negligence : yet the
Authors of these new inuentions were held as ridiculous
for a long time, as now are others that doe but seeke to
imitate their vnparalleld vertues. And though we see daily
their mountaines of wealth (sprung from the Plants of their
generous indeuours) yet is our sensualitie and vnto-
defaiimenu. wardnesse such, and so great, that we either ignorantly
The causes
of our
3-i6 jLlTeie'.] benefit of England, then any other Nation. 729
beleeue nothing, or so curiously contest, to preuent we [1616]
know not what future euents ; that we either so neglect,
or oppresse and discourage the present, as wee spoile all
in the making, crop all in the blooming; and building vpon
faire Sand rather then vpon rough Rocks, iudge that we
know not, gouerne that wee haue not, feare that which is
not ; and for feare some should doe too well, force such
against theiriwils to be idle, or as ill. And who is hee [that]
hath iudgement, courage, and any industry or quality with
vnderstanding, will leaue his Country, his hopes at home,
his certaine estate, his friends, pleasures, libertie, and
the preferment sweet England doth affoord to all degrees,
were it not to aduance his fortunes by enioying his deserts,
whose prosperitie once appearing, will encourage others :
but it must be cherished as a childe, till it be able to goe
and vnderstand it selfe, and not corrected nor oppressed
aboue it[s] strength, ere it know wherefore.
A childe can neither performe the office nor deeds of a
man of strength, nor endure that affliction he is able : nor
can an Apprentise at the first performe the part of a Master.
And if twentie yeeres be required to make a childe a man,
seuen yeeres limited an Apprentise for his trade : if scarce
an age be sufficient to make a wise man a States-man, and
commonly a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet ; if
perfection be so hard to be obtained, as of necessitie there
must be Practice as well as Theoricke : Let no man then
condemne this paradox opinion, to say that halfe seuen yeres
is scarce sufficient for a good capacitie to learne in these
affaires how to carrie himselfe. And who euer shall try in
these remote places the erecting of a Colony, shall finde at
the end of seuen yeeres occasion enough to vse all his dis-
cretion: and in the Interim,, all the content, rewards, gaines, \p. 216.1
and hopes, will be necessarily required, to be giuen to the
beginning, till it be able to creepe, to stand, and goe, and to
encourage desert by all possible meanes; yet time enough to
keepe it from running, for there is no feare it will grow too
fast, or euer to any thing, except libertie, profit, honor, and
prosperitie there found, more binde the Planters of those
affaires in deuotion to effect it ; then bondage, violence,
tyrannie, ingratitude, and such double dealing, as bindes
free men to become slaues, [221] and honest men turne
730 How New England is more proper, &c. Lib. 6. [3-l6JJ
Smith,
une 1616.
[1616] knaues; which hath euer beene the mine of the most
popular Common-weales, and is very vnlikely euer well to
begin anew.
2w£e Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard,
but these new conclusions in searching those vnknowne
parts of this vnknowne world; by which meanes he diues
euen into the very secrets of all his neighbours, and the
most part of the world ; and when the Portngals and
Spaniards had found the East and West-Indies, how many
did condemne themselues, that did not accept of that honest
offer of Noble Columbus, who vpon our neglect brought
them to it, perswading our selues the world had no such
places as they had found : and yet euer since we finde, they
still (from time to time) haue found new Lands, new
Nations, and Trades, and still daily doe finde, both in
Asia, Affrica, Terra incognita, and America, so that there
is neither Souldier nor Mechanicke, from the Lord to the
Beggar, but those parts affoords them all imploiment, and
discharges their natiue soile of so many thousands of all
sorts, that else by their sloth, pride, and imperfections,
would long ere this haue troubled their neighbours, or haue
eaten the pride of Spaine it selfe.
Now hee knowes little that knowes not England may well
spare many more people then Spaine, and is as well able
to furnish them with all manner of necessaries ; and seeing
for all they haue, they cease not still to search for that
they haue not, and know not ; it is strange we should be so
dull, as not [to] maintaine that which we haue, and pursue
that we know.
Surely, I am sure many would take it ill, to be abridged
of the titles and honors of their predecessors; when if
but truly they would iudge themselues, looke how inferior
t/.«y.l they are to their Noble Vertues, so much they are vn-
worthy of their honors and liuings, which neuer were
ordained for shewes and shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse
and vice; but to make them more able to abound in honor,
by Heroicall deeds of action, iudgement, pietie, and vertue.
What was it both in their purse and person they would not
doe, for the good of their Common-wealth, which might
moue them presently to set out their spare children in
these generous designes.
a-iejunfT^:] A caueatfor the owners, <2fc, of Shipping. 731
Religion aboue all things should moue vs, especially the [1615-6]
Clergie, if we are religious, to shew our faith by our works,
in conuerting those poore Saluages to the knowledge of
God, seeing what paines the Spaniards takes to bring them
to their adultered faith. Honour might moue the Gentry,
the valiant, and industrious ; and the hope and assurance
of wealth, all, if we were that we would seeme, and be
accounted : or be we so farre inferior to other Nations, or
our spirits so farre deiected from our ancient predicessors,
or our mindes so vpon spoile, piracy, and such villany, as
to serue the Portugall, Spaniard, Dutch, French, or Turke,
(as to the cost of Europe too many doe) rather then our
God, our King, our Country, and our selues; excusing our
idlenesse and our base complaints by want of imploiment,
when here is such choice of all sorts, and for all degrees, in
the planting and discouering these North parts of America,
My second voyage to New England.
>N the yeere of our Lord 1615. I was imploied v0LSCe°Sd
by many my friends of London, and Sir Ferdin- New
ando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a great fgf?'"*
fauourer of those actions, who perswaded the
reuerend Deane of Exeter Doctor Sut\c\liffe, and diuers
Merchants of the West, to entertaine this Plantation.
Much labour I had taken to bring the Londoners and them
to ioyne together, because the Londoners haue most Money,
and the Westerne men are most proper for fishing ; and it
is neere as much trouble, but much more danger, to saile
from London to Plimoth, then from Plimoth to New England,
so that halfe the voiage would thus be saued : yet by no
meanes I could preuaile, so desirous they were both to be
Lords of this fishing.
Now to make my words more apparant by my deeds, to
begin a Plantation [222] for a more ample triall of those
conclusions, I was to haue staied there but with sixteene
men, whose names were ;
732
A caueat for the owners and Lib. 6. \
J. Smith.
.3-16 June i6ifi.
[1615] Thos. Dinner.
ipp 223,258, Edw. S tailings.
736.746.747O |-s • 7 ^ &
Darnel Cage.
Francis Abbot.
John Gosling.
William Ingram.
Dauid Cooper.
John Partridge.
^Gent.
Souldiers.
Thomas Digby. ]
Daniel Baker.
Adam Smith.
Tho. Watson.
Walter Chisell.
Robert Miller.
And two
Boyes
were to
learne
to be
Sailers.
The ground
and plot
for our
plantation.
IPP- 747,
754, 757-]
p- «8.i I confesse I could haue wished them as many thousands,
had all other prouisions beene in like proportion ; nor would
I haue had so few, could I haue had means for more : yet
would God haue pleased we had safely arriued, I doubted
not but to haue performed more then I promised, and that
many thousands ere this would haue bin there ere now.
The maine assistance next God I had to this small number,
was my acquaintance amongst the Saluages, especially with
Dohoday, one of their greatest Lords, who had liued long in
England (and another called Tantum, I [had] caried with mee
from England, and set on shore at Cape Cod) ; by the meanes
of this proud Saluage, I did not doubt but quickly to haue
got that credit amongst the rest of the Saluages and their
alliance, to haue had as many of them as I desired in any
designe I intended, and that trade also they had by such a
kinde of exchange of their Countrey Commodities, which
both with ease and securitie might then haue beene vsed.
[/.205.] With him and diuers others, I had concluded to inhabit
and defend them against the Tarentines, with a better
power then the French did them ; whose tyrannie did
inforce them to embrace my offer with no small deuotion.
And though many may think me more bold then wise, in
regard of their power, dexteritie, treachery, and inconstancy,
l/y. 607,701.] hauing so desperately assaulted and betraied many others;
I say but this (because with so many, I haue many
times done much more in Virginia then I intended here,
when I wanted that experience Virginia taught mee) that
to me it seemes no more danger then ordinary: and
though I know my selfe [to be] the meanest of many
thousands, whose apprehensiue inspection can pierce
beyond the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden things
of Nature, Art, and Reason: yet I intreat such, [to] giue
J. Smith."]
5-16 June 1616.J
Lib. 6. setters forth of shipping.
733
vsed to
preuent it
and me.
IPP- 219.
700.]
mee leaue to excuse my selfe of so much imbecillitie, as to [1614-5]
say, that in these eighteene yeeres [1606-1624] which I haue
beene conuersant with these affaires, I haue not learned,
there is a great difference betwixt the directions and iudge-
ment of experimentall knowledge, and the superficiall con-
iecture of variable relation : wherein rumour, humour, or
misprision haue such power, that oft times one is enough
to beguile twentie, but twentie not sufficient to keepe one
from being deceiued. Therefore I know no reason but to
beleeue my owne eies before any mans imagination, that
is but wrested from the conceits of my owne proiects and
endeuours, but I honor with all affection, the counsell and
instructions of iudiciall directions, or any other honest
aduertisement, so farre to obserue, as they tie me not to
the crueltie of vnknowne euents.
These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect Themeanes
all other imploiments, and spend my time and best abilities
in these aduentures, wherein though I haue had many dis-
couragements, by the ingratitude of some, the malicious
slanders of others, the falsenesse of friends, the treachery
of cowards, and slownesse of Aduenturers.
Now you are to remember, as I returned first from New ^uland'
England at Plimoth, I was promised foure good ships ready returned.
prepared to my hand the next Christmas, and what con-
ditions and content I would desire, to put this businesse in
practise, and arriuing at London, foure more were offered
me with the like courtesie. But to ioyne the Londoners and
them in one, was most impossible ; so that in Ianuary [1615]
with two hundred pound in Cash for aduenture, and six
Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London to the foure
ships were promised me at Plimoth, but I found no such
matter : and the most of those that had made such great
promises, by the bad returne of the ship [that] went for Gold, tA 701.]
and their priuate emulations, were extinct and qualified.
Notwithstanding at last, with a labyrinth of trouble,
though the [223] greatest of the burden lay on me, and a few
of my particular friends, I was furnished with a ship of two \p. 221.J
hundred tunnes, and another of fiftie. But ere I had sailed
one hundred and twentie leagues, she brake all her Masts,
pumping each watch fiue or six thousand strokes ; onely
her spret-saile remained to spoone before the winde, till
734 The examination of Lib. 6. [i> Baker.
[1615] we had re-accommodated a Iury-mast to returne for Plimoth,
or founder in the Seas.
My Vice-Admirall being lost [i.e., lost sight of], not
knowing of this, proceeded [on] her voyage.
Myreim- Now with the remainder of those prouisions, I got out
barkement, . . n t-» i r • . • . • i , . °
encounter againe in a small Barke of sixtie tuns with thirty men ;
Tnd'impA-5' for this of two hundred [tuns], and prouision for seuentie :
the Trench. which were the sixteene before named [pp. 217, 732], and
foureteene other Sailers for the ship.
With those I set saile againe the foure and twentieth of
Iune [1615]. Where what befell me (because my actions
and writings are so publike to the world) enuy still seeking
to scandalize my endeuours, and seeing no power but death
can stop the chat of ill tongues, nor imagination of mens
minds, lest my owne relations of those hard euents might
by some constructors bee made doubtfull, I haue thought
it best to insert the examinations of those proceedings,
taken by Sir Lewis Stukeley, a worthy Knight, and Vice-
Admirall of Deuonshire, which was as followeth.
The 'Examination c/'Daniel Baker, late Steward to
Captaine Iohn Smith, in there turne of Plimoth,
taken before Sir Lewis Stukeley Knight,
the eighth of December, 161 5.
HE effect in briefe was this: being chased
by one Fry an English Pirat, Edward
Chambers the Master, Iohn Miller his Mate,
Thomas Digby the Pylot, and diuers others
importuned him to yeeld ; much swaggering wee had
with them, more then the Pirats : who agreed vpon
such faire conditions as we desired, which if they
broke, he vowed to sinke rather then be abused.
Strange they thought it, that a Barke of threescore
tuns with foure guns should stand vpon such termes,
they being eightie expert Sea-men, in an excellent ship
of one hundred and fortie tuns, and thirty six cast
Peeces and Murderers.
t-rfj&SSM Lib- 6. Captaine Smiths Company, 735
But when they knew our Captaine, so many of [1615]
them had beene his Souldiers, and they but lately
runne from Tunis, where they had stolne this ship,
wanted victuall, and in combustion amongst them-
selues, would haue yeelded all to his protection, or
wafted vs any whither: but those mutinies occa-
sioned vs to reiect their offer, which afterward we all
repented.
For at Fiall we met two French Pirats, the one of
two hundred tuns, the other thirty : no disgrace would
cause our mutiners [to] fight, till the Captaine offered to
blow vp the ship rather then yeeld, till hee had spent
all his powder : so that together by the eares we went,
and at last got cleere of them for all their shot.
At Flowers we were againe chased with foure French
men of warre, the Admirall one hundred and fortie
tuns, and ninety men well armed ; the rest good ships,
and as well prouided : much parly we had, but vowing
they were Rochilers, and had a Commission from the
King onely to secure true men, and take Portugals,
Spaniards, and Pirats, and as they requested, our
Captaine went to shew his Commission, which was
vnder the broad Seale ; but neither it nor their vowes
they so much respected, but they kept him, rifled our
ship, manned her with French men, and dispersed vs
amongst their Fleet. Within fiue or six daies thoy
were increased to eight or nine saile.
At last they surrendred vs our ship, and most of our
prouisions ; the defects they promised the next day to
supply, and did. Notwithstanding, there was no way
but our mutiners would for England, though we were
as neere New England ; till the major part resolued
with our Captaine to proceed.
But the Admirall sending his Boat for our Captaine,
they espying a Saile, presently gaue chase; whereby our
mutiners finding an opportunitie in the night ran away,
and thus left our Captaine in his Cap, Bretches, and
Wastcoat, alone among the French men : his clothes,
armes, and what he had, our mutiners shared among
them, and with a false excuse, faining [224] for feare
lest he should turne man of warre, they returned for
736 His proceedings among Lib. 6. [^6J&*2£:
[1615] Plimoth: fifteene of vs being Land-men, not knowing
what they did.
i/- my) Daniel Cage, Edward Stalings, Walter Chisell,
Dauid Cooper, Robert Miller, and lohn
Partridge, vpon oath affirmes this for truth
before the Vice-Admirall.
A double
treachery. ^g^^ ^^^
Ow the cause why the French detained mee
againe, was the suspition this Chambers and
M inter gaue them, that I would reuenge my
selfe vpon the Banke, or in Newfound land, of all
the French I could there encounter; and how I would haue
fired the ship, had they not ouer-perswaded me : and that if
I had but againe my Armes, I would rather sinke by them,
then they should haue from me but the value of a Bisket ;
and many other such like tales to catch but opportunitie in
this manner to leaue me, and thus they returned to Plimoth,
and perforce with the French men I thus proceeded.
^French Being a fleet of eight or nine saile, we watched for
men of war, the West-Indies fleet, till ill weather separated vs from
wUhlfe15 the other eight : still wee spent our time about the lies
Spaniard. 0f fae Assores, where to keepe my perplexed thoughts
from too much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ
this Discourse, thinking to haue sent it to you of his
Maiesties Councell by some ship or other, for I saw their
purpose was to take all they could.
At last we were chased by one Captaine Barra, an
English Pirat in a small ship, with some twelue Peece[s]
of Ordnance, about thirty men, and neere all starued.
They sought by courtesie releefe of vs, who gaue them
Buch faire promises, as at last they betraied Captaine
Wollistone his Lieutenant, and foure or fiue of his men
aboord vs, and then prouided to take the rest perforce.
Now my part was to be prisoner in the Gun-roome, and
not to speake to any of them vpon my life ; yet had Barra
knowledge what I was. Then Barra perceiuing well those
^rench intents, made ready to fight, and Wollistone as
J. Smith.!
3-16 June 1616.J
Lib. 6. the French men of zvarre.
737
A prise of
Fish.
A Scotch
prise.
0. 225.]
resolutely regarded not their threats, which caused vs [to] [1615]
demurre vpon the matter longer some sixteene houres, and
then returned them againe Captaine Wollistone and all their
Prisoners, and some victuall also vpon a small composition.
But whilest we were bartering thus with them ; a
Caruill before our faces got vnder the Castle of Gratiasa,
from whence they beat vs with their Ordnance.
The next wee tooke was a small English man of Poole
from New found land : the great Cabben at this present was
my prison, from whence I could see them pillage these poore
men of all that they had, and halfe their fish : when hee was
gone, they sold his poore clothes at the maine Mast by an
out-cry, which scarce gaue each man seuen pence a peece.
Not long after, we tooke a Scot fraught from Saint
Michaels to Bristow, he had better fortune then the other ;
for hauing but taken a Boats loading of Sugar, Marmelade,
Suckets, and such like, we descried foure saile, after whom
we stood : who forling their maine Sailes attended vs to
fight, but our French spirits were content onely to perceiue
they were English red Crosses.
Within a very small time after, wee chased 4. Spanish
ships that came from the Indies : we fought with them
foure or fiue houres, tore their sailes and sides with many
a shot betwixt wind and weather, yet not daring to boord
them, lost them ; for which, all the Sailers euer after hated
the Captaine as a professed coward.
A poore Caruill of Brasile was the next wee chased ; and a prise
after a small fight, thirteene or foureteene of her men
being wounded, which was the better halfe, we tooke her
with three hundred and seuenty chests of Sugar, one
hundred hides, thirty thousand Rialls of eight.
The next was a ship of Holland, which had lost her
Consorts in the Streights of Magilans, going for the South
sea. She was put roomy, she also these French men with
faire promises, cunningly betraied to come aboord them to
shew their Commission, and so made prise of all : the most
of the Dutch-men we tooke aboord the Admiralty and
manned her [the Dutch ship] with French-men, that within
two or three nights after ran away with her for France,
The wounded Spaniards we set on shore on the He of
Tercera, the rest we kept to saile the Caruill.
47
worth 3600c
crownes.
If- 739-1
300000
crownes.
73% How they vsed him, Lib. 6. [,_l6 jJ-JSS;
[1615] Within a day or two after, we met a West-Indies man of
iorth* warre, of one hundred [225] and sixtie tuns, a forenoone
wee fought with her, and then tooke her with one thousand
one hundred Hides, fiftie Chests of Cutchanele, foureteene
Coffers of wedges of Siluer, eight thousand Rialls of eight,
V- 739-J and six Coffers of the King of Spaines Treasure, besides
the good pillage and rich Coffers of many rich Passengers.
Two moneths [Aug.-Oct. 1615] they kept me in this
manner, to manage their fights against the Spaniards, and
bee a Prisoner when they tooke any English. Now though
the Captaine had oft broke his promise, which was to put
me on shore [on] the lies [Azores], or the next ship he
tooke ; yet at the last he was contented I should goe in
the Caruill of Sugar for France, himselfe seeming as
resolued to keepe the Seas : but the next morning we all
set saile for France, and that night we were separated from
[*• 739] the Admirall and the rich prise by a storme.
Within two daies after, wee [in the Caravel] were hailed
by two West-Indies men : but when they saw vs waife them
for the King of France, they gaue vs their broad sides, shot
thorow our maine Mast, and so left vs.
Hauing liued now this Summer [Aug -Nov. 1615.,
amongst those French men of warre, with much adoe we
arriued at the Gulion, not farre from Rotchell: where in
stead of the great promises they alwaies fed me with, of
double satisfaction and full content, and tenne thousand
Crownes was generally concluded I should haue; they
kept me hue or six daies Prisoner in the Caruill, accusing
me to be he that burnt their Colony in New France, to
force me to giue them a discharge before the Iudge of the
Admiraltie, and stand to their courtesies for satisfaction,
or lie in prison, or a worse mischiefe.
Indeed this was in the time of combustion,that the Prince
of Cundy was with his Army in the field; and euery poore
Lord, or men in authoritie, as little Kings of themselues,
For this iniury was done me by them that set out this
voyage (not by the Sailers) ; for they were cheated of all as
well as I, by a few Officers aboord, and the owners on shore.
My escape But to preuent this choise, in the end of such a storme
JSchmen. tnat Deat them all vnder hatches, I watched my oppor-
[Aaa6.j tunitie to get a shore in their Boat; whereinto in the darke
s-iejunfTJxe.] Lib. 6. and his desperate escape. 739
night I secretly got, and with a halfe Pike that lay by [1615]
me, put a drift for Rat He : but the currant was so strong,
and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea, till it pleased
God the wind so turned with the tide, that although I was
all this fearefull night of gusts and raine in the Sea the
space of twelue houres, when many ships were driuen
ashore, and diuers split : (and being with skulling and
bayling the water tired, I expected each minute would
sinke me) at last I arriued in an Oazy He by Charowne,
where certaine Fowlers found me neere drowned, and
halfe dead, with water, cold, and hunger.
My Boat I pawned to finde meanes to get to Rotchell;
where I vnderstood our man of war and the rich prize, [A738.]
(wherein was the Captaine called Mounsieur Poyrune, and
the thirtie thousand Rialls of eight we tooke in the Caruill), [/• 737-1
was split ; the Captaine drowned and halfe his Company
the same night, within six or seuen leagues of that place,
from whence I escaped in the little Boat by the mercy of
God, far beyond all mens reason or my expectation.
Arriuing at Rotchell: vpon my complaint to the Iudge y^SjIaw
of the Admiraltie, I found many good words and faire
promises ; and ere long many of them that escaped
drowning, told me the newes they heard of my owne
death. These I arresting, their seuerall examinations
did so confirme my complaint, it was held proofe sufficient.
All which being performed according to their order of
justice, from vnder the Iudges hand, I presented it to Sir
Thomas Edmonds, then Ambassadour at Burdeaux ; where
it was my chance to see the arriuall [21 Nov. 1615] of the
Kings great mariage brought from Spaine.
Here it was my good fortune to meet my old friend
Master Crampton, that no lesse grieued at my losse, then
willingly to his power did supply my wants; and I must
confesse, I was more beholden to the French men that
escaped drowning in the man of warre, Madam Chanoyes [A277J
at Rotchell, and the Lawyers of Burdeaux, then all the rest
of my Country-men I met in France. Of the wracke of
the [226] rich prize, some three thousand six hundred [A738.]
crownes worth of goods came ashore and was saued, with
the Caruill, which I did my best to arrest : the Iudge
promised I should haue Iustice, what will be the con-
740
How he arrested the
T Tr> A r J.Smith.
J^IH. O. [3-l6Junei6i6.
[1615-6] elusion as yet [June 1616] I know not. But vnder the couler
to take Pirats and the West-Indie men (because the Spaniards
will not suffer the French to trade in the West-Indies) any
goods from thence, though they take them vpon the
Coast of Spaine, are lawfull prize, or from any of his
Territories out of the limits of Europe : and as they
betraied me, though I had the broad-seale, so did they
rob and pillage twentie saile of English men more, besides
them I knew not of, the same yeere.
Leauing thus my businesse in France I returned [Dec.
1615] to Plimoth, to finde them [that] had thus buried me
amongst the French ; and not onely buried me, but with
so much infamy as such treacherous cowards could
suggest to excuse their villanies.
The Chiefetaines of this mutiny that I could finde, I
laid by the heeles; the rest, like themselues, confessed the
truth, as you haue heard.
Now how I haue or could preuent these accidents, hauing
no more meanes, I rest at your censures ; but to proceed
to the matter ; yet must I sigh and say, How oft hath
Fortune in the world (thinke I) brought slauery, freedome,
and turned all diuersly.
My returne
for England
r>. 337.J
[A 745-1
The successe
of my Vice-
Admirall.
vr Ewfoundland I haue heard, at the first, was held
fW\jjS as desperate a fishing as this I proiect for New
ipSSjcJ England. Placentia, and the Banke, neare also as
*Bsk Wa^3 doubtfull to the French. But for all the disasters
hapned [to] me, the businesse is the same itwas,and the fiue
ships [that] went from London, whereof one was reported
more then three hundred tunnes, found fish so much, that
neither Izeland man, nor Newfoundland man, [that] I could
heare of hath bin there, will go any more to either place,
if they may go thither.
So that vpon the good returne of my Vice-Admirall; this
yeere [1616] are gone 4 or 5 saile from Plimoth, and from
London as many, only to make voyages of profit : whereas
if all the English had bin there till my returne, put all
their returnes together, they would scarce make one a
sauour of neere a dozen I could nominate, except one
3-i6junfT6i6.] Lib. 6. French men, and his successe. 741
sent by Sir Francis Pop[h]am ; though there be fish [1616]
sufficient, as I am perswaded, to fraught yeerely foure or [/. ^a.]
fiue hundred Saile, or as many as will goe.
For this fishing stretcheth along the Sea Coast from Cape
lames to Newfoundland, which is seuen or eight hundred
miles at the least ; and hath his course in the deepes, and
by the shore, all the yere long : keeping their ha[u]nts and
feedings, as the beasts of the field, and the birds of the aire.
But all men are not such as they should be, that haue
vndertaken those voyages: All the Romans were not Scipioes;
nor Carthagentans, Hanibals ; nor all the Genweses, Colum-
busses ; nor all the Spaniards, Courteses : had they diued no
deeper in the secrets of their discoueries then we, or
stopped at such doubts and poore accidentall chances,
they had neuer beene remembered as they are, yet had
they no such certainties to begin as we.
But to conclude, Adam and Eue did first begin this [/>.«8,
innocent worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity, 934']
but not without labour, trouble, and industry. Noe and
his family began againe the second Plantation ; and their
seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries,
and one Countrey another, and so the world to that estate
it is : but not without much hazard, trauell, mortalities,
discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy
Fathers, and their memorable off-spring, not beene more
diligent for vs now in these ages, then we are to plant that
yet is vnplanted for the after liuers. Had the seed of
Abraham, our Sauiour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed
themselues to no more dangers to teach the Gospell then
we, euen wee our selues had at this present beene as
saluage, and as miserable as the most barbarous Saluage,
yet vnciuilized.
^ The Hebrewes and Lacedemonians, the Gothes, the
Grecians, the Romanes, and the rest, what was it they
would not vndertake to inlarge their Teritories, enrich
their subiects, resist their enemies. Those that were the
founders of those great Monarchies and their vertues,
were no siluered idle golden Pharis[i]es, but industrious
Iron steeled Publicans: They regarded more prouisions
742 [Honour is our lifes ambition.'] Lib. 6. [3_l6Ji
Smith,
une 1616.
[1616] and necessaries [227] for their people, then Iewels,
[>• 229.] riches, ease, or delight for themselues ; Riches were their
Seruants, not their Masters. They ruled (as Fathers, not
as Tirants) their people as Children, not as Slaues ; there
was no disaster could discourage them ; and let none
thinke they incountred not with all manner of incum-
brances. And what hath euer beene the worke of the
greatest Princes of the Earth, but planting of Coun-
tries, and ciuilizing barbarous and inhumane Nations to
ciuilitie and humanitie, whose eternall actions fills our
Histories. Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards, whose
euer-liuing actions before our eies will testifie with them
our idlenesse, and ingratitude to all posterities, and the
neglect of our duties in our pietie and religion. We owe
our God, our King and Countrey, and want of Charitie to
those poore Saluages, whose Countrey wee challenge, vse
and possesse ; except wee be but made to vse, and marre
what our fore-fathers made, or but onely tell what they did,
or esteeme our selues too good to take the like paines. Was
it vertue in them to prouide that doth maintaine vs, and
basenesse in vs to doe the like for others ? Surely no.
W- 229.936] Then seeing we are not borne for our selues, but each to
help other, and our abilities are much alike at the houre
of our birth, and the minute of our death : seeing our
good deeds or our bad by faith in Christs merits, is all
we haue, to carie our soules to heauen or hell. Seeing
honor is our Hues ambition, and our ambition after
death to haue an honorable memory of our life: and
seeing by no meanes we would be abated of the dignities
and glories of our predecessors, let vs imitate their ver-
tues to be worthily their successors : to conclude with
Lucretius,
Its want of reason, or its reasons want
Which doubts the minde and iudgement, so doth dant,
That those beginnings makes men not to granU
lohn Smith writ this with his owne hand.
Here folio weth a briefe Discourse
of the trials of New England, with cer-
taine Obseruations of the Hollanders vse and
gaine by fishing, and the present estate of that
happy Plantation, begun but by sixtie weake
men, in the yeere of our Lord 1620, and
how to build a fleet of good ships to
make a little Nauy Royall, by
the former Author.
E saith, that it is more then foure and
forty yeeres agoe [i.e., by 1577], and it
is more then fortie yeeres agoe [1577]
since he writ it ; that the Herring
Busses out of the Low Countries vnder
the King of Spaine, were fiue hundred,
besides one hundred French men, and
three or foure hundred saile of Flemings.
The Coast of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by 300
Saile of Strangers.
Ireland at Beltamore, fraughted yeerely three hundred
saile of Spaniards, where King Edward the sixt intended to
haue made a strong Castle, because of the straight, to haue
tribute for fishing.
Black Rocke was yerely fished by three or foure hundred
saile of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners.
The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling,
thirty [or rather three hundred] thousand pounds.
English and French, by Salt-fish, Poore-Iohn, Salmons,
and Pilchards, three hundred [or rather thirty] thousand
pounds.
[pp. 749-69-1
IPP. 773-5-1
[1620-2]
Master Dee
his report.
[pp. 238,254.]
The benefit
of fishing,
as Master
Gentleman
and others
744 Tke benefit of fishing, according Lib. 6. y^J;
[1620] Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and
Eeles, one hundred thousand pounds.
Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and
Spaniards, thirty thousand pounds.
That the Duke of Medina receiueth yeerely tribute of
the Fishers, for Tunny, Mullit, and Porgos, more then ten
thousand pounds.
o?J/5S?s Lnbecke hath seuen hundred [228] ships; Hambrough six
and other hundred ; Emden [but] lately a Fisher towne, one thousand
obseruen. foure hundred: whose customes by fishing hath made them
so powerfull as they be.
Holland and Zeland not much greater then Yorkeshire,
hath thirty walled Townes, foure hundred Villages, and
twenty thousand saile of Ships and Hoies; three thousand
[>■ *39-l six hundred [ships] are Fisher-men, whereof one hundred
are Doggers, seuen hundred Pinkes and Well-Boats, seuen
hundred Fraud-boats, Britters, and Tode-boats, with
thirteene hundred Busses ; besides three hundred that
yeerely fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their fish for
Gold : and fifteene yeeres agoe [1605] they had more then
an hundred and sixteene thousand Sea-faring men.
[/■ 255-) These fishing ships doe take yeerely two hundred thou-
sand last of fish, twelue barrels to a last, which amounts
to 3ooooo[o]. pounds by the fisher mens price, that 14.
yeeres agoe [1606] did pay for their tenths three hundred
thousand pound ; which venting in Pumerland, Sprustia,
Denmarke,Lef eland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands,
England, or else where, &c. makes their returnes in a
yeere about threescore and ten hundred thousand pounds,
which is seuen millions ; and yet in Holland there is
neither matter to build ships nor merchandize to set them
forth, yet by their industry they as much increase as other
nations decay.
But leauing these vncertainties as they are, of this I am
certaine.
That the coast of England, Scotland and Ireland, the
North Sea with Island and the Sound, Newfound-land and
Cape Blanke, doe serue all Europe, as well the land townes
as ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts
of staple fish, which is transported from whence it is taken
i'J^et] Lib. 6. to ancient Authors. 745
many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, salt Fish, Poore-Iohn, [1614-7]
Sturgion, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Cauiare, Buttargo.
Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of
them may be had in a land more fertill, temperate, and
plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships, boats
and houses, and the nourishment of man ; the seasons are
so proper, and the fishings so neere the habitations we
may there make, that New-England hath much aduantage
of the most of those parts, to serue all Europe farre
cheaper then they can, who at home haue neither wood,
salt, nor food, but at great rates ; at Sea nothing but what
they carry in their ships, an hundred or two hundred
leagues from the habitation. But New-Englands fishings
is neere land, where is helpe of Wood, Water, Fruits,
Fowles, Corne or other refreshings needfull, and the ip. 240.]
Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugal!, Prouaues,
Sauoy, Sicillia, and all Italy, as conuenient markets for our
dry fish, greene fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Cauiare and But-
targo, as Norway, Swethland, Littuania or Germany for their
Herring, which is heare also in abundance for taking;
they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tar, Sope-ashes, Cordage, [/• 256.]
Flax, Wax, and such like commodities : wee Wines, Oiles,
Sugars, Silkes, and such merchandize as the Straits
[i.e., of Gibraltar] offoord [afford] ; whereby our profit may
equalize theirs, besides the increase of shipping and
Marriners : and for proofe hereof.
In the yeere of our Lord 1614. you haue read how 1614.
I went from London: also the next yeere 1615. how foure 1615.
good ships went from London, and I with two more from
Plimoth, with all our accidents, successes and returnes : in
the yeere 1616. ere I returned [Dec. 1615J from France, the £#.a4«,«S7-l
Londoners for all their losse by the Turkes, sent foure 1616.
ships more ; foure more also went from Plimoth.
After I returned from France, I was perswaded againe to
goe to Plimouth, with diuers of my friends with one hun- [/■ 740-]
dred pound for our aduentures besides our charges ; but wee
found all things as vntoward as before, and all their great
promises nothing but aire : yet to prepare the voyage against
the next yeere, hauing acquainted a great part of the 1617.
746 New-Englands trialls. Lib. 6. [J;
Smith.
ec. 1620.
[1617-8] Nobility with it, and ashamed to see the Prince his High-
nesse till I had done some what worthy his Princely view; I
spent that Summer [1616] in visiting the Cities and Townes
Mysutijte of Bristoll, Exeter, Bastable, Bodnam, Perin, Foy, Milborow,
country. Saltash, Dartmouth, Absom, Tattnesse, and the most of the
(M267, 748, Gentry in Cornew all and Deuonshire, giuing them Bookes and
941,1 Maps, shewing how in six moneths the most of [229] those
ships had made their voyages, and some in lesse, and with
what good successe ; by which incitation they seemed so
well contented, as they promised twenty saile of ships
should goe with mee next yeere [1617], and in regard of
my paines, charge, and former losses, the westerne Com-
missioners in behalfe of themselues and the rest of the
Company, and them hereafter that should be ioyned to
them, contracted with me by articles indented vnder our
hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and
in the renewing of their Letters-Patents so to be nomi-
nated. Halfe the fruits of our endeuours to be theirs, the
rest our owne ; being thus ingaged, now the businesse is
made plaine and likely to prosper, some of them would not
onely forget me and their promises, but also obscure me,
as if I had neuer beene acquainted in the businesse : but I
am not the first they haue deceiued.
1618. There was foure good ships prepared at Plimoth, but by
[//.24i,a57.] reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as
onely two went forward: the one being of two hundred
tunnes, returned well fraught to Plimoth, and her men in
health, within flue moneths ; the other of fourescore
tunnes, went for Bilbow with drie fish and made a good
returne.
[#.217,323, In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant
732,736,1 Souldier, that had beene with me in Virginia, and was
with me also when I was betrayed by the French, was sent
againe in those ships, and hauing some wrong offered him
there by a French man, he tooke him [i.e., his ship], and as
he writ to me, went with him to Virginia with fish, to
trade with them for such commodities as they might spare.
He had not past ten or twelue men, and knew both those
countries well, yet he promised me the next spring to
meet me in New-England; but the ship and he both
perished in Virginia.
Smith.'
c. 1620.
] Lib. 6. New-Englands trialls. 747
l*. 94I-]
542, 770.]
This yeere againe, diuers ships intending to goe from [1619-20]
Plimoth, so disagreed, there went but one of two hundred 1619.
tunnes, who stayed in the Country about six weeks, which l#ff2>
with eight and thirty men and boies had her fraught, which
she sold at the first penny for 2100. [pounds] besides the
Furres : so that euery poore Sailer that had but a single
share had his charges and sixteene pound ten shillings for
his seuen moneths worke.
Master Thomas Dirmire an vnderstanding and industrious
Gentleman, that was also with me amongst the French \j>p. 3)7
men, hauing liued about a yeere in Newfoundland, returning 732,]
to Plimoth, went for New-England in this ship, so much
approued of this Country, that he staied there with hue or
six men in a little Boat ; finding two or three French men
amongst the Saluages who had lost their ship, [he] aug-
mented his company, with whom he ranged the Coast to M£"gj
Virginia : where he was kindly welcommed and well re-
freshed [Nov. 1 6 19], thence returned to New-England againe ;
where hauing beene a yeere, in his backe returne to Virginia
[162 1] he was so wounded by the Saluages, he died vpon it.
Let not men attribute these their great aduentures, and
vntimely deaths to vnfortunatenesse, but rather wonder
how God did so long preserue them with so small meanes
to doe so much ; leauing the fruits of their labours to be an
incouragement to those our poore vndertakings, and as
warnings for vs not to vndertake such great workes with
such small meanes : and this for aduantage as they writ
vnto me, that God had laid this Country open for vs, and
slaine the most part of the inhabitants by ciuill warres and
a mortall disease, for where I had seene one hundred or
two hundred Saluages, there is scarce ten to be found, and W- 7«%1
yet not any one of them [Dermer's crew] touched with any
sicknesse but one poore French man that died.
754. 933-1
They say this plague vpon them thus sore fell,
It was because they pleas 'd not Tantum well. ^sVw-l
From the West Country to make triall this yeere onely 1620.
to fish, is gone six or seuen saile, three of which I am
certainly informed made so good a voyage, that euery
Sailer that had a single share had twenty pound for his
748 New-Englands trialls. Lib. 6. ["ik?^
Ljuly 1624.
[1620-1] seuen moneths work, which is more then in twenty
moneths he should haue gotten, had he gone [230] for
wages any where.
Now although these former ships haue not made such
good voiages as they expected, by sending opinionated
vnskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence to saue
that they tooke, nor take that there was, which now
patience and practice hath brought to a reasonable kinde
of perfection ; in despight of all detractors and calumnia-
[//.a4»,*59-] tions, the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath
beene in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfe nor me :
But,
A due desert, for fortune makes prouision
For Knaues and Fooles, and men of base condition.
thISt2'eto £)^^SOw all these proofes and this relation I now
called New-Englands triall. I caused two or
three thousand of them to be printed : one thou-
sand with a great many Maps both of Virginia
?66,944*'.] and New-England, I presented to thirty of the chiefe Com-
panies in London at their Halls, desiring either generally
or particularly (them that would) to imbrace it, and by the
vse of a stocke of fiue thousand pound, to ease them of the
superfluity of the most of their companies that had but
strength and health to labour.
Neere a yeere [1621] I spent to vnderstand their resolu-
tions, which was to me a greater toile and torment, then to
haue beene in New-England about my businesse but with
bread and water, and what I could get there by my labour;
but in conclusion, seeing nothing would be effected, I was
contented as well with this losse of time and charge, as all
[>. 746.] the rest.
W
A Plantation in New-England. i82o.
Pon these inducements some few well [1620]
disposed Gentlemen, and Merchants of u>. a59.]
London and other places, prouided two
ships, the one of a hundred and three-
score tunnes, the other of threescore and
ten. They left the Coast of England the
two and thirtieth {twentieth} of August
[1620] , with about a hundred and twenty
persons; but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leake,that
forced their returne to Plimoth : where discharging her and \p. 260.]
twenty passengers ; with the greater ship and one hundred
passengers besides Sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of
September [1620], and the ninth of Nouember fell with Cape
lames.
But being pestred nine weekes in this leaking vnwhol-
some ship, lying wet in their Cabins, most of them
grew very weake and weary of the Sea ; then for want of
experience, ranging two [weeks], and againe six weekes,
before they found a place they liked to dwell on ; forced to
lie on the bare ground without couerture: forty of them died,
and threescore were left in very weake estate, at the ships
comming away, about the fifth of Aprill following, and
[she] arriued in England the sixth of May [1621].
Though the Harbour [at Cape Cod, pp. 205, 719] be good,
the shore is so shallow, they were forced to wade a great
way vp to the knees in water, and vsed that that did them
much hurt ; and little fish they found but Whailes, and a
great kinde of Mustell so fat, that few did eat of them that
were not sicke : these miseries ocasioned some discord, and
gaue some appearance of faction ; but all was so reconciled,
that they vnited themselues by common consent vnder
their hands, to a kinde of combination of a body politike,
iourny by
750 A Plantation in New- England. Lib. 6. ^f^^Sii
[1620] by vertue whereof to inact and constitute lawes and
ordinances, and Officers from time to time, as should bee
thought most conuenient for their generall good.
Thdrfir>t Sixteene or seuenteene daies they could doe little for
want of their Shallcp which was a mending ; yet Captaine
Miles Standish, vnto whom was ioyned in Councell, William
Bradfor[d), Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilly, went well
armed ashore ; and by that time they had gone a mile, [they]
met fiue or six Indians that fled into the Woods.
We traced them by the footing eight or ten miles, then
the night approaching we made a fire, by which we lay that
night; and the next morning followed the Saluages by their
tract, thinking to finde their habitations, but by [231] the
way we found a Deere amongst many faire springs of water,
where we refreshed our selues. Then we went a shore and
made a fire, that they at the ship might perceiue where we
were, and so marched to a place where we supposed was
a Riuer ; by the way we saw many Vines, Saxefras, haunts
of Deere and Fowle, and some fifty Acres of plaine ground
[that] had beene planted by the Indians, where were some of
their graues : from thence we followed a path that brought
vs through three or foure fields that had bin planted that
yeere ; in one graue we digged, we found a basket or two
of Indian Corne, so much as we could carry we tooke with
vs, the rest we buried as we found it, and so proceeded to
the place we intended, but we found it not such a Harbour
as we expected. And so we returned, till the night caused
vs [to] take vp our lodging vnder a tree ; where it rained six
or seuen houres.
The next morning, as we wandred, we passed by a tree,
where a young sprig was bowed downe ouer a bough, and
some Acornes strewed vnder it, which was one of their Gins
to catch a Deere ; and as we were looking at it, Bradford
was suddenly caught by the leg in a noosed Rope, made as
artificially as ours. As we passed we see a lease of Bucks,
sprung some Partriges, and great flocks of wilde Geese and
Ducks ; and so we returned well wearied to our ship.
Thdr first Master Iones our Master with foure and thirty men, also
wurny by ...
Shallop. went vp and downe in the frost and snow, two or three
daies, in the extremity of the cold ; but could finde no
^^/uiyTSJ LlB- 6- A plantation in New-England. 751
harbour : only among the old graues we got some ten [1620]
bushels of Come, some Beanes, and a bottle of Oile ; and
had we not thus haply found it, we had had no Come for
seede, so that place we euer called Come-hill.
The next day, Master Iones with the Come and our weakest
men returned to the Ship : but eighteene of vs quartered
there that night, and in the morning following the paths,
wee found in the Snow in a field a greater hill or graue then
the rest, digging it wee found first a Mat, vnder that a
boord three quarters long, painted and carued with three
Tyns at the top like a Cronet, betweene the Mats also
were Bowles, Traies and Dishes and such trash, at length
we found a faire new Mat, and vnder that two bundles,
the one biggar the other lesse ; in the greater wee found a
great quantity of fine red powder like a kinde of imbalme-
ment, and yeelded a strong but no offensiue smell, with
the bones and skull of a man that had fine yellow haire
still on it, and some of the flesh vnconsumed, a Knife, a
Pack-needle, and two or three old Iron things was bound
vp in a Sailers canuase Cassocke, also a paire of cloth
Breeches ; in the lesse bundle we found likewise of the
same powder, and the bones and head of a little childe ;
about the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and
braslets of white beades, there was also a little Bow, and
some other odde knacks, the prettiest we tooke, and
couered againe the corps as they were. Not farre from
thence were two of their houses, where were a great deale
of their miserable houshold stuffe ; which we left as wee
found, and so returned to our Boat, and lay aboord that night.
Many arguments we had to make here our Plantation or
not. In the Int[e]rim, Mistris White was brought to bed of
a young sonne, which was called Perigrine ; and a Sailer
shooting at a Whale, his peece flew in peeces stocke and
all, yet he had no hurt. A foolish boy discharging his fathers
peece hard by halfe a barrell of Powder, and many people by
it ; it pleased God it escaped firing, so that no hurt was done.
But to make a more certaine discouery where to seat
our selues, Captaine Standish, Master Caruer, William
Branford [Bradford], Edward Winslo[w]e, Iohn Tilly, Edward
Tilly, with diuers others to the number of seuenteene, vpon
Accidents.
7 5 2 The description of N ew- E ngland.
Ljg A rtfi-Win*1^
6. [
iz Dec. 1621.
[1620]
Their second
iourney by
water to
finde a place
to plant in.
Their first
fight with
the
Saluages.
lA 754-]
The descrip-
tion of their
place to
plant in.
Another
Boy borne
in New-
England.
the sixt of December [1620] set saile; and hauing sailed six
or seuen leagues, we espied eight or ten Saluages about a
dead Grampus : still following the shore we found two 01
three more cast vp by the ill weather. Many we see in the
water, therefore we called it Grampus Bay. Ships may ride
well in it, but all the shore is very shallow flats of sand.
At last seuen or eight of vs went a shore, many fields
we saw where the Saluages had inhabited, and a buriall
place incompassed with a Palizado, so we returned to our
Shallop : [232] in the night we heard a hideous cry and
howling of Wolues and Foxes.
In the morning as we were ready to goe into our Shal-
lop, one of our men being in the woods, came running
crying, Indians, Indians ; and with all their Arrowes flying
amongst vs, some of our men being in the boat, and their
Armes a shore : so well it chanced, Captaine Standish with
two or three more discharged their peeces till the rest
were ready. One Saluage more stout then the rest, kept
vnder a tree, till he had shot three or foure Arrowes,
and endured three or foure Musket shot ; but at last they
all fled. This was about breake of day in the morning, when
they saw vs, and we not them.
Hauing the wind faire, we sailed along the coast 8. or
10. leagues, thinking to haue got to a Harbour where one
of our company had beene, within 8. leagues of Cape Cod,
for neither cricke nor Harbour in this bay we could finde ;
and the wind so increased, our Rudder broke, and our
Mast flew ouer-boord, that we were in danger to be cast
away : but at last it pleased God we were in a harbor we
knew not, thinking it [the] one we were acquainted with;
this we found to be an He where we rid that night.
And hauing well viewed the land about it, and sounded
the Bay to be a good Harbour for our ship, compassed with
good land, and in it two faire lies ; where there is in their
seasons innumerable store of all sorts of fish and fowle,
good water, much plaine land, which hath beene planted :
with this newes we returned to our ship ; and with the next
faire wind brought her thither, being but within the sight
of Cape Cod. In the meane time Goodwife Alderton was
deliuered of a sonne, but dead borne.
Vpon the 28. of December [1620], so many as could
Ed' byj{iy^!;:] Lib- 6. The description of New-England. 753
went to worke vpon the hill, where we purposed to build [1620-1]
our Platforme [battery or fort] for our ordnance : which JJ^^-jJ
doth command all the Plaine and the Bay, and from whence
wee may see far into the Sea; and be easily impailed. So
in the afternoone we went to measure out the grounds, and
diuided our company into 19. families, alotting to euery
person a poule in bredth and three in length : and so we
cast lots where euery man should lie, which we staked
out ; thinking this proportion enough at the first to impale
for lodgings and gardens.
Francis Billington from the top of a tree seeing a great Two fair*
water some three miles from vs in the land, went with the
Masters Mate, and found it two great Lakes of fresh water :
the bigger fiue or six miles in circuit, and an He in it of a
Cables length square; the other three miles in compasse,
full of fish and fowle, and two brooks issuing from it ;
which will be an excellent helpe in time for vs. Where they
saw seuen or eight Indian houses, but no people.
Foure being sent a mile or two from our plantation, two of ^loat
them stragling into the woods was lost, for comming to a {J*™sell,es
Lake of water they found a great Deere, hauing a mastiue woods.
Bitch and a Spanell with them, they followed so farre they
could not findethe waybacke. That afternoone it rained,and
did freeze and snow at night : their apparell was very thin,
and had no weapons but two sickles, nor any victuals ; nor
could they finde any of the Saluages habitations. When
the night came they were much perplexed that they had
no other bed then the earth, nor couerture then the skies ;
but that they heard, as they thought, two Lions roaring a
long time together very nigh them, so not knowing what
to doe, they resolued to climbe vp into a tree, though that
would be an intolerable cold lodging ; expecting their
coming they stood at the trees root, and the bitch they
held fast by the necke, for shee would haue beene gone to
the Lions or what they were, that as it chanced came not
nigh them. So they watched the tree that extreme cold
night, and in the morning trauelling againe, passing by
many lakes, brooks and woods, and in one place where the
Saluages had burnt 4. or 5. miles in length, which is a fine
champion Country ; in the afternoone they discouered the
two lies in their Bay, and so that night, neere famished,
48
754
Their conference and Lib. 6. [?,f jJJ™
Winslow.
6ai.
[1621] they got to their Plantation : from whence they had sent
our men euery way to seeke them.
That night the house they [the Pilgrim Fathers] had
built and thatched, where lay their armes, bedding, powder,
&c. tooke fire and was burnt. The Coast is so shoule, [that]
the ship rides more then a mile from the Fort : but God be
thanked no man was hurt, though much was burnt. [233J
Their first
conference
with a
Saluagc.
747. 933-1
(/• 75*1
The second
conference.
\PP> 73«. .
747. 757.1
All this time we could not haue conference with a
Saluage, though we had many times seene them and had
many alarums : so that we drew a Councell, and appointed
Captaine Standish to haue the command of all martiall
actions ; but euen in the time of consultation, the Saluages
gaue an alarum.
The next day also, as wee were agreeing vpon his
[Standish's] orders, came a tall Saluage boldly amongst vs,
not fearing any thing, and kindly bad vs welcome in English.
He was a Sagamo, towards the North, where the ships
vse to fish, and did know the names of most of the
Masters that vsed thither: such victuall as we had we
gaue him, being the first Saluage we yet could speake with.
He told vs this place where we were was called Patuxet,
and that all the people three or foure yeeres agoe [1617-18J
there died on the plague. In a day or two we could not
be rid of him ; then he returned to the Massasoyts from
whence he came, where is some sixty people : but the
Nawsits are 100. strong, which were they [who] encountred
our people at the first.
Two daies after, this Samoset, for so was his name, came
againe, and brought fiue or six of the Massasoyts with him,
with certaine skinnes, and certaine tooles they had got
that we had left in the woods at their alarums: much
friendship they promised, and so departed; but Samoset would
not leaue vs, but fained himselfe sicke, yet at last he went
to entreat the Saluages [to] come againe to confirme a peace.
Now the third time, as we were consulting of our
Marshall orders, two Saluages appeared; but when we
went to them they vanished : not long after came Samoset,
and Squanto, a natiue of Patuxet where we dwell, and one
of them carried into Spaine by Hunt [pp. 219, 698], thence
brought into England, where a good time he liued : and now
Ed ^1^624:] Lib. 6. conditions with the Saluages. 755
here signified vnto vs, their great Sachem of Massasoyt, with [1621]
Quadaquina his brother, and all their men, was there by to
see vs. Not willing to send our Gouernour, we sent Edward
Wollisio [Winslow] with presents to them both, to know
their minds; making him to vnderstand by his Interpreters
how King lames did salute him and was his friend.
After a little conference, with twenty of his men he
came ouer the brooke to our Plantation, where we set
him vpon a rug ; and then [we] brought our Gouernour to
him with Drums and Trumpets : where after some cir-
cumstances, for they vse few complements, we treated of
peace with them to this effect.
That neither he nor any of his should iniury or doe Their
hurt to any of vs ; if they did, he should send vs the S'piSI1
offender, that we might punish him : and wee would
doe the like to him.
If any did vniustly warre against him, we would aid
him, as he should vs against ourenemies; and to send to
his neighbour confederats to certifie them of this, that
they might likewise be comprised in these conditions.
That when any of them came to vs, they should
leaue their Bow and Arrowes behinde them ; as we
would our peeces, when we came to them.
All which the King seemed to like well of, and was
applauded of his followers. In his person hee is a very
lusty man, in his best yeeres, an able body, graue of
countenance, and spare of speech : in his attire little
differing from the rest.
After all was done, the Gouernour conducted him to the
brooke, but kept our hostage till our messengers returned ;
in like manner we vsed Quaddaquina: so all departed good
friends.
Two of his people would haue staied with vs, but wee
would not permit them, onely Samoset and Squanto wee
entertained kindly; as yet [11 Dec. 1621] wee haue found
they intend to keepe promise, for they haue not hurt our
men they haue found stragling in the Woods, and are
afraid of their powerfull Aduersaries the Narrohiggansets,
against whom hee hopes to make vse of our helpe.
The next day, Squanto went a fishing for Eeles, and in
an houre he did tread as many out of the 0[o]se with his
756 [Their voyage to Pakanoki(ck).] Lib. 6. [^
Winslow
Dec. 1 6a i.
[1621] feet as he could lift with his hand, not hauing any other
instrument.
a iour- But that we might know their habitations so well as
VakixuM. they ours, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslo[w) had
Squantum for their guide and Interpreter, [and were sent] to
Packanoki, the habitation of the King of Massasoyt, with a
red horsemans coat for a present, to entreat him by reason
we had not victuall to entertaine them [234]as we would,
he would defend his people so much from visiting vs; and if
hee did send, he should alwaies send with the Messenger a
copper Chaine theygaue him, that theymight knowhecame
from him, and also giue them some of his Come for seede.
That night they lodged at Namascet, some fifteene miles
off: by the way we found ten or twelue women and
children that still would pester vs till we were weary of
them; perceiuing it is the manner of them, where victuall
is to bee gotten with most ease, there they will Hue : but
on that Riuer of Namaschet haue beene many habitations
of the Saluages that are dead, and the land lies waste ; and
the Riuer abounding with great plenty of fish, and hath
beene much frequented by the French,
c^ageof The next day, trauelling with six or seuen Indians,
s«°,£cL where we were to wade ouer the Riuer, did dwell onely
two old men of that Nation then liuing : that thinking vs
enemies, sought the best aduantage they could to fight
with vs, with a wonderfull shew of courage ; but when
they knew vs their friends, they kindly welcommed vs.
kTiT ™«i After, we came to a towne of the Massasoits ; but at Pakanoki
the King was not : towards night he arriued and was very
proud, both of our message and presents, making a great
oration to all his people.
Was not he Massasoit, Commander of the country
about him, was not such a towne his, and the people
of it, and 20. townes more he named was his ? and
should they not bring their skins to vs ?
To which they answered, they were his and they would.
Victual they had none, nor any lodging but a poore
planke or two, a foot high from the ground, whereon his
wife and he lay at the one end, we at the other, but a thin
Mat vpon them ; two more of his chiefe men pressed by
Saluages.
^'^/uiy^:] Lib. 6. Their voyage to Nawsit. 757
and vpon vs, so that we were worse weary of our lodging [1623]
then of our iourney.
Although there is such plenty of fish and fowle and wild
beasts, yet are they so lasie they will not take painesto catch
it till meere hunger constraine them ; for in two or three
daies we had scarce a meales meat, whereby we were so faint,
we were glad to be at home : besides what for the fleas, and
their howling and singing in the night in their houses, and
the Musketas without doores, our heads were as light for
want of sleepe, as our bellies empty for want of meat.
The next voiagewe made was in a Shallop with ten men to a voyage tc
Nawsit, sixteene miles from vs, to fetch a Boy [that] was lost aw" '
in the Woods we heard was there, whom A spinet their King
had bedecked like a saluage : but very kindly he brought
him to vs, and so returned well to Patuyet [i.e., Patuxet].
Mmediatly after the arriuall of the last ship, they 1621.
sent another of flue and fifty tuns to supply \p. *io.\
them ; with seuen and thirty persons they set
saile in the beginning of Iuly [1621], but being
crossed by westernly winds, it was the end of August ere
they could passe Plimoth, and arriued in New-England at
New-Plimoth, now so called, the 11. of Nouember: where
they found all the people they left so ill, lusty and well,
for all their pouerties, except six that died.
A moneth they stayed ere they returned to England, loaded
with Clap-boord, Wainscot and Wallnut, with about three
hogs-heads of Beuer skinnes, the 13. of December : and
drawing neere our coast was set on by a French man set
out by the Marquesse of Cera, Gouernour of He D[t]eu ;
where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and
company, tooke from them to the value of 500 pound : and
after 14. daies sent them home with a poore supply of
victuall, their owne being deuoured by the Marquesse and
his hungry seruants.
pw you are to vnderstand this 37. brought
nothing, but relied wholly on vs ; to make vs
more miserable then before : which the Sachem
Couanacus no sooner vnderstood, but [he] sent ^m739t
to Tusquantum our Interpreter, a bundle of new arrowes 747. 75*4-1
758 The treachery of Coubatant Lib. 6. [^fiJU
E. Winslow.
i6ai.
[1621] in a Snakesskinne. Tusquantumbeing absent, the Messenger
departed: but when we vnderstood it was a direct challenge,
we returned the skin full of powder and shot, with an
absolute defiance ; which caused vs [to] finish our fortifi-
cation with all expedition. Now betwixt our two Saluages,
Tusquantum and Hobbamock, grew such great emulation, we
had much adoe to know which best to trust.
In a iourney we vndertooke, in our way we met a
Saluage of Tusquantums, that had cut his face [235] fresh
bleeding, to assure vs Massasoyt our supposed friend, had
drawne his forces to Packanokick to assault vs. Hobo-
mak as confidently assured vs it was false, and sent his
wife as an espy to see ; but when she perceiued all was
well, shee told the King Massasoyt how Tusquantum had
abused him. Diuers Saluages also hee had caused to be-
leeue we would destroy them, but he would doe his best
to appease vs ; this he did onely to make his Country-
men beleeue what great power hee had with vs to get
bribes on both sides, to make peace or warre when he
would : and the more to possesse them with feare, he per-
swaded many, we had buried the plague in our store house ;
which wee could send when we listed whither wee would.
But at last all his knauery being discouered, Massasowat
sent his knife with Messengers for his head or him, being
his subiect. With much adoe, we appeased the angry King
and the rest of the Saluages, and freely forgaue Tusquantum;
because he speaking our language, we could not well be
without him.
A iourney to the Towne of Namaschet, in defence
of the King of Massasoyt, against the
Narrohigganses ; and the supposed
death of Squantum.
Great difference there was betwixt the Narro-
higganses and the Massasoytes, that had alwaies
a iealousie ; [and] Coubatant one of their petty
Sachems was too conuersant with the Narrohig-
ganses. This Coubatant liued much at Namaschet, and much
stormed at our peace with his King and others ; also at
Edl by/uiy^4:] LlB 6- and honesty of Hobamak. 759
Squantum, and Tokamahamon, and Hobomak our friends, D-621]
and chiefe occasioners of our peace, for which he sought
to mu[r]ther Hobomak, Yet Tokamahamon went tohim,vpon
a rumour he had taken Masasoyt prisoner, or forced him
from his Country; but the other two would not, but in priuat
to see if they could heare what was become of their King.
Lodging at Namaschet they were discouered to Coubatant,
who surprized the house and tooke Squantum ; saying, if
hee were dead the English had lost their tongue : Hobomak
seeing that, and [that] Coubatant held a knife at his
brest, being a strong lusty fellow, brake from them ; and
came to New-Plimoth, full of sorrow for Squantum, whom
he thought was slaine.
The next day, we sent ten men with him armed, to be t^t.
reuenged on Coubatant; who conducted vs neere Namaschet, lavages,
where we rested and refreshed our selues til midnight, and
then we beset the house as we had resolued. Those that
entred the house demanded for Coubatant, but the
Saluages were halfe dead with feare: we charged them not
to stirre, for we came to hurt none but Coubatant, for
killing Squantum. Some of them seeking to escape was
wounded ; but at last perceiuing our ends, they told vs
Coubatant was gone and all his men, and Squantum was
yet liuing, and in the towne. In this hurly burly we dis-
charged two peeces at randome, which much terrified all
the inhabitants except Squantum and Tokamahamon; who
though they knew not the end of our comming, yet as-
sured themselues of our honesties, that we would not hurt
them. The women and children hung about Hobomak,
calling him friend; and when they saw we would hurt no
women, the young youths cryed we are women. To be
short, we kept them all ; and whilest we were searching the
house for Coubatant, Hobomak had got to the top, and
called Squantum and Tokamahamon; which came vnto vs
accompanied with others, some armed, others naked.
Those that had bowes we tooke them from them, promising
them againe when it was day. The house wee tooke for
our quarter that night, and discharged the prisoners ; and
the next morning went to breakfast to Squantums house.
Thither came all them that loued vs to welcome vs, but
all Coubatants faction was fled. Then we made them
plainly know the cause of our comming, and if their King
760 [New England trials in 162 1 #^1622.] Lib. 6. [l6Juiyl6aa.
[1621-2] Massasoyt were not well, we would be reuenged vpon the
Narrohiggansets, or any that should doe iniury to Hobomak,
Squantum, or any of their friends. As for those [that] were
wounded we were sorry for it, and offered our Surgion
should heale them : of this offer a man and a woman
accepted, that went [236] home with vs, accompanied
with Squantum, and many other knowne friends, that
offered vs all the kindnesse they could.
t>. 361.] ^| \^£lf4 Rom the West of England there is gone ten
or twelue ships to fish, which were all well
fraughted ; those that came first at Bilbow,
made seuenteene pound a single share, besides
Beuers, Otters, and Martins skinnes: but some of the rest
that came to the same ports, that were all ready furnished, so
glutted the market, that the price was abated; yet all returned
so well contented, that they are a preparing to goe againe.
1622. There is gone from the West Countrey onely to fish,
fiue and thirtie ships : and about the last of Aprill [1622]
two more from London ; the one of one hundred tunnes, the
other of thirtie, with some sixtie Passengers to supply the
Plantation [i.e., Weston's men, see pp. 762, 764,892,942,946].
Now though the Turke and French hath beene somewhat
too busie in taking our ships, would all the Christian
Princes be truly at vnitie, as his Royall Maiestie our
Soueraigne King lames desireth, seuentie Saile of good
ships were sufficient to fire the most of his Coasts in the
[/. «6a.] Leuant, and make such a guard in the Straights of
Hellespont, as would make the great Turke himselfe more
affraid in Constantinople, then the smallest Red-Crosse that
crosses the Seas would be, either of any French Pickaroun,
or the Pirats of A Igere,
An abstract of dtuers Relations sent from the Colony
in New England, Iuly 16. 1622.
Notesand /^9w^nce ^e massacre m Virginia [on 22 Mar. 1622],
though the Indians continue their wonted friend-
ship, yet wee are more wary of them then before ;
for their hands hath beene imbrued in much
English bloud, onely by too much confidence, but not by
force: and we haue had small supplies of any thing but men.
tions.
M-*/ui??&5:] Lib. 6. [A digression by Captain Smith] 761
I Ere I must intreat a little your fauours todigresse, [1622]
they did not kill the English in Virginia, because
they were Christians : but for their weapons
and Copper, which were rare nouelties; but
now they feare we may beat them out of their dens, which
Lions and Tigers will not admit [of] but by force. But must
this be an argument for an English man, and discourage any
in Virginia or New England : No, for I haue tried them
both, as you may reade at large in the Historie of Virginia ;
notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honourable IA a63-i
Company hath beene humble suiters to his Maiestie, to
get vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither ; nay,
so the businesse hath beene so abused, that so much
scorned was the name of Virginia, some did chuse to be
hanged ere they would goe thither, and were. Yet for all
the worst of spight, detraction, and discouragement, and this
lamentable massacre, there is more honest men now [1622]
suiters to goe, then euer hath beene constrained knaues.
And it is not vnknowne to most men of vnderstanding, now
happy many of those Collumners hath thought themselues
that they might be admitted ; and yet pay for their passage
to goe now to Virginia, and I feare mee there goeth too many
of those that hath shifted heere till they could no longer ;
and they will vse that qualitie there till they hazard all.
To range this Countrey of New England in like manner, \p. 264.]
I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruit con-
ditions, I met many of their silly encounters, and I giue to»- i8s.
God thankes, without any hurt at all to me, or any with 6g8, 7I9<1
mee. When your West-Countrey men were so wounded and
tormented with the Saluages [p. 701J : though they had all
the Politicke directions that had beene gathered from all the
secret informations [that] could be heard of; yet they found
little, and returned with nothing. I speak not this out of vaine-
glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some who were neuer
there may censure me ; but to let all men be assured by those
examples, what those Saluages are, that thus strangely doe
murder and betray our Countrymen. But to the purpose.
He Paragon with thirtie seuen men sent to releeue \#. 964,
them, miscarried twice vpon [237] our English ?66, 94,°
Coast, whereby they failed of their supplies. It
is true, there hath beene taken one thousand
762
How the Saluages contriue
Lib. 6. [,E-
10 Sept. 1623.
[1622]
They liued
two yeeres
without
supply.
Bas[s]es at a draught ; and in one night twelue Hogsheads
of Herrings : but when they wanted all necessaries both
for fishing and sustinance but what they could get with
their naked industry, they indured most extreme wants ;
hauing beene now neere two yeeres without any supply to
any purpose, it is a wonder how they should subsist, much
lesse so to resist the Saluages, fortifie themselues, plant
sixtie acres of Come, besides their Gardens that were well
replenished with many vsuall fruits.
Westons
Plantation
[/• 764-]
Ut in the beginning of Iuly [1622], came in two
ships of Master Westons; though we much wanted
our selues, yet we releeued them what we could :
and to requite vs, they destroied our Corne and
Fruits then planted, and did what they could to haue
done the like to vs. At last they were transported to
Wichaguscusset at the Massachusets, where they abused the
Saluages worse then vs.
We hauing neither Trade, nor scarce any thing remain-
ing, God sent in one Master I ones, and a ship of Westons
[that] had beene at Monahigan amongst the Fisher-men,
that for Beuer skinnes and such Merchandize as wee had,
very well refreshed vs, though at deere rates. Weston left
also his men a small Barke, and much good prouision ;
and so set saile for England. Then wee ioyned with them
to trade to the Southward of Cape Cod, twice or thrice
wee were forced to returne ; first by the death of their
Gouernor ; then the sicknesse of Captaine Standish. At
last our Gouernor, Master Bradford, vndertooke it him-
selfe to haue found the passage betwixt the Shoules and
The death of the Maine. Then Tusquantum our Pilot died, so that we
returned to the Massachusets, where we found the trade
spoiled ; and nothing but complaints betwixt the Saluages
and the English. At Nawset we were kindly vsed and had
good trade : though we lost our Barge, the Saluages care-
fully kept both her wracke, and some ten Ho[g]sheads of
Corne three moneths ; and so we returned some by land,
some in the ship.
Captaine Standish being recouered, went to fetch them
both, and traded at Namasket and Monomete, where the
Tusquan-
Ed' *&?$%] Lib. 6. to murder all the English. 763
people had the plague, a place much frequented with [1623]
Dutch and French. Here the Sachem put a man to death £*^*£"s
for killing his fellow at play ; wherein they are so violent, death
they will play their coats from their backs, and also their InSShto
wiues, though many miles from them. Sugo
But our prouision decaying, Standish is sent to Malta- dweiiwith
chist, where they pretended their wonted loue ; yet it plainly mens cfod,
appeared they intended to kill him. Escaping thence, wee wL'a'good
went to Monomete, where we found nothing but bad counten- Gl-
ances. Heare one Wittuwamat a notable villaine, would
boast how many French and English hee had slaine. This
Champion presenting a Dagger to the Sachem Canacum, he
had got from the English, occasioned vsto vnderstand how
they had contriued to murder all the English in the Land; The^
but hauing such a faire opportunitie, they would begin heere mu^Vu
with vs. Their scornfull vsage made the Captaine so pas- the English,
sionate, to appease his anger and choler their intent made
many faire excuses for satisfaction. Scar a lusty Saluage,
alwaies seeming the most to effect vs, bestowed on vs the
best presents he had without anyrecompence, saying; Hee
was rich enough to bestow such fauours on his friends : yet
had [he] vndertaken to kill the Captaine himselfe, but our
vigilencies so preuented the aduantage they expected, we
safely returned, little suspecting in him any such treachery.
During this time, a Dutch ship was driuen a shore at Thesis
Massasowat, whose King lay very sicke. Now because it is SI Mas-
a generall custome then for all their friends to visit them : sasowa*'
Master Window, and Master Hamden, with Habamok for
their guide, were sent with such Cordialls as they had, to
salute him. By the way they so oft heard the King was
dead, Habamok would breake forth in those words.
My louing Sachem, my louing Sachem, many haue I
knowne, but neuer any like thee, nor shall euer see
the like amongst the Saluages ; for he was no Her, nor
bloudy and cruell like other Indians ; in anger soone
reclaimed, he would be ruled by reason, not scorning
the aduice of meane men, and gouerned his men better
with a few strokes, then others with many : truly
louing where he loued, yea he feared wee [238] had
not a faithfull friend left amongst all his Countrey-men.
Shewing how oft he had restrained their malice, much
764
The valour and courage Lib. 6. [^'s^510'
1693.
1623]
His cure by
the English.
The King*
thankful-
nesse.
A bad
example.
more, with much passion, he spoke to this purpose, till at
last we arriued, where we found the Dutchmen but newly
gone, and the house so full we could hardly get in. By
their charmes they distempered vs that were well, much
more him that was sicke ; women rubbing him to keepe
heat in him : but their charmes ended, vnderstanding of
vs, though he had lost his sight, his vnderstanding failed
not ; but taking Winslow by the hand, said, Art thou
Winslow, Oh Winslow, I shall neuer see thee againe !
Hobamock telling him what restauratiues they had
brought, he desired to taste them. With much adoe they
got a little Confexion of many comfortable Conserues into
his mouth ; as it desolued he swallowed it ; then desoluing
more of it in water, they scraped his tongue, which was
al furred and swolne, and washed his mouth, and then
gaue him more of it to eat, and in his drinke, that
wrought such an alteration in him in two or three houres,
his eies opened to our great contents. With this and such
brothes as they there prouided for him, it pleased God
he recouered : and thus the manner of his sicknesse and
cure caused no small admiration amongst them.
During the time of their stay to see his recouery, they
had sent to New Plimoth for diuers good things for him ;
which he tooke so kindly, that he fully reuealed all the
former conspiracies against vs, to which he had oft beene
moued : and how that all the people of Powmet, Nawset,
Succonet, Mattachist, Manamet, Augawam, and Capawac,
were ioyned to murder vs ; therefore as we respected our
Hues, kill them of Massachuset that were the authors ; for
take away the principals and the plot wil cease.
Thus taking our leaues, and arriuing at our fort, we
found our braue liberall friend of Pa[w]met drawing Standish
to their Ambuscados ; which being thus discouered, we
sent him away, as though he knew nor suspected any thing.
Them [Weston* s Englishmen, pp. 760, 762] at the
Massachusets, some were so vilde they serued the Saluages
for victuall : the rest sent vs word the Saluages were so
insolent, they would assault them though against theii
Commission ; so fearefull they were to breake their Com-
mission, so much time was spent in consultations, they
all were famished, till Wassapincwat againe came and told
them the day of their execution was at hand.
■""Vu,!^:] Lib. 6
of Captaine Standish.
765
Then they {the Pilgrim Fathers] appointed Standish with
eight chosen men, vnder colour of Trade, to catch them in
their owne trap at Massachuset, and acquaint it with the
English in the Towne : where arriuing he found none in
the Barke, and most of the rest without Armes, or scarce
clothes, wandering abroad, all so sencelesly secure, he
more then wondered they were not all slaine. With much
adoe he got the most of them to their Towne.
The Saluages suspecting their plots discouered, Pecksnot
a great man, and of as great a spirit, came to Habamak, who
was then amongst them, saying; Te\\ Standish we know he
is come to kill vs, but let him begin when he dare. Not long
after many would come to the Fort and whet their Kniues
before him, with many brauing speeches. One amongst the
rest was by Wittawamat bragging he had a Knife, that on
the handle had the picture of a womans face ; but at home
I haue one [that] hath killed both French and English, and
that hath a mans face on it ; and by and by these two must
marrie : but this here, by and by shall see, and by and by
eat, but not speake. Also Pecksnot being of a greater stature
then the Captaine, told him, though he were a great
Captaine he was but a little man ; and I though no Sachem,
yet I am of great strength and courage.
These things Standish bare patiently for the present ;
but the next day seeing he could not get many of them
together, but these two Roarers and two more ; being in a
conuenient roome, and his company about him, Standish
seased on Pecksnots Knife then hanging about his necke,
wherewith he slewhim,and the rest slew Wittuwamat and the
other Saluage : but the youth they tooke, who being Brother
to Wittuwamat, and as villanous as himselfe, was hanged.
It is incredible how many wounds they indured, catching at
their weapons without any feare or bruit, till the last gasp.
Habamack stood by all this time very silent, but all ended, he
said, Yesterday Pecksnot bragged of his strength and stature,
but I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground. [239]
The Towne he left to the guard of Westons people :
three Saluages more were slaine ; vpon which rumour
they all fled from their houses.
The next day, they met with a file of Saluages that let
fly their Arrowes, shot for shot, till Hobamack shewed
[1623]
Captaine
Standish
sent to sup
presse the
Saluages.
Two
desperate
Saluages
slaine.
The
Saluages
ouer-
commed.
766 A wonderfull blessing, Lib. 6. [ Js™n^*;
[1623] himselfe, and then they fled. For all this, a Saluage Boy
to shew his innocency, came boldly vnto vs and told vs :
Had the English Fugitiues [Weston* s men] but finished the
three Canowes they were a making, to haue taken the
ship, they would haue done as much to all the English ;
which was onely the cause they had forborne so long.
But now consulting and considering their estates, those
that [chose] went in the Pinnace to Barty lies to get
passage for England ; the rest to New Plimoth, where they
were kindly entertained. The Sachem Obtakeest, and Powas,
and diuers other [that] were guilty, the three fugitiues in
their fury there slew : but not long after so distracted
were those poore scattered people, they left their habi-
tations, liuing in swamps; where with cold and infinite
diseases they endured much mortalitie, suing for peace, and
crying the God of England is angry with them. Thus you
see where God pleases, as some flourish, others perish.
1623. Now on all hands they prepare their ground, and about
drought!"16 tne niiddest of Aprill [1623], in a faire season they begin to
la 94aj plant till the latter end of May; but so God pleased, that in
six weekes after the latter setting there scarcefell any raine ;
so that the stalke [that] was first set, began to eare ere it
came to halfe growth, and the last not like[ly] to yeeld any-
thing at all. Our Beanes also seemed so withered, we
iudged all vtterly dead, that now all our hopes were ouer-
throwne, and our ioy turned into mourning. And more to
^x!?4' 76*' our sorrow, we heard of the twice returne of the Paragon,
that now the third time was sent vs three moneths agoe, but
no newes of her: onely the signes of a wracke we saw on the
Coast, which wee iudged [to be] her. This caused not [only]
euery of vs to enter into a priuate consideration betwixt God
and our consciences; but most solemnly to humble our
selues before the Lord by fasting and praying, to releeue
our deiected spirits by the comforts of his mercy. In the
morning when wee assembled all together, the skies were
a wonderfuii as cleere, and the drought as like to continue as euer; yet
Sipenofand our exercise continued eight or nine houres. Before our
God'*iou«. departure, the skies were all ouer-cast, and on the next
morning distilled such soft, sweet, moderate showers,
continuing foureteene daies, mixed with such seasonable
weather, as it was hard tc say, whether our withered
"*" ^jJnfTJ*'.] Lib. 6. and signe of God's loue. 767
Come, or drooping affections were most quickned and [1623]
reuiued ; such was the bounty and mercy of God.
Of this thelndians by the meanes of Hobamock tooke notice,
who seeing vs vse this exercise in the midst of the weeke,
said ; It was but three daies since Sunday, and desired to
know the reason : which when hee vnderstood, he and all
of them admired the goodnesse of God towards vs, shewing
the difference betwixt their coniurations and our praiers,
and what stormes and dangers they oft receiue thereby.
To expresse our thankfulnesse, we assembled together
another day, as before; and either the next morning,
or not long after, came in two ships to supply vs; and
all their Passengers well except one, and he presently
recouered. For vs, notwithstanding all these wants, there
was not a sicke person amongst vs.
The greater ship we returned fraught ; the other wee sent
to the Southward, to trade vnder the command of Captaine
Altom. So that God be thanked, we desire nothing but
what we will returne Commodities to the value.
Thus all men finde our great God he,
That neuer wanted nature,
To teach his truth, that onely he
Of euery thing is Author.
For this yeere [1623], from England is gone about fortie gjfygjj
saile of ships, only to fish ; and, as I am informed, haue
made a farre better voyage then euer.
ow some new great obseruers will haue this [to
bej an Hand, because I haue writ it is [240] the r/. 933-1
Continent: others report, that the people are
so bruit, they haue no religion, wherein surely
they are deceiued ; for my part, I neuer heard of any
Nation in the world which had not a Religion, deare,
bowes and arrowes. They beleeue as doe the Virginians, Si?Jion.
of many diuine powers, yet of one aboue all the rest, as &>- 939-1
the Southerne Virginians call their chiefe God Kewassa
[p. 321], and that wee now inhabit Oke [p. 75], but both, their
Kings, Werowance. The Massachusets call their great God
Kiehtan, and their Kings there abouts Sachems : The Penob-
scoteSj their greatest power Tantum, and their Kings Sagomos.
768 The Indians Gouemment and Religion. Lib. 6. [^pi^Si
[1623] Those where is this Plantation [New Plymouth], say
Kiehtan made all the other Gods : also one man and one
woman, and of them all mankinde, but how they became so
dispersed they know not. They say, at first there was no
King but Kiehtan that dwelleth farre westerly aboue the
heauens, whither all good men goe when they die, and
haue plentie of all things. The bad men goe thither also
and knocke at the doore ; but he bids them goe wander in
endlesse want and miserie, for they shall not stay there.
They neuer saw Kiehtan, but they hold it a great charge
and dutie, that one age teach another ; and to him they
make feasts, and cry and sing for plentie and victorie, or
any thing [that] is good.
They haue another Power they call Hobatnock, which
wee conceiue the Deuill, and vpon him they call to cure
their wounds and diseases : when they are curable he
perswades them he sent them, because they haue displeased
him ; but if they be mortall, then he saith, Kiehtan sent
them, which makes them neuer call on him in their
sicknesse. They say this Hobamock appeares to them
somtimes like a Man, a Deere, or an Eagle, but most
commonly like a Snake; not to all, but only to their Powahs
to cure diseases, and Vndeses, which is one of the chiefe
next the King, and so bold in the warres, that they thinke
no weapon can kill them : and those are such as coniure
in Virginia, and cause the people to doe what they list.
Their For their Gouernment : euery Sachem is not a King,
Geuernment. kut ^gjj. great Sachems haue diuers Sachems vnder their
protection, paying them tribute, and [who] dare make no
warres without his knowledge ; but euery Sachem taketh
care for the Widowes, Orphans, the aged and maimed,
nor will they take any to first wife, but them in birth
equall to themselues (although they haue many inferior
Wiues and Concubins that attend on the principall), from
whom he neuer parteth, but any of the rest when they list.
They inherit by succession, and euery one knowes their
owne bounds. To his men, hee giueth them land, also
bounded : and what Deere they kill in that circuit, he
hath the fore-part ; but if in the water, onely the skin.
But they account none a man, till hee hath done some
notable exploit : the men are most imploied in hunting,
Ed-byjuiyT<524.] Lib. 6. Obiections, Answers and Considerations. 769
the women in slauery ; the younger obey the elders :
their names are variable : they haue harlots and honest
women ; the harlots neuer marrie, or else are widowes.
They vse diuorcement, and the King commonly punisheth
all offenders himselfe : when a maid is maried, she cutteth
her haire, and keepes her head couered till it be growne
againe. Their arts, games, musicke, attire, burials, and
such like, differ very little from the Virginians, onely for
their Chronicles they make holes in the ground, as the
others set vp great stones.
Out of the Relations of Master Edward Wins low.
[1623]
Ow I know the common question is, For An answer
all those miseries, where is the wealth objections,
they haue got, or the Gold or Siluer
Mines ? To such greedy vnworthy
minds I say once againe : The Sea is
better then the richest Mine knowne,
and of all the fishing ships that went
well prouided, there is no complaint of
losse nor misery, but rather an admiration of wealth, profit,
and health. As for the land were it neuer so good, in two c#. 926,
yeeres [1621-1623] so few, of such small experience, liuing 942']
without supplies so well, and in health, it was an extra-
ordinary blessing from God. But that with such small
meanes they should subsist, and doe so much, to any vnder-
standing judgement is a wonder. Notwithstanding, the
vaine expectation of present gaine in some ; ambition in
others, that to be great would haue all else slaues ; and
the carelesnesse in prouiding supplies, hath caused those
defailements in all those Plantations : and how euer some
bad conditions will extoll the [241] actions of any Nation
but their owne ; yet if we may giue credit to the Spaniards,
Portugals, and French writings, they indured as many
miseries, and yet not in twenty yeeres effected so much,
nay scarce in fortie.
Thus you may see plainly the yeerely successe from r/.a^.j
New England by Virginia, which hath beene so costly to
this Kingdome, and so deare to me ; which either to see
49
770 Obiections, Answers and Considerations. Lib. 6. r^fSS!
Ljuly 1624.
[1622-4] perish, or but bleed ; Pardon me though it passionate me
beyond the bounds of modesty, to haue beene sufficiently
able to fore-see their miseries, and had neither power nor
meanes to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with
them, I call them my children ; for they haue beene my
Wife, my Hawks, Hounds, my Cards, my Dice, and in
totall, my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my
left hand [is] to my right. And notwithstanding, all those
„ miracles of disasters [that] haue crossed both them and me,
fcJueTa"'* yet were there not an Englishman remaining (as God be
imendVd thanked notwithstanding the massacre there are some
£tt£fromr's thousands), I would yet begin againe with as small meanes
Virginia, as I did at first; not that I haue any secret encouragement
Dec.di6io, (I protest) more then lamentable experience : for all their
PtHSbu- discoueries I haue yet heard of, are but Pigs of my owne
£hfchi!dTn ^ow' nor more strange to me, then to heare one tell me
hnPiitrimt, hee hath gone from Billingsgate and discouered Grauesend,
XE'f.\llti Tilbury, Quinborow, Lee, and Margit, which to those [that]
t>A 217, 358, did neuer heare of them, though they dwell in England,
•*s.54^733'. might bee made some rare secrets and great Countries
747,770.] vn£nowne; except some few Relations of Master Dinner
The In England, some are held great trauellers that haue seene
voy^to Venice, and Rome, Madrill, Toledo, Siuill, Algere, Prague, or
VhSnia Ragonsa, Constantinople, or Ierusalem, and the Piramides of
o/av^T Egypt ; that thinke it nothing to goe to Summer lies, or
Eng ' Virginia, which is as far as any of them ; and I hope in time
will proue a more profitable and a more laudable iourney :
as for the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen
account it nothing now to goe thither ; and therefore I
(>. a66.] hope all good men will better apprehend it, and not suffer
them to languish in despaire, whom God so wonderfully
and oft hath preserued.
What here I haue writ by Relation, if it be not right I
humbly intreat your pardons ; but I haue not spared any
diligence to learne the truth of them that haue beene
actors, or sharers in those voyages. In some particulars
they might deceiue mee, but in the substance they could
not : for few could tell me anything, except where they
fished. But seeing all those [that] haue liued there, doe
confirme more then I haue writ, I doubt not but all those
testimonies with these new begun examples of Plantation,
dctSi622."l Lib. 6. Obiec lions, Answers and Considerations. 771
July 1624. J
will moue both Citie and Country, freely to aduenture with [1622-4]
me more then promises.
But because some Fortune-tellers say, I am vnfortunate ; The
had they spent their time as I haue done, they would against me.
rather beleeue in God then their calculations, and perad-
uenture haue giuen as bad an account of their actions;
and therefore I intreat leaue to answer those obiecters,
that thinke it strange, if this be true, I haue made no
more vse of it, rest so long without imploiment, nor haue
no more reward nor preferment. To which I say ;
I thinke it more strange they should tax me, before they My answer.
haue tried as much as I haue, both by land and sea, as
well in Asia and Africa, as Europe and America ; where
my Commanders were actors or spectators, they alwaies
so freely rewarded me, I neuer needed [to] bee importunate,
[n]or could I euer learne to beg. What there I got, I haue
spent ; yet in Virginia I staied, till I left fiue hundred
behinde me better prouided then euer I was; from which r/>.243.]
blessed Virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habi-
tation of Summer lies.
This Virgins Sister, now called New England, at my v. 267.)
humble sute, by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath, beene [/. 232.]
neere as chargeable to me and my friends : for all which,
although I neuer got shilling but it cost mee a pound, yet
I would thinke my selfe happy could I see their prosperities.
But if it yet trouble a multitude to proceed vpon these Consider.
certainties, what thinke you I vndertooke when nothing tlons*
was knowne but that there was a vast land? I [242]
neuer had power and meanes to doe any thing, though
more hath beene spent in formall delaies then would haue
done the businesse; but in such a penurious and miserable
manner, as if I had gone a begging to build an Vniuersitie:
where had men beene as forward to aduenture their purses,
and performe the conditions they promised mee, as to crop
the fruits of my labours, thousands ere this had beene
bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the spur of
desire and the bridle of reason, I am neere ridden to
death in a ring of despaire ; the reines are in your hands,
therefore I intreat you [to] ease me, and those that thinke
I am either idle or vnfortunate, may see the cause and
know : vnlesse I did see better dealing, I haue had warn-
772 The order, charge and Lib. 6. r(LsT6«.
Ljuue 1624.
[1622-4] ing enough not to be so forward againe at euery motion
vpon their promises, vnlesse I intended nothing but to
carie newes ; for now they dare aduenture a ship, that
when I went first would not aduenture a groat, so they
may be at home againe by Michaelmas : which makes me
remember and say with Master Hackluit ; Oh incredulitie
the wit of fooles, that slouingly doe spit at all things faire,
a sluggards Cradle, a Cowards Castle, how easie it is to
be an Infidell. But to the matter.
By this all men may perceiue, the ordinary performance
of this voyage in flue or six moneths, the plentie of fish is
most certainly approued ; and it is certaine, from Cannada
and New England, within these sixyeeres [1615-1620] hath
come neere twenty thousand Beuer skinnes. Now had
each of these ships transported but some small quantitie
of the most increasing Beasts, Fowles, Fruits, Plants,
and Seeds, as I proiected ; by this time their increase
might haue beene sufficient for more then one thousand
men: But the desire of present gaine (in many) is so
violent, and the endeuours of many vndertakers so
negligent, euery one so regarding their priuate gaine, that
l#.a44,«68.] it is hard to effect any publike good, and impossible to
bring them into a body, rule, or order ; vnlesse both
honesty, as well as authoritie and money, assist expe-
rience. But your home-bred ingrossing Proiectors will
at last finde, there is a great difference betwixt saying
and doing, or those that thinks their directions can be as
soone and easily performed, as they can conceit them ; or
that their conceits are the fittest things to bee put in
practise, or [that] their countenances maintaine Plantations.
But to conclude, the fishing will goe forward whether you
plant it or no ; whereby a Colony may be then transported
with no great charge, that in short time might prouide such
fraughts, to buy on vs their dwelling, as I would hope no
ship should goe or come emptie from New England.
The charge. The charge of this is onely Salt, Nets, Hookes, Lines,
Kniues, Irish-rugges, course cloth, Beads, Glasse, and
such trash, onely for fishing and trade with the Saluages,
besides our owne necessarie prouisions ; whose endeuours
would quickly defray all this charge, and the Saluages did
[/. 73a.] intreat me to inhabit where I would.
Jc'tfTe*:"! Lib. 6. gaines to be expected. 773
June 1624. J
Now all those ships till these last two yeeres[7.0., till 1621], [1615-23]
hauebeene fishing within a square of two or three leagues, and
scarce any one yet will goe any further in the Port they fish
in, where questionlesse fiue hundred may haue their fraught
as well as elsewhere, and be in the market ere others can
haue the fish in their ships : because New Englands fishing
begins in February, in Newfoundland not till the midst of
May ; the progression hereof tends much to the aduance-
ment of Virginia and Summer lies, whose empty ships may
take in their fraughts there ; and would be also in time of
need a good friend to the Inhabitants of Newfoundland.
The returnes made by the Westernemen, are commonly Theorderof
diuided in three parts ; one for the owner of the ship ; menWesterne
another for the Master and his Company ; the third for [p 801.]
the victualers: which course being still permitted, will be
no hinderance to the Plantation as yet goe there neuer so
many, but a meanes of transporting that yeerely for little or
nothing, which otherwise wil cost many hundreds of pounds.
If a ship can gaine twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred ; The gaines.
nay three hundred for one hundred in seuen or ten moneths;
as you see they haue done, spending twice so much
time in comming and going as in staying there: were [//. 245,269]
I there planted, seeing the variety of the fishings serue
the most part of the yeere, and with a little labour we
might make all the Salt we need vse, as is formerly
said, and can [243] conceiue no reason to distrust of good
successe by Gods assistance ; besides for the building of
ships, no place hath more conuenient Harbours, ebbe nor
floud, nor better timber; and no Commoditie in Europe
doth more decay then wood.
Master Dee his opinion for the building of ships.
^ Aster Dee recordeth in his Brittish Monarchy, Theeffects
* that King Edgar had a Nauy of foure thousand ° s ipping
saile, with which he yeerely made his progresse,
about this famous Monarchy of Great Britaine,
largely declaring the benefit thereof; whereupon hee pro-
iected to our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the
erecting of a Fleet of sixty Saile, he called a little Nauy
774 How to build a fleet, Lib. 6. p-jjj
[1620-4] Royall : imitating that admired Pericles Prince of Athens,
that could neuer secure that tormented estate, vntill he
was Lord and Captaine of the Sea.
At this none need wonder, for who knowes not her
Royall Maiestie during her life, by the incredible aduentures
of her Royall Nauy, and valiant Souldiers and Sea-men,
notwithstanding all treacheries at home, the protecting and
defending [of] France and Holland, and reconquering Ireland;
yet all the world by Sea and Land, both feared or loued,
and admired good Queene Elizabeth,
Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour
(God be thanked) to her incomparable Successor, our most
Royall Lord and Soueraigne King lames, this great Philo-
sopher hath left this to his Maiestie and his Kingdomes
consideration.
That if the tenths of the earth be proper to God, it is
also due by Sea. The Kings high waies are common to
passe, but not to dig for Mines or any thing. So Englands
Coasts are free to passe but not to fish, but by his Maiesties
Prerogatiue.
Sd^ojr6* His Maiesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes
the East order, for the East and West Indies but by his permission,
indies"1 or at their perils ; if all that world be so iustly theirs, it is
[/»/. 246,270.] no iniustice for England to make as much vse of her owne
shores as strangers doe, that pay to their owne Lords the
tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any thing to
speake of, whose subiects may neither take nor sell any in
their Teritories: which small tribute would maintaine this
little Nauy Royall, and not cost his Maiesty a peny, and yet
maintaine peace with all Forrainers, and allow them more
courtesie then any Nation in the world affords to England.
It were ashame to alleage, that Holland is more worthy
to enioy our fishing as Lords thereof, because they haue
more skill to handle it then we, as they can our wooll and
vndressed Cloth, notwithstanding all their warres and
troublesome disorders.
2on*ey°to:et T° Set rnoney to build this Nauy, he saith, who would
build this not spare the one hundreth penny of his rents, and the hue
htue Nauy. nun(jreth penny of his goods ; each seruant that taketh
forty shillings wages, foure pence ; and euery forrainer of
seuen yeeres of age foure pence, for seuen yeeres ; not any
&c?mi62;.l Lib. 6. to make a little Nauy royall. 775
July 1624. J
of these but they will spend three times so much in pride, [1620-4]
wantonnesse, or some superfluitie. And doe any men loue
the securitie of their estates, that of themselues would not
bee humble su[i]ters to his Maiesty to doe this of free will as
a voluntary beneuolence, or but the one halfe of this (or
some such other course as I haue pro[po]unded to diuers of
the Companies) free from any constraint, tax, lottery, or
imposition ; so it may be as honestly and truly imploied,
as it is proiected, the poorest Mechanicke in this Kingdom
would gaine by it.
Hen you might build ships of any proportion and
numbers you please, fiue times cheaper then you
can doe here, and haue good merchandize for their
fraught in this vnknowne Land, to the aduance-
ment of Gods glory, his Church and Gospel ; and the
strengthning and releefe of a great part of Christendome
without hurt to any; to the terror of Pirats, the amazement of
enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing [of] Merchants, V- 247-i
and so much increase of Nauigation, to make Englands trade
and shipping as much as any Nations in the world : besides
a hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all true
subiects, and would cause thousands yet vnborne to blesse ca»7i.]
the time, and all them that first put it in practise. [244]
Now lest it should be obscured as it hath beene to Contention
priuat ends, or so weakely vndertaken by our ouerweening J«.rw*
incredulity, that strangers may possesse it whilest we IS^ood01
contend for New-Englands goods, but not Englands good ;
I haue presented it [i.e., New-Englands trials] as I haue said, [//.247, 266
to the Prince and Nobility, the Gentry and Commonalty, 748, 94I']
hoping at last it will moue the whole land to know it
and consider of it ; since I can finde them wood and halfe
victuall, with the foresaid aduantages : were this Country
planted, with what facility they may build and maintaine
this little Nauy Royall, both with honour, profit and
content, and inhabit as good a Country as any in the
world within that paralell : which with my life and what I
haue, I will endeuour to effect, if God please and you permit.
But no man will goe from hence to haue lesse freedome
there then here, nor aduenture all they haue to prepare the
way for them will scarce thanke them for it ; and it % too
7 7 6 [That most generous Prince Sigismundus.] Lib. 6. [jiiy8^
[1620-4] well knowne there haue beene so many vndertakers of
Patents, and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse
discouragement then wonder, to heare such great promises
and so little performance ; in the Interim, you see the French
and Dutch already frequent it, and God forbid they in
Virginia, or any of his Maiesties subiects, should not haue
as free liberty as they. To conclude, were it not for Master
Cherley and a few priuate aduenturers with them, what haue
we there, for all these inducements ?
The As for them whom pride or couetousnesse lulleth asleepe
Cf^rSn in a Cradle of slothfull carelesnesse, would they but con-
power. sider how all the great Monarchies of the earth haue beene
brought to confusion, or but remember the late lamentable
experiences of Constantinople, and how many Cities, Townes
and Prouinces in the faire rich Kingdoms of Hungaria,
Transiluania, Wallachia and Moldauia, and how many
thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Merchants,
and others haue in one day lost goods, Hues and honours,
or sold for slaues like beasts in a market place; their wiues,
children and seruants slaine, or wandring they knew not
[/.a7a.] whither, dying or liuing in all extremities of extreme
miseries and calamities: surely they would not onely doe
this, but giue all they haue to enioy peace and liberty at
home, or but aduenture their persons abroad to preuent
the conclusions of a conquering Foe, who commonly
assaulteth and best preuaileth where he findeth wealth
and plenty most armed with ignorance and security.
Though the true condition of warre is onely to suppresse
the proud and defend the innocent, as did that most
generous Prince Sigismundus, Prince of those Countries,
against them whom vnder the colour of iustice and piety,
to maintaine their superfluity of ambitious pride, thought
all the world too little to maintaine their vice ; and vndoe
them, or keepe them from ability to doe any thing, that
would not admire and adore their honours, fortunes,
couetousnesse, falshood, bribery, cruelty, extortion, and
ingratitude: which is worse then cowardize or ignorance,
and all manner of vildnesse, cleane contrary to all honour,
vertue, and noblenesse.
Iohn Smith writ this with his owne hand.
T^he Observations &c. of Captaine
Richard Whitbourne.
Ere follow certaine notes and obseruations
of Captaine Charles [or rather Richard]
Whitbourne concerning New-found land :
which although euery master trained vp
in fishing, can make their proportions of
necessaries according to their custome,
yet it is not much amisse here to insert
them, that euery one which desires the
good of those actions [may] know them also.
Besides in his Booke intituled, A discouery of New-found
land, and the commodities thereof you shall finde many
excellent good aduertisements for a Plantation ; and how
that most yeeres this Coast hath beene frequented with
250. saile of his Maiesties subiects, which supposing but
60. tunnes a peece, one with another, they amount to
15000. tunnes ; and allowing 25. men and boies to euery
Barke, they will make 5000. persons, whose labours returne
yeerely to about 135000. pound sterling : besides the great
numbers of Brewers, Bakers, Coupers, Ship-Carpenters,
Net-makers, Rope-makers, Hooke-makers, and the most
of all other mec[h]anicall trades in England. [245]
[1622]
77& The charge of setting forth a Ship. Lib. 6. [R ^fX':
The charge of setting forth a ship of ioo. tuns
with 40. persons, both to make a fishing voyage,
and increase the Plantation.
[1622] ^prNprimis, 10000. [or rather 11000] l„ #♦ &♦
©2Juj$ weight of Bisket at 15. s. a 100.
weight [i.e., ii2lbs.]
26 Tun of Beere and Sider at 53. s. 4. J. a Tun.
2 Hogsheads of English Beefe.
2 Hogsheads of Irish Beefe.
10 F#£ flogs sa/tei with Salt, and Caske.
30 Bushels of Pease.
2 Ferkins of Butter.
200 Waight [= 224IDS.] of Cheese.
1 Bushell of Mustard-seed.
SccuraJe i Hogshead of Vinegar.
TRVTivhil Wood to dresse meat withall.
t° e7fi's I ^r^ Copper Kettle.
tffi ^ 2 Swfl// Kettles.
2 Frying-Pans.
Platters, Ladles and Cans,
a paire of Bellowes for the Cooke.
Taps, Boriers and Funnels.
Locks for the Bread roomes.
100 weight [= H2lbs.] of Candles.
130 quarters of Salt at 2. s. the Bushell
Mats and dinnage to lie vnder it.
Salt Shouels.
Particidars for the 40. persons to keepe 8.
fishing boats at Sea, with 3. men in euery
boat, imploies 24. ; and 500. foot of Eltne
boords of an inch thicke, 8. s. each one.
2000 Nailcs for the 8. Boats, at 13. s. \d. a
1000.
4000 Nailes at 6. s. 8. d. [a] 1000.
2000 Nailes at 5. d. [a] 100.
500 weight [= 56olbs.] of pitch at 8.s. 100.
2000 of good orlop nailes.
More for other small necessaries. 3.
82.
10.
69.
7.
10.
5.
10.
10.
6.
3.
2.
10.
6.
1.
5-
1.
2.
2.
3.
1.
2.
2.
2.
2.
10.
104.
2.
10.
10.
1.
6.
8.
1.
6.
8.
8.
2.
2.
5-
Ed. by J. Smith.! T TR (L
July 1624.J ^IB- °«
The charge of setting forth a Ship, 779
I
10.
1. 6.
2.
13.
12.
1.
1.
10.
1,
3-
18.
10.
6.
6.
5-
15.
6.
10.
6.
5.
16.
10.
10.
6.
10.
[1622]
A barrell of Tar.
200 weight [=224-lbs.] of black Ocome.
Thrums for pitch Maps.
Bolls, Buckets and Pumps. 1.
2 brazen Crocks. 2.
Canuas to make Boat sailes and small ropes,
at 25. s. for each saile, 12. 10.
10 rode Ropes which containe 600. weight
[ = 672lbs.] at 30. s. the 100. 10.
12 dozen of fishing lines. 6.
24 dozen of fishing hookes. 2.
for Squid line.
For Pots and liuer maunds.
Ironworks for the boats ruthers.
10 Kipnet Irons
Twine to make kipnets and gagging hooks.
10 good Nets at 26. s. a net.
2 Saynes, a great and a lesse.
200 weight [ = 224lbs.] of Sow -lead.
2 couple of ropes for the Saynes.
Dry-fats to keepe them in.
Twine for store.
Flaskets and bread Baskets.
For haire cloth.
3. Tuns of vinegar caske, for water.
1 douzen of Deale Bourds.
2 Barrels of Oalmeale. 1.
100 weight [ = 112 lbs.] of Spikes. 2.
2 good Axes, 4. hand Hatchets, 4 Drawers,
2. drawing Irons.
3 yards of wollen cloth for cuffs.
8 yards of good Canuasse.
A Grind-stone or two.
2000 ofpoore I ohnto spend [i.e. in eating] ingoing 6.
1 Hogshead of A quauitce. 4.
4 arme Sawes, 4. Handsawes, 4. thwart Sawes,
3. Augers, 2. Crowes of Iron, 3. Sledges,
4. shod Shouels, 2. Picaxes, 4. Matocks,
and 4. Hammers. 5.
The totall summe is 420. 11. o.
ySo
The obseruations of Captaine
I IT1 /C TR. Whitbouroe
l^IB. O. [_ April 162=
[1622]
[Sacks, the
English
name for
victualling
&c, ships
trafficking
for cod with
All these prouisions the Master or Purser is to be
accountable what is spent, and what is left with those
which shall continue there to plant : and of the 40. thus
prouided for the voyage, ten may well be spared to leaue
behind them, with 500. weight of Bisket, 5. hogsheads of
Sider or beere, halfe a hogshead of Beefe, 4 sides of dry
Bakon, 4. bushell of Pease, halfe a ferkin of Butter, halfe
100. weight of Cheese, a pecke of Mustard-seed, a barrell
of Vinegar, 12. pound of Candles, 2. pecks of Oatmeale,
halfe a hogshead of Aquauitae, 2. copper Kettles, 1. brasse
Crock, 1. Frying-pan, a Grindstone, and all the Hatchets,
Wood-hooks, Sawes, Augers, &c. and all other iron tooles,
with the 8. Boats and their implements, [246] and spare
salt ; and what else they vse not in a readinesse from yeere
to yeere, and in the meane time serued them to helpe to
build their houses, cleanse land, and further their fishing
whilst the ships are wanting [absent].
By his estimation and calculation, these 8. Boats with
22 [or rather 24]. men in a Summer doe vsually kill 25000.
fish for euery Boat, which may amount to 200000. allowing
120. fishes to the 100 : sometimes they haue taken aboue
35000. for a Boat, so that they load not onely their owne
ship, but prouide great quantities for Sacks or other spare
ships, which come thither onely to buy the ouerplus. If
such ships come not, they giue ouer taking any more, when
sometimes there hath beene great abundance ; because there
the fishers off is no fit houses to lay them in till another yeere.
Newfound-
land, as the
Dutch
Jagtrs did
for herrings,
off the
English
coast.]
Now most of those Sacks goeth empty thither, which
might as well transport mens prouision and cattle at an
casie rate as nothing, either to New-England or New-found
land : but either to transport them for nothing, or pay any
great matter for their liberty to fish, will hardly effect so
much as freedome as yet ; nor can this be put in practice as
before I said, till there be a power there well planted and
setled to entertaine and defend them, assist and releeue
them as occasion shall require : otherwaies those small
diuisions will effect little, but such miserable conclusions
as both the French and we too long haue tried to our costs.
Now commonly 200000. fish will load a ship of 100.
tunnes in New-found land, but halfe so many will neere doe
it in New England : which carried to Toloune or Merselus
^*by/uiyTM:] LlB- 6- Charles [i.e., Richard] Whitborne. 781
[Marseilles], where the custome [import duty] is small, and [1622-4]
the Kintall lesse then go. English pounds weight, and the
prise when least, 12. shillings the Kintall, which at that
rate amounts to 1320. /. starling : and the ship may either
there be discharged, or imployed as hath beene said to t#.2oa,7i6.]
refraught for England ; so that the next yeere she may be
ready to goe her fishing voyage againe, at a farre cheaper
rate then before.
To this adde but 12. tuns of traine oile, which deliuered
in New-found land, is 10. /. the tun, makes 120. /.
Then it is hard if there be not 10000. of Cor-fish, which
also sold there at 5. /. the 1000. makes 50. /. : which brought
to England, in some places yeelds neere halfe so much
more ; but if at Merselus it be sold for 16. s. the Kentall, as
commonly it is, and much dearer, it amounts to 1760. /.
And if the Boats follow the fishing till the 15. of October,
they may take 80000. more, which with their traine in
New-found land at 4. /. the 1000. will amount to 320. /. :
which added to 1320. /. with 120. /. for Oile, and 10000. of
Corfish 50. /. and the ouerplus at Merselus, which will be
440. I. make the totall 2250. /. ; which diuided in three ^j44'268,
parts according to their custome, the Victualer hath for
the former particulars (amounting to 420. /.), 751. /., so all
the charge defraied, hee gaines 331. /. n. s. ; then for the
fraught of the ship there is 751. /. ; and so much for the
Master and his company ; which comparing with the
voiages [that] hath beene made to New-England, you may
easily finde which is the better, though both bee good.
ut now experience hath taught them at New- ^h^dlhy
Plimoth, that in Aprill there is a fish much like g^g
a Herring that comes vp into the small Brookes obseraed.
to spawne, and where the water is not kneedeepe,
they will presse vp through your hands, yea though you beat
at them with Cudgels, and in such abundance as is incre-
dible : which they take with that facility, they manure their
land with them when they haue occasion. After those, the Cod
also presseth in such plenty, euen into the very Harbours,
they haue caught some in their armes, and hooke them so fast
[that], three menoftloadeth a Boat of twotunsintwohoures,
where before theyvsed most[ly] to fish in deepe water. [247]
1624.
Their
order of
gouernment.
The present estate of
New-Plimoth.
T New-Plimoth there is [1624J about 180
persons, some cattell and goats, but
many swine and poultry ; 32 dwelling
houses, whereof 7 were burnt the last win-
ter [1623], ana* the value of hue hundred
pounds in other goods; the Towne is
impailed about halfea mile [in] compasse.
In the towne vpon a high Mount they
haue a Fort well built with wood, lome, and stone, where
is planted their Ordnance: Also a faire Watch-tower, partly
framed, for the Sentinell. The place it seemes is healthfull,
for in these last three yeeres [1621-4], notwithstanding their
great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of
the first planters. They haue made a saltworke, and with
that salt preserue the fish they take ; and this yeare [1624]
hath fraughted a ship of 180. tunnes.
The Gouernour is one Master William Bradford ; their
Captaine Miles Standish, a bred Souldier in Holland ; the
chiefe men for their assistance is Master Isaak Alderton,
and diuers others as occasion serueth ; their Preachers
are Master William Bruster and Master Iohn Lay ford.
The most of them liue together as one family or hous-
hold, yet euery man followeth his trade and profession
both by sea and land, and all for a generall stocke : out of
which they haue all their maintenance, vntill there be a
diuident betwixt the Planters and the Aduenturers.
Those Planters are not seruants to the Aduenturers here,
but haue onely councells of directions from them, but no in-
iunctions or command ; and all the masters of families are
partners in land or whatsoeuer, setting their labours
/uiy1^.] LlB- 6- The present estate of New-Plimoth. 783
against the stocke, till certaine yeeres be expired for the [1624]
diuision : they haue young men and boies for their Ap-
prentises and seruants, and some of them speciall families,
as Ship-carpenters, Salt-makers, Fish-masters, yet as
seruants vpon great wages.
The Aduenturers which raised the stocke to begin and [/. 943-1
supply this Plantation were about 70. : some Gentlemen,
some Merchants, some handy-crafts men, some aduenturing
great summes, some small, as their estates and affection
serued. The generall stocke already imploied is about
7000. /. ; by reason of which charge and many crosses,
many of them would aduenture no more : but others that
knowes so great a designe cannot bee effected without both
charge, losse and crosses, are resolued to goe forward with
it to their powers ; which deserue no small commendations
and encouragement. These [the Adventurers generally]
dwell most[ly] about London. They are not a corporation,
but [are] knit together by a voluntary combination in a
society without constraint or penalty, aiming to doe good
and to plant Religion ; they haue a President and Treasurer,
euery yeere newly chosen by the most voices, who ordereth
the affaires of their Courts and meetings, and with the
assent of the most of them, vndertaketh all ordinary
businesses : but in more weighty affaires, the assent of the
whole Company is required.
,here hath beene a fishing this yeere [1624] vpon the
Coast about 50. English ships : and by Cape A nney [#.892,946 1
there is a Plantation a beginning by the Dor-
chester men, which they hold of those of New-
Plimoth, who also by them haue set vp a fishing worke : some
talke there is some other pretended Plantations, all whose
good proceedings the eternal God protect and preserue.
And these haue beene the true proceedings and acci-
dents in those Plantations.
ow to make a particular relation of all the acts and
orders in the Courts belonging vnto them, of the
anihilating old Patents and procuring new ; with
the charge, paines and arguments, the reasons
784 The present estate of New-Plimoth. Lib. 6. [4^
[1624] of such changes, all the treaties, consultations, orations, and
dissentions about the sharing and diuiding those large terri-
tories, confirming of Counsailers, electing all sorts of Officers,
directions, Letters of aduice, and their answers, disputations
about the Magazines and Impositions, su[ijters for Patents,
positions for Freedomes, and confirmations with complaints
of iniuries here, and also the mutinies, examinations,
arraignements, executions, and the cause of the so oft
reuolt of the Saluages at large, as many [248] would haue
had, and it may be some doe expect it would make more
quarrels then any of them would willingly answer, and such
a volume as would tire any wise man but to read the
contents.
For my owne part I rather feare the vnpartiall Reader will
thinke this rather more tedious then necessary : but he that
would be a practitioner in those affaires, I hope will allow
them not only needfull but expedient : but how euer, if you
please to beare with those errors I haue committed, if God
please I Hue, my care and paines shall endeuour to be
thankfull : if I die, accept my good will.
(/*. 248,373.] If any desire to be further satisfied, what defect is found
in this, they shall finde supplied in me; that thus freely haue
throwne my selfe with my mite into the Treasury of my
Countries good, not doubting but God will stirre vp some
noble spirits to consider and examine if worthy Columbus
could giue the Spaniards any such certainties for his
designe, when Queene Isabel of Spaine set him forth with
15. saile : and though I promise no Mines of gold, yet the
warlike Hollanders let vs imitate but not hate, whose
wealth and strength are good testimonies of their treasury
gotten by fishing ; and New-England hath yeelded already
[up to 1624] by generall computation one hundred thousand
pounds at the least. Therefore honourable and worthy
Country men, let not the meannesse of the word fish distaste
you, for it will afford as good gold as the Mines of Guiana or
Potassie, with lesse hazard and charge, and more certainty
and facility. /. S.
FINIS.
A N
ACCIDENCE
OR
The Path -way to
EXPERIENCE.
Necessary for all Young Sea-men, or those
that are desirous to goe to Sea, briefly shewing
the Phrases, Offices, and Words of Command,
Belonging to the Building, Ridging, and Sayling,
a Man of Warre ; And how to manage
a Fight at Sea.
Together with the Charge and Duty of
every Officer ', and their Shares :
Also the Names, Weight, Charge, Shot, and
Powder ■, of all sorts of great Ordnance.
With the vse of the Petty Tally.
Written by Captaine Iohn Smith some-
times Governour of Virginia, and Admirall
of New England.
LONDON:
Printed for Jonas Man, and Benjamin Fisher,
and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot,
in Aldersgate streete. 1626.
50
[This Tract was a new departure in our Literature, being the first
printed book on seamanship, naval gunnery, and of nautical terms ;
and was besides written by an Army Captain.
It was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall :
230 ©dobris 1626.
Jonas Man Entred for their Copie vnder the handes of master
Beniamin fflsher Doctor worrall and both the wardens A booke
Called An Accidence or pathway e to experience
necessary e for all young sea men 6r*c. by Captaine
John Smith. ....... yjd.
A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of
London^ 1 554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. Arber, iv. 169, 1877.
For the bibliography of this Tract, see p. cxxxi.]
$fc>TO ALL THE RIGHT HON-
ourable and most Generous Lords in England,
and Others : Especially of his Majesties
Priuy Councell, and Councell
of Warre.
IGHT Honorable:
In regard of the Present occasion, for the [16261
Arte of Navigation, and many young
Gentlemen and Valiant spirits of all sorts, do desire
to try their Fortunes at sea : I haue beene per-
s waded [//. 809, 970] to Print this discourse, being
a subject I never see writ before. Not as an in-
struction to Marriners nor Sailors, whom I intreate
rather amend it, then condemne it, confessing it
might be a taske for a most excellent Sea-man ; But
as an intraduction for such as wants experience, and
are desirous to learne what belongs to a Seaman.
For the advansing of that incomparable faculty, seeing
you are in place, both of power and Authoritie ; I
most humblie present it to Your Honors Consider-
ations. No more but sacring all my best abilities to
the exquisite Iudgement of your renowned Vertues, I
ever rest
Your Worships ever most humbly denoted,
I o h n Smith.
788
TO THE READER; AND ALL
Generous and Noble Adventurers by Sea ;
and Well-Wishers to Nauigation.
Especially the Masters, Wardens, and Assistance of
the Trinity-House.
Worthy Readers:
[1626] W'^^^MOW ever your perfections may censure my imperfec-
tions, I know not : my greatest error in this is but
a desire to do good; which disease hath ever haunted
mee since my child-hood; and all the miseries and
ingratitudes I haue indured, cannot yet diuert me from that
resolution.
As both Europe, Asia, Affrica and America can partly
witnesse, if all their extremities hath taught me any thing, I
haue not kept it for my owne particuler. I know well I am
blamed for not concealing that, that time and occasion hath
taught mee to reueale ; as at large you may read in the life of
Sigismundus Bathor Prince of Transiluania, writ by his
Secretary Francisco Fernezsa, New Englands Trialls, With
the Generall History of Virginia, New England, and the
Summer Isles.
That the most of those faire plantations did spring from the
fruites of my aduenters and discoueries is euident, although
their relumes as yet doth not answere the worlds expectation,
nor my desire : yet how they haue proceeded euery yeare since
their first originall to this present ; by the Maps therein, you
may plainly see the Descriptions of the Countries; by the Story,
what they are, what good they might be to this Kingdome, how
they haue bin vsed and abused, how the defects might be
amended, the Planters made happy, God and the King well
pleased and serued, and all the Honorable and worthy A duen-
turers contented : whatsoeuer malice or ignorance can {eigne to
the contrary.
For this small Pamphlet, if J find you kindly and friendly
accept it, I meane ere long, more largely to explaine the par-
ticulers : So I rest,
To Christ and my Country a true Souldier,
and faithfull Servant,
John Smith.
AN ACCIDENCE FOR
Young Sea-men:
OR
Their Path-way to Experience.
(^^^^/^Z^Sh ^-^ ^aptaines charge is to commaund all,
and tell the Maister to what Port he
will go, or to what height [latitude]. In
a fight he is to giue direction for the
managing thereof, and the Maister is to
see to the cunning [of] the Ship, and
trimming [2] the sailes.
The Maister and his Mate is to direct
the course, commaund all the Saylors, for steering, trim-
ming, and sayling the Ship: his Mates are onely his
Seconds, allowed sometimes for the two Midships men,
that ought to take charge of the first prize.
The Pilot when they make land, doth take the charge of
the Ship till he bring her to Harbour.
The Cape-merchant and Purser hath the charge of all
the Caragasoune or Merchandize, and the Purser doth
keepe an Account of all that is receiued and deliuered : but
a Man of Warre hath onely a Purser.
The Maister Gunner hath the charge of the Ordinances,
Shot, Powder, Match, Ladles, Spunges, Cartrages, Armes,
and Fire-workes; and the rest euery one to receiue his
charge from him according to directions, and to giue an
account of his store. [3]
The Carpenter and his Mate is to haue the Nayles,
Clinches, roue and clinch-nailes, spikes, plates, rudder-
[1626]
The
Captains
charge.
The Maister
and his
Mates.
The Pilot.
The Cape-
merchant
and Purser.
The Gunner
with his
Mate, and
quarter
Gunner.
TheCarpen-
ter and his
Mate.
790 An Accidence for yo\jt\ng Sea-men. [<£
Smith-
ct. 1626.
Marshall.
[1626J irons called pintels and gudgions, pumpe-nailes, skupper-
nailes, and leather, sawes, files, hatchets, and such like :
and [be] euer ready for calking, breaming, stopping leakes,
fishing or spliceing the Masts or Yards ; as occasion
requireth, and to giue an account of his store.
™e.£ote- The Boteswaine is to haue the charge of all the Cordage,
his Mate, tackling, sailes, fids, and marling spikes, needles, twine,
and saile-cloth, and rigging [of] the shippe : his Mate the
command of the long boate, for the setting forth of Anchors,
waying and fetching home an Anchor, warping, towing,
and moreing, and to giue an account of his store.
ije chyrur- The Chirurgion is exempted from all duty but to attend
fiSe"1 a the sicke, and cure the wounded : and good care would be
[4] had, [that] he haue a certificate from the Barber-surgions
Hall of his sufficiency ; and also that his Chest bee well
furnished both for Physicke, and Chyurgery, and so neere as
may be proper for that clime you goe for, which neglect
hath beene the losse of many a mans life.
The ^ m The Marshall is to punish offendors, and to see Justice
executed according to directions, as ducking at Yards arme,
hawling vnder the Keele, bound to the Capsterne or maine
Mast with a basket of shot about his necke, setting in
the bilbowes, and to pay the Cobty or the Morryoune. But
the Boyes, the Boteswaine. is to see euery Munday at the
chist to say their Compasse ; which done, they are to
haue a quarter can [? of beer], and a basket of bread.
The The Corporall is to see the setting and releeuingthe watch:
Corporaii. an(j gee ajj ^e souldiers and saylors keepe their Armes
cleane, neate and yare ; and teach them their vse. [5]
The steward The Steward is to deliuer out the victuall, according to
Mate.15 the Captaines directions; and messe them 4, 5, or 6, a
there is occasion.
The quarter The quarter Maisters hath the charge of the hold for
Meters. stowage, rommageing, and trimming the shippe ; and of
their squadrons for their Watch. A Sayne, a Fisgigg, a
Harping iron, Fish-hookes, for Porgos, Bonetos, or Dora-
dos, &c. and rayling lines for Mackerell.
The cowper The Cowper is to looke to the caske, hoopes and twig-
Mate" ges, to staue or repaire the buckets, Baricoes, Cans,
steepetubs, runlets, hogsheads, pipes, buts, &c. for wine,
beere, syder, beuerage, fresh water, or any liquor.
J. Smith.
Oct. 1626.
An Accidence for yo\u~\ng Sea-men.
791
The Coxswaine is to haue a choyce gang to attend the
Skiffe, to go to and againe as occasion commandeth.
The Cooke is to dresse and deliuer out the Victuall.
He hath his store of quarter cans, small Cannes, platters,
spoones, lanthornes, &c. and is to giue [6] his account of
the remainder.
The Swabber is to wash and keepe cleane the ship and
maps.
The Lyer is to holde his place but for a weeke ; and hee
that is first taken with a lye, euery Monday is so pro-
claimed at the maine Mast by a generall cry, A Iyer, a Iyer,
a lyer. He is vnderthe Swabber, and onely to keepe cleane
the beake head and chaines.
The Saylers are the antient men for hoysing the sailes,
getting the tackes aboord, hawling the Bow-lines, and
steering the ship.
The Younkers are the yong men called Fore-mast men,
to take in the Topsayles, or Top and yeard ; Furle, and
Sling the maine Saile; Bousing or Trysing; and take their
turne at Helme.
TheLieutenantisto associate[with] the Captaine,and in his
absence to execute his place. He is to see the Marshall and
Corporall doe their duties, and assist them in instructing
the Souldiers: and [7] in a fight the Forecastle is his place,
to make good; as the Captaine doth the halfe decke; and
the quarter Maisters the midships. But in the States men
of Warre he is allowed as necessary as a Lieuetenant on
shore.
When you set sayle and put to sea, the Captaine is to
call vp the company ; and the one halfe is to goe to the
Starreboord, the other to the Larboord, as they are
chosen : the Maister chusing first one, then his Mate
another, and so forward till they bee diuided in two parts.
Then each man is to chuse his Mate, Consort, or Comrado.
Then diuide them into squadrons according to your num-
bers and burthen of your ship ; but care would be had,
that there be not two Comorados vpon one watch, because
they may haue the more roome in the Cabons to rest.
[1626]
The Coxe-
swaine and
his Mate.
The Cooke
and his
Mate.
The
Swabber.
The Lyer.
The
Saylers.
The
Yonkers.
The
Lieuet-
Howto
diuide the
Company.
To giue a true Arithmeticall and Geometricall proportion
792 An Accidence for yo\u]ng Sea-men. [J(
Smith,
ct. 1626.
[1626] for the building of ships ; were they all built after one [8]
mould, as also of their Yeards, Masts, Cables, Cordage
and Sayles were all the stuffe of like goodnesse, a metho-
dicall rule might bee Proiected : but it would bee too curious
for this Discourse, and as much too troublesome either
for the Reader or Author; but the principall names of the
timbers about the building of a ship, according to his vnder-
standing followeth, and how, being framed, they are fixed.
ThePrinci- First lay the Keele, the Stemme, and Starne in a
th"Sers°f dry docke, or vppon the stockes, and binde them with
blXnga good" knees ; then lay all the Flore timbers, and cut your
ship- Limber holes aboue the keele, to bring the water to the
well for the pumpe. Next your Nauell timbers, and bind
them all with sixe foote Skarfe at the least. The Garbell
strake is the outside plancke next the keele. Be sure you
haue a good sufficient Kelson: and then plancke your out-
side and inside vp, with your Top timbers ; but the [9]
lengths, breadthes, depthes, rakes, and burdens are so
variable and different that nothing but experience can
possibly teach it.
Notes of a A Shippe of 400. Tunnes requires a planke of foure
bctweenethc inches; 300. Tunnes, three inch; small Ships, two inch: but
a?dPtheter none lesse. For clamps, middle bands and sleepers, they
Owner. De a\\ 0f 5# [nc\i planke for binding within. The rest for
the sparring vp of the workes of square 3. inch planke.
Lay the beames of the Orlope, if she be 400. Tunnes at
ten foote deepe in howle, and all the beames to be bound
with two knees at each ende, and a stardard knee at euery
beames end vpon the Orlope : all the Orlope to be layd
with square three inch plancke, and all the planckes to be
treenailed to the beames.
Sixe foote would bee betweene the beames of the Decke
and Orlope, and ten ports on each side vpon the lower
Orlope: all the binding betweene them [10] should be with
three inch, or two inch plancke, and the vpper Decke
should be layd with so many beames as are fitting with
knees to bind them ; laying that Decke with spruce deale
of 30. foot long, the sap cut off, and two inches thicke, for
it is better then any other.
Then for the Captaines Cabben or great Cabben, the
stearage, the halfe Decke, the round house, the Fore-
J. Smith."!
Oct. 1626. J
An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men.
793
castle, and to binde an ende with a Capsterne and all
things fitting for the Sea (the Smiths worke, the earning,
ioyning, and painting excepted) are the principall things
I remember to be obserued.
For a Charter-party betwixt the Merchant, the Maister,
and the Owner, you haue Presidents of all sorts in most
Scriueners shops.
A dry Docke, the stockes, the keele, the steme, the
sterne, the starne-port, the flowre, the sleepers, rising
timbers, garble strake, her rake, the fore reach, plankes,
bindings, knees, boults, trunions, [11] brasers, riders, the
Orlope, the ports, the bend, the bowe, the hawse, the
hawses, the decke, the partners, a flush decke, fore and
aft, the ram heads, the Knights, a halfe decke, a quarter
decke, the bulke, the bulkes-head, the skuttle, the hatches,
the hatches way, the holes in the commings, pitch, tarre,
rosen, okum, calking. In the stearage roome, the whip, the
bittakell, the trauas boord, the Compasse, the Fly, the
needle, the lanthorne, the socket. About the Gun-roome,
the Tiller, the rudder, the pintels, the gudgions, the
bread-roome, the ships runne. The powder-roome, the
Stewards roome, the cooke roome, the great cabbon, the
gallery, a cabben, a hanging cabben, a Hamacke, the
lockers, the round-house, the counter, the wayst, the
wayst-boords, the gunwayle, stations for the nettings, a
chaine through the stations, or brest-ropes.
The Pumpe, the pumpes-well, the [12] pumpes brake,
the pumpes can, the pumpes chaine, the spindle, the boxe,
the clap. The pumpe is choaked, the pumpe suckes, the
ship is stanche.
The forecastle, or prow, the beake head, the bits, the
fish-hooke, a loufe-hooke, and the blocke at the Dauids
ende, the Cat, Cats head and Cats holes, the ships draught.
The boule spret, the pillow, the sturrop, the spret sayle,
the spret sayle yeard, the spret sayle top mast, the spret
sayle top sayle yard : the fore mast, the fore yard, the fore
top, the fore top mast, the fore top sayle yard, the fore
top gallant mast, the fore top gallant sayle yeard. Coates
and wouldings for all masts and yeards, grummets, and
staples for all yeards.
[1626]
General sea
terms be-
longing to
ships.
What
belongs to
the Pumpe.
What
belongs to
the fore
castle.
The Masts,
Caps, and
Yeards.
794 An Accidence for yo\_u~\ng Sea-men. [J^t!
Smith.
[1626] The trussell trees or crosse trees, the maine mast, the
step in the kelson where it puts its heele, as doth also the
fore mast ; the maine yard, the maine top, the main top
mast, the maine top sayleyeard, the top gallant [13] mast,
the maine top gallant sayle yeard, the trucke or flagge staffe.
The misen, the misen yeard, the misen top mast, the
misen top sayle yeard. In great ships they haue two misens,
the latter is called the boneauentuer misen. Then the poope,
Lanthorne, and flagge staffe. When a mast is borne by the
boord, they make a Iury-mast ; which is made with yards,
rouftrees, or what they can, splised or fished together.
The The Capsterne, the pawle, the whelps, the capsterne
aXher bars. A Ieare capsterne is only in great ships to hoyse their
ghr^ei! sayles. The canhookes, slings, and parbunkels, ports and
ringbolts and hooks, the skuppers, the skupper holes, the
chaines, the steepe tubs, an entring ladder or cleats, a boy,
a can boy. A ship cranke sided, Iron sicke, spewes her
okum, a leak[i]e ship. The sheathing, furring, carrying,
washing, and breaming, lanching, caruing, guilding, and
painting a ship. Ballast, kintlage, canting [14] coynes,
standing coynes, roufe trees, a grating, netting or false
decke for your close fights.
The ropes The entring rope, the boate rope, the bucket rope, the
names m a ^oy rope, guest rope, the cat rope, the port ropes, the heele
rope,therudderrope,thetopropes, thebolt ropes. The brest
ropes are now out of vse, the water line is [i.e., in use].
concerning f he tacklings are the fore stay, the maine stay. The
andrigginf tackles, the mison stay, the collers, the maine shrouds
[oO » ship. an(j ghaine^ the maine top shroudes, the fore shroud, the
fore top shroud, the swifters, the mison shroudes, the mison
top shroudes and their ratlings, and the parels to all masts.
The maine hallyards, the maine top sayle hallyards, the
top gallant saile hal[l]yards, the fore hallyards, the fore top
sayle hallyard, the misen hallyard, and the spret sayle
hallyeard, the horse, the maine sheats, the maine top
sayle sheats, the maine braces, the maine top sayle [15]
braces, the maine bowling and bridles, the maine top
sayle bowlin[e], the bunt lines, the trusses, the lifts, the
earring, the cat harpings, a Ieare, leatch lines ; the Robins,
garnit, Clew garnits, tyes, martlits. The most of all these
are also belonging to the fore mast, misen and bowlespret,
octS™62h6.] An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. 795
and hath the same denomination after their masts ; onely [1626]
the boulespret hath no bow lines, and the misen sheats,
are called the starne sheats. They haue all of them pullies,
blockes, shiuers and dead mens eyes, Lanyeards, caskets,
and crowes feete. A snap blocke is seldom vsed but in
heauing of goods and ordnances.
There is also diuerse other small cordage, as head lines,
the knaulings, gassits or furling lines, marlines, rop[e]
yearne, Caburne, Sinnet, paunches, and such like.
The Cables, hawsers or streame cables, are most vsed in
the water by the Anchors. When they are too short, [16]
they shoote one into another. When they are galled or
breake, they splice them. When that way vnseruiceable,
they serue for Iunkes, fendors and braded plackets for
brests of defence ; and then, as the rest of the ouerworne
tackling, for rope yarne, caburne, sinnit, an[d] okum. Sheeps
feet is a stay in setling a top mast, and a guie in staying the
tackles when they are charged with goods.
The Anchor hath a stocke, a ring, a shanke, a flouke. JJ3JJ£for
The greatest in euery ship is called the sheat Anchor, the
rest Anchors. The streame Anchor, graplings or kedgers.
Bend your cables to your Anchors.
The maine saile, the fore sayle called sometimes the The names
„ , \ J . c 1 r oftnesailes.
fore course ; the maine course or a paire of courses, each ol
them hath a bonnet and a drabler ; the maine top sayle,
the top gallant sayle, and in a faire gaile your studding
sayles ; then your mison, your misen [17] top sayle, your
spret sayle, and spret sayle top sayle, a drift sayle, a
crosiack, a netting sayle. Twyne, a munke seame, a round
seame, a suit of sayles, a shift of sayles, top Armours,
wayst clothes, pendants and colours.
A channell, a bay, a rode, a sound, an offen, a cone, J0hrettheearmes
a crike, a riuer ; cleere ground, very fast ground or good harbor.
anchoring ; foule ground, osie ground, sandy ground, clay
ground ; a headland, a furland, a reatch, a land marke. _
A calme, a brese, a fresh gaile, a pleasant gayle, a stiffe F°rAe
gayle. It ouerblowes. A gust, a storme, a spoute, a loume
gaile, an eddy wind, a flake of wind, a Turnado, a mounth-
soune, a Herycano.
J Tearmes
A calme sea, becalmed, a rough sea, an ouergrowne sea, forthe
sea.
796 An Accidence for yo[u\ng Sea-men. [Jet?**!
[1626] the rut of the sea, the roaring of the sea. It flowes quarter
floud, high water, or a still water. A full sea, a spring tide,
^ebbe, a quarter ebbe, halfe ebbe, three quarters ebbe, a
lowe water, a dead low water, a nepe tide, a [18] shoule,
a ledge of rockes, a breach, a shallow water, deepe water,
soundings, fadome by the marke, 3 od and a shaftment left.
40^. Disimboage, a gulph, the froth of the sea.
«e£iT* for Starbord is the right hand, Larbord is the left. Starboord
iring" the helme, right your helme a loufe, keepe your loufe,
come no neere, keepe full, stidy, so you goe well, port,
warre, no more ; beare vp the helme, goe roumy, be yare
at the helme, a fresh man at the helme.
Tearmesof A sayle, how stands she, to windward or leyward, set
him by the Compasse, he stands right a-head ; or on the
weather bow, or ley bow : out with all your sayles, a stydy
man to the helme, sit close to keep her stydie. Giue
chase or fetch him vp, he holds his owne, nowe [we] gather on
him, out goeth his flag and pendance or streames, also his
Colours, his wast-clothes and top armings, he furies and
slings his maine saile, in goes his spret sayle and misen,
he makes ready [19] his close fights fore and after. Well,
we shall reach him by and bye.
What is all ready ? Yea, yea. Euery man to his charge,
Dowse your top sayle, salute him for the sea ; Ha[i]le
him : whence your ship ? Of Spayne, whence is yours ?
Of England. Are you Merchants or Men of Warre. We
are of the Sea. He wayses vs to leyward for the King of
Spaine, and keeps his loufe. Giue him a chase peece, a
broad side, and runne ahead, make ready to tacke about,
giue him your sterne peeces, be yare at helme, ha[i]le him
with a noyse of Trumpets.
We are shot through and through, and betweene winde
and water, trye the pumpe. Maister let vs breathe and
refreshe a little. Sling a man ouerboord to stop the leake.
Done, done. Is all ready againe, Yea, yea : beare vp
close with him, with all your great and small shot charge
him. Boord him on his weather quarter, lash fast your
graplins and sheare off, then run stemlins the [24] mid
ships. Boord and boord, or thwart the hawse, we are
foule on each other.
o^SSs!] An Accidence for yo[u]ng Sea-men. 797
The ships on fire. Cut any thing to get cleere, and [1626]
smother the fire with wet clothes. We are cleere, and the
fire is out, God be thanked.
The day is spent, let vs consult. Surgion looke to the
wounded. Wind vp the slaine, with each a waight or bullet
at his head and feete, giue three peeces for their funerals.
Swabber make cleane the shippe. Purser record their
names. Watch bee vigilant to keepe your berth to wind-
ward : and that wee loose him not in the night. Gunners
spunge your Ordinances. Souldiers skower your peeces.
Carpenters about your leakes. Boteson and the rest,
repaire the sayles and shrouds. Cooke see you obserue
your directions against the morning watch.
Boy. Holla Maister. Holla, Is the kettle boyled ?
Yea, yea.
Boteswaine call vp the men to Prayer and Breakfast. [25]
Boy fetch my celler of Bottles. A health to you all
fore and afte, courage my hearts for a fresh charge :
Maister lay him a bord loufe for loufe ; Midships men see
the tops and yeards well maned with stones and brasse
bals, to enter them in the shrouds, and every squadron
else at their best aduantage. Sound Drums and Trumpets,
and St. George for England.
They hang out a flag of truse, stand in with him, ha[i]le
him a mayne, [to] abase or take in his flagge, strike their
sayles and come aboard, with the Captaine, Purser, and
Gunner, with your Commission, Cocket, or bills of loading.
Out goes their Boate, they are lanched from the Ship
side. Entertayne them with a generall cry, God saue the
Captayne, and all the Company, with the Trumpets
sounding. Examine them in particuler; and then conclude
your conditions with feasting, freedome, or punishment, as
you finde occasion. [26]
Other wayes if you surprize him or enter perforce ; you
may stow the men, rifle, pillage, or sacke, and crye a prize.
To call a Councell in a Fleete: there is the Councell
of Warre, and the common Councell, which hangs their
flags out in the mayne shrouds, and the misen.
Now, betweene two Navies they use often, especially in
a Harbour or rode, where they are at anchor, to fill olde
798 An Accidence for yo\u\ng Stx-tnen. [o^fSS.*
[1626] Barkes with pitch, tar, trayne oyle, linsed oyle, brimstone,
rosen, reedes, and dry wood, and such combustable things
sometimes they linke three or foure together, towed to-
gether in the night, and put a drift as they finde occasion.
To passe a Fort, some will make both shippe and sayles
all blacke : but if the Fort keepe but a fire on the other
side, and all their peeces poynt blanke with fire, if they
discharge, what is betwixt them and the fire the shot will
[27] hit, if the rule be truely obserued.
To conclude, there is as many stratagims, advantages,
and inventions to be vsed, as you finde occasions ; and there
fore experiences must be the best Tutor.
Concerning Bend your passerado to the mayne-sayle, git the sailes
worfeg°of to the yeards, about your geare on all hands, hoyse your
a ship. sayles halfe mast high, make ready to set sayle, crosse
your yeards, bring your Cable to the Capsterne. Boat-
swaine fetch an Anchor aboord, break ground or way
Anchor, heaue a head, men into the tops, men vpon the
yeards. Come is the Anchor a pike, heaue out your top-
sayles, hawle your sheates. What's the Anchor away :
Yea, yea. Let fall your fore sayle, whose at the helme
there, coyle your cable in small slakes, hawle the cat, a
bitter, belay, loufe, fast your Anchor with your shanke
painter, stow the boate. Let falleyour maine saile, on with
your bonnets and drablers,steare study before the wind. [28]
The wind veares, git your star-boord tacks aboord,
hawle off your ley sheats, ouerhawle the ley bowlin, ease
your mayne brases, out with your spret-saile, flat the
fore sheat, pike vp the misen or brade it. The ship will
not wayer, loure the maine top saile, veare a fadome of
your sheat. A flown sheate, a faire winde and a boune
voyage, the wind shrinks, get your tacks close aboord,
make ready your loufe howks and ley fagnes, to take off
your bonnits and drablers, hawle close your maine bowline.
It ouercasts, we shall haue winde, sattle your top
sailes, take in the spret sayle, in with your topsayles,
lower your maine sayles, tallow vnder the parrels, in with
your maine sayle, lower the fore sayle. The sayle is split,
brade vp close all your sayles, lash sure the Ordinances,
strike your top masts to the cap, make them sure with
o^TeS*.] An Accidence for yo\u~]ng Sea-men. 799
your sheepes feete. A storme, hull, lash sure the helme a [1626]
ley, lye to try out drift. How capes the ship? cun the ship
[29] spoune before the winde, she lusts, she lyes vnder the
Sea, trie her with a crose jacke, bowse it vp with the out-
looker. She will founder in the Sea, runne on shore, split
or billage on a Rocke, a wracke, put out a goose-winge, or
a hullocke of a sayle.
Faire weather, set your fore sayle. Out with all your
sailes, get your Larboard tackes aboord, hawle off your
Starboord sheats, goe large, laske, ware yawning, the
ships at stayes, at backe-stayes, ouer-set the ship, flat
about, handle your Sayles, or trim your sayles, let rise
your tacks, hawle of your sheats. Rocke-weede, adrift,
or flotes. One to the top to looke out for Land. A
ships wake, the water way, the weather bow, weather
coyle, lay the ship by the Ley, and heaue the lead, try
the dipsie line, bring the ship to rights, fetch the log-line
to try what way shee makes, turne vp the minute glasse,
obserue the hight. Land, to make Land, how beares it,
set it by the Compasse [30] cleare your leach-lines, beare
in, beare off, or stand off, or sheare off, beare vp.
Outward bound, homeward bound, shorten your Sailes,
take in your Sailes, come to an Anchor vnder the Ley of
the weather shore, the Ley shore, nealed too, looke to
your stoppers, your Anchor comes home, the ships a drift,
vere out more Cable, let fall your sheat Anchor, land locked,
mo[o]re the ship. A good Voyage, Armes, arme a skiffe, a
frigot, a pinnace, a ship, a squadron, a fleete. When you
ride amongst many ships, pike your yards.
To the boate or skiffe belongs oares, a mast, a saile, a Thetearmes
stay, a halyard, sheats, a boat-hook, thoughts, thoules, oftheboate-
rudder, irons, bailes, a trar-pawling or yawning, carlings,
carling- knees, for the Dauid, the boates-wayles, a dridge.
To row a spell, hold-water, trim the boate, vea, vea, vea, vea,
s^*,whosaies Amen, one and all, for a dram of the bottle. [31]
A Basillisco, double Cannon, Cannon Pedrea, demy The names
Cannon, Culvering, Sakar, Minion, Falcon, Falconet, ofgreaT5
Rabbenet, Murderers, slings, Chambers, Curriors, Harga- °rf™encceeSi
busacrock, Musquets, bastard Musquets, Coliners, Carbines, J^fj£«f
Crabuts, long Pistols, short Pistols, Charges, Cartrages,
appurten-
ances.
800 An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men, \i'Qf!f^.
[1626] Match, Spunges, Ladles, Rammers, Rammers heads, tom-
kins, a worme, a bore, a barrell, taper bore, hunicomed, lint
stockes, carrages, trukes, linch-pins, trunions, axell-trees,
beds, coynings. The peeces in the prow, the chase peeces
in the sterne, the quarter peeces, the mid-ships ; the vpper
tyre, the middle tyre, their fids and leads to keepe dry the
touch hole. Travers a peece, dispeart a peece. Com-
passe Calipers, a gunners quadrant, a hand spike, a crow
of iron, to mount a peece, to dismount a peece, a darke
Lanthorne, a budge barrell, a home, a priming iron.
Wyer, round shot, crosse-[32]-barre-shot, chayne-shot,
langrill-shot, a case, case-shot, lead, melting ladles,
moulds, bullet bagges, Musquet shot, Colyuer shot,
quartred shot, Pistol shot, poysoned bullets, brasse bals,
iron bals, granadoes, trunkes of wilde fire, pikes of wild
fire, arrowes of wild fire, pots of wild fire or dragouns.
To cloye a peece : To loade a peece : To poyson a peece.
Hookes for gunners or tacklings.
Concerning Concerning the particuler theor[e]mes, or tearmes, for
^fgrJT"1* great Ordnances, as the concaue, trunke, cylinder, the
soule or bore of a peece : To know whether she be equally
bored, camber, taper, or belbored ; the severall names of
her mettle, the thinnesse and thicknesse, her carnooze or
base ring at her britch, her shaft or chase, her trunnions,
mousell rings at her mouth, to dispart her, know her
leuell poynt blanke and best at randome, her fortification,
the differences of powder, be it serpentine or corned
powder ; if she be well mounted, [33] vpon a leuell plot-
forme or no : besides there are so many vncertaine acci-
dents, both in the peece, shot, and powder, the ground
the ayre and differences in proportion, they can no cer-
taine artificiall rules be proscribed.
Those proportions following are neere the matter, but
for your better satisfaction, read Master Digs his Pantry -
metriay Master Smithy or Master Burnes Arte of gun[ne]ry,
or Master Robert Nortons expositions vpon maister Digs :
any of these will shew you the Theoricke ; but to be a
good Gunner, you must learn it by practise.
The Gunners scale is made in brasse at Tower Hill,
with prospectiue glasses, and many other instruments by
Master Bates. [34]
Ordinance.
oJctS?626."] An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men.
A Table of Proportions for the vse of great
Ordinance.
[Names.]
The
weight
of the
Peeces
in
pounds.
The
weight
of the
shot
in
pounds.
The
Circum-
ference
of the
shot in
pounds.
The
height
of the
shot
in
inches.
The
length
of the
Ladle
in
inches.
The
bredth
of the
Ladle
in
inches.
The
weight
of the
powder
in
pounds.
Skores
of
paces
at
poynt
blanke.
A Cannon
8000
63
241
71
23
15
46
26
Demy Cannon ...
600O
32
18*
6
22£
II*
24
30
A Culuering ...
550O
18
15*
5
22
9
14
33
Demy Culueting
4500
9
12*
4
20
8
9
39
A Sacar
3SOO
Si
ibA
3l
i6£
6i
5*
26
A Minion
I500
4
9*
3
15
6
4
25
A Falcon ... ...
IIOO
2*
n
2i
12J
5
2i
14
A Falconet
Soo
I*
H
2
10
4
I*
8
801
[1626]
Note that seldome in any Ships they vse any Ordinance
greater then a demy Cannon. [35]
The Ship hath one third part ; the Victualler the other f^S^
third; the other third part is for the Company, and this shares in a
,,..,,,, r r J * Man of
IS Subdivided thus. Warre.
Shares
The Captaine
hath
9.
The Master
hath
7.
The Mates
hath
5-
The Gunners
hath
5-
The Carpenter
hath
5.
The Boatswaine
hath
5i
4.
S02
An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. [0£,
Smith.
Oct. 1636.
[1626],
The Marshall hath
The Corporal hath
The Chyrugion hath
The quarter Masters hath
The Steward hath
The Cooke hath
The Coxon hath
The Trumpeter hath
The Sailers, two or one and a halfe.
The Boyes a single share.
The Lieuetenant what the Captaine will giue him,
or as they can agree. [36]
They vse to appoint a certaine reward extraordinary
to him that first discries a Sayle if they take her, and to
him that first enters her.
Shares.
4-
3-
3-
4-
3-
3-
3-
4-
For to learne to obserue the Altitude, Latitude, Longi-
tude, Amplitude, the variation of the Compasse, the
Sunnes Azimuth and Almicanter, to shift the Sunne and
Moone, and to know the tydes, your roomes, pricke your
card, and say your Compasse, get some of those bookes :
but practise is the best.
Master [E.] Wrights errors
of Nauigation.
Master [J.] Taps Sea-mans
Kallender.
[M. Cortes.] The Art of
Nauigation.
[W. Bourne.] The Sea
Regiment.
[J. Davis.] The Sea-mans
Secrets.
Wagganour [i.e., J. S. Wag-
hen aer's The Marinours
Mirrour, translated by
A. Ashley. 1588.]
Master [E.] Gunters workes.
The Sea-mans glasse for skale.
Thenew attracter for variation.
Master Wright for the vse of
the Globe.
Master Hewes for the same.
[37]
Good Sea Cards [i.e., Charts.]
Two paire of Compasees.
An Astralobe quadrant.
A Crosse staff e.
A backe staff e.
An Astrolobe.
An Nocturnall.
If you haue a Divine, his pay is most commonly both from
the Aduenturers and the Saylors ; so also is the Chyrurgion.
oalTeS:] An Accidence for yo\u~]ng Sea-men. 803
Young Gentlemen that desires commaund ought well [1626
to consider, the condition of his ship, victuall, and Com- Advertise-
•r 1 1 1 <-\i 1 ments for
pany; lor if there be more learners then Saylers, now yongCom-
sleightly soeuer many esteeme Saylers, all the worke to Spines
saue Ship, goods, and Hues, must lye vpon them, espe- officer*
daily in foule weather, the labour, hazard, wet and cold
is so incredible I cannot expresse it. It is not then the
number of them that here will say at home, what I
cannot [38] doe, I can quickly learne, and what a great
matter it is to sayle a Ship, or goe to Sea. Surely those
for a good time will doe most trouble then good. I con-
fesse it is more necessary such should go, but not too many
in one ship; for if the labour of sixty should lye vpon
thirty, as many times it doth ; they are so ouer-charged with
labour, bru[i]ses, and ouer-strayning themselues : (for there
is no dallying nor excuses with stormes, gusts, overgrowne
seas, and ley shores), they fall sicke of one disease or other,
and then if their Victuals be putrified, it indangers all.
Men of all other professions, in lightning, thunder,
stormes and tempests, with raine and snow, may shelter
themselues in dry houses, by good fires, and good cheere ;
but those are the chief times, that Sea-men must stand
to their tackelings, and attend with all diligence their
greatest labour vpon the Deckes. Many supposeth any
thing is good enough [39] to serue men at sea, and yet
nothing sufficient for them a shore, either for their healthes,
for their ease, or estates, or state. A Commaunder at
Sea should do well to thinke the contrary, and prouide
for himselfe and company in like manner ; also seriously
to consider what will be his charge, to furnish himselfe
at sea, with bedding, linnen, armes, and apparell ; how
to keepe his table aboord, his expences on shore, and his
Petty Tally, which is a competent proportion according to
your number, of these particulars following.
Fine wheat flower, close and well packed, Rise, Cur-
rands, Sugar, Prunes, Cinamon, Ginger, Pepper, Cloues,
Greene-ginger, Oyle, Butter, Olde Cheese, or Holland, Wine,
vinegar, Canary Sacke, Aqua vitce, the best Wines, the best
Waters, the iuyce of Lemons for the Scurvey, white Bisket,
Oate meale, Gammons of Bacon, dried neates tongues, Rosted
Beefe packed vp in vineger. [40] Legges of Mutton minced
804 An Accidence for yo\u\ng Sea-men. [oJctST6a6.'
[1626] and stewed, and close packed vp with butter in earthen
pots. To entertaine strangers, Marmelet, Suckets, Almonds,
Comfits, and such like.
Some it may bee will say, I would haue men rather to
feast then fight. But I say the want of those necessaries,
occasions the losse of more men, then in any English
fleet hath bin slaine in any fight since [i5]88 : for when a
man is ill sicke, or at the poynt of death, I would know
whether a dish of buttered Rice, with a little Cinamon
and Sugar, a little minced meate, or roast beefe, a few
stewed Prunes, a race of greene-ginger, a flap Iacke, a
can of fresh water brued with a little Cinamon, Ginger,
and Sugar, be not better then a little poore John, or salt
fish, with oyle and mustard, or bisket, butter, cheese or
oatemeale pottage on fish dayes,salt beefe, porke and pease,
and sixe shillings beere. This is your ordinary ships allow-
ance, and good for [41] them are well, if well conditioned ;
which is not alwayes, as sea-men can too well witnesse :
and after a storme, when poore men are all wet, and
some not so much a cloth to shift him, shaking with cold,
few of those but will tell you, a little Sacke or Aquvitae,
is much better to keepe them in health, then a little small
beere or cold water, although it be sweete. Now that euery
one should prouide those things for himselfe, few of them
haue either that prouidence or meanes. And there is
neither Alehouse, Tauerne, nor Inne to burne a faggot in ;
neither Grocer, Poulterie, Apothocary, nor Butchers shop :
and therefore the vse of this petty tally is necessary, and
thus to be imployed as there is occasion, to entertaine
strangers, as they are in quality, euery Commander should
shewe himselfe as like himselfe as he can, as well for the
credit of the ship and his settors forth as himselfe. But
in that heerein euery one [42] may moderate themselues,
according to their owne pleasures, therefore I leaue it to
their owne discretions. And this breefe Discourse, and
my selfe, to their friendly construction and good opinion.
Iohn Smith Writ this with his owne Hand.
FINIS.
THE
TRUE TRAVELS,
ADVENTVRES,
AND
OBSERVATIONS
OF
Captaine lOHN SmITK,
In Europe, Asia, Affrica, and America, from Anno
Domini 1593 to 1629.
His Accidents and Sea-fights in the Straights ; his Service
and Stratagems of warre in Hungaria, Transilvania, Wallachia, and
Moldavia, against the Turks, and Tartars j his three single
combats betwixt the Christian Armie and the Turkes.
After how he was taken prisoner by the Tur\s, sold for a Slave, sent
into Tartaria ; his description of the Tartars, their strange manners
and customes of Religions, Diets, Buildings, Warres, Feasts, Cere-
monies, and Living} how hee slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits in
Gambia, and escaped from the Turkes and Tartars.
Together with a continuation of his generall History of Virginia,
Summer-lies, New England, and their proceedings, since 1624. to
this present 1629 ; as also of the new Plantations of the
great River of the Amazons, the lies of St. Christopher,
Mevis, and Barbados in the West Indies.
All written by actuall Authours, whose names
you shall finde along the History.
London,
Printed by J. H. for Thomas Slater, and are to bee
sold at the Blew Bible in Greene Arbour. 1 6 3 0.
[On the 1 8th April 1884, we personally inspected, at the College of
Arms, Queen Victoria Street, London, E.C., Sir William Segar's
registration of the Coat of Arms on the opposite page ; see p. xxiv.
It may be well to repeat what we have already said at p. xxiii, that
most of what is here recorded by Smith of his doings in Hungary,
Transylvania, &c, in Chapters iv.-x., pp. 829-850, is but a reprint of
PURCHAS's translated Extracts from the Italian History or Biography
of Francisco Farnese, the Secretary to Prince Sigismundus
Batori, pp. 788, 852 : and is therefore not Smith's own account of
his own doings, but chiefly the narrative of a foreigner with no possible
motive for his laudation.
This Work was thus entered for publication at Stationers' Hall,
London :
29 &ugtr«t 1629.
Thomaa Slaughter Entred for his Copie vnder the handes of master
Doctor Jefferay and master Purfoote Warden
The true travells aduentures and observations of
Captaine John Smith in Europe Asia &»c.from
Anno Domini 1593 to 1629. . . . vjd.
A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of
London, 1554-1640 A.D., Ed. by E. Arber, iv. 218, 1877.
The Travels, however, come no later than 1604, see p. 880 : the
Observations comprise the carrying on of the story of our colonizing
efforts from 1624, where the General History left off at p. 784, down
to the year 1629.
There seems to have been some delay in the publication of this
book, for though registered in August 1629, it came out with the date
1630.
For the bibliography of this Work step, exxxi.]
fceitljct
Arms of Captain John Smith.
8o8
To the Right Honourable
Willi AM) Rarle ofPEMBROKE^
Lord Steward of his Majesties most
Honourable Houshold.
Robert^ Karle of Lindsey^
Great Chamber laine of
'England.
H e n r i E^ Lord H U N S D O N ,
Vicount Rochford, Karle of Dover.
And all your Honourable Friends
and Well-wilier s.
My Lords:
[1629] $18^^ R R°ber* C°tt°n> that most learned Trea-
*TV!§vM surer of Antiquitie, having by perusall of
fl^SssC my Generall Historie, and others [i.e., his
other earlier publications^ found that I had likewise
undergone divers other as hard hazards in the other
parts of the world, requested me to fix the whole
course of my passages in a booke by it selfe : whose
noble desire I could not but in part satisfie ; the
A{gsS:] The Epistle Dedicatory. 809
rather, because they have acted my fatall Tragedies [1629]
upon the Stage, and racked my Relations at their
pleasure. To prevent therefore all future misprisons,
I have compiled this true discourse. Envie hath taxed
me to have writ too much, and done too little : but
that such should know, how little I esteeme them, I
have writ this ; more for the satisfaction of my friends,
and all generous and well disposed Readers.
To speake only of my selfe were intolerable in-
gratitude ; because, having had so many co-partners
with me ; I cannot make a Monument for my selfe,
and leave them unburied in the fields, whose lives
begot me the title of a Souldier ; for as they were
companions with me in my dangers, so shall they be
partakers with me in this Tombe.
For my Sea Grammar (caused to bee printed by
my worthy friend, Sir Samuel Saltonstall \_p. 787])
hath found such good entertainment abroad, that I
have beene importuned by many noble persons, to
let this also passe the Presse.
Many of the most eminent Warriers, and others ;
what their swords did, their penns writ. Though I
bee never so much their inferiour, yet I hold it no
great errour, to follow good examples; nor repine
at them, [who] will doe the like.
And now my most Honourable good Lords,
I know not to whom I may better present it, than
to your Lordships, whose friendships, as I conceive,
8io
[1629]
The Epistle Dedicatory.
r J. &r
LAuK. i
Smith.
6*9.
are as much to each others, as my duty is to you
all : and because you are acquainted both with my
endevours, and writings, I doubt not, but your
honours will as well accept of this, as of the rest ;
and Patronize it under the shadow of your most
noble vertues, which I am ever bound in all duty to
reverence, and under which I hope to have shelter,
against all stormes that dare threaten.
Your Honours to be commanded,
I o ii n Smith.
The Contents of the severall
Chapters.
Chap. i. W f 1 !%Is birth ; apprentiship ; going
into France; his beginning
with ten shillings and three-
pence, his service in Nether-
lands ; his bad passage into Scotland ;
his returne to Willoughby; and how he
lived in the woods page I. [p, 821]
2. The notable villany of four e French Gal-
lants, and his revenge; Smith throwne
over-boord, Captaine La Roche of Saint
Malo releeves him 3.
3. A desperate Sea-fight in the Straights ;
his passage to Rome, Naples, and tht
view of Italy 5.
4. The Siege of Olumpagh; an excellent
stratagem by Smith ; another not much
worse.
... 6.
[p. 823]
[p. 826]
[p. 829]
The siege of Stowlle-Wesenburg; the
effects of Smiths Fire-workes ; a worthy
exploit of the Earle Rosworme ; Earle
Meldritch takes the Bashaw prisoner. 8. [p. 831]
A brave encounter of the Turks armie
with the Christians; Duke Mercury
overthroweth Assan Bashaw; He divides
the Christian armie; his noblenesse and
death 9. [p. 833]
8i2 The Contents. [£*£
Chap. 7. The unhappy siege of Caniza; Earle
Meldritch serveth Prince Sigismundus;
Prince Moyses besiegeth Regall ; Smiths
three single combats 11. [p. 836]
8. Georgio Busca an Albane his ingratitude
to Prince Sigismundus; Prince Moyses
his Lieutenant, is overthrowne by Busca,
Generall for the Emperour Rodulphus ;
Smiths Patent from Sigismundus, and
reward 14. [p, 840]
9. Sigismundus sends Ambassadours unto
the Emperour ; the conditions re-assured ;
he yieldeth up all to Busca, and retumeth
to Prague 18. [p. 845]
10. The Battell of Rottenton ; a pretty strata-
gem of fire-workes by Smith 20. [p. 848]
11. The names of the English that wereslaine
in the battle of Rottenton ; and how Cap-
taine Smith was taken prisoner ; and sold
for a slave 21. [p. 851]
12. How Captaine Smith was sent prisoner
thorow the Blacke and Dissabacca Sea in
Tartaria; the description of those Seas,
and his usage 23.^.853]
13. The Turks diet; the Slaves diet; the
attire of the Tartars; and manner of
Warres and Religions, &c 24. [p. 855]
14. The description of the Crym-Tartars ;
their houses and carts; their idolatry in
their lodgings 26. [p. 857]
15. Their feasts ; common diet; Princes estate;
buildings; lawes; slaves; entertainment
of Ambassadours 27. [p. 859]
16. How he levieth an Armie; their Armes
and Provision ; how he divideth the
spoile; and his service to the Great
Turke 29. [p. 862J
AJugs?!t] The Contents, 813
Chap. 17. How Captaine Smith escaped his cap-
tivity; slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits in
Cambia ; his passage to Russia, Transil-
vania, and the middest of Europe to
Affrica 31. [p. 866]
18. The observations of Captaine Smith ;
Master Henry Archer, and others in
Barbary 34. [p. 869]
19. The strange discoveries and observations
of the Portugals in Affrica 37. [p. 874J
20. A brave Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish
men of warre, and Captaine Merham,
with Smith 39. [p. 878]
21. The continuation of the generall History
of Virginia; the Summer lies; and New
England ; with their present estate from
1624. to this present 1629 41* [p- 883]
22. The proceedings and present estate of the
Summer lies, from An. Dom. 1624. to
this present 1629 45* [£• 889]
23. The proceedings and present estate of New
England, since 1624. io this present
1629 46.(^.891]
24. A briefe discourse of divers voyages made
unto the goodly Country of Guiana, and
the great River of the Amazons ; relating
also the present Plantation there. ... 48. [p. 895]
25. The beginning and proceedings of the new
plantation of St. Christopher by Captaine
Warner 51. [p. 900]
26. The first planting of the Barbados. ... 55. [p. 906]
27. The first plantation of the He of Mevis. 56. [p. 909]
28. The bad life, qualities and conditions of
Pyrats ; and how they taught the Turks
and Moores to become men ofwarre. 58. [p. 913]
8 1 4 {Complimentary Verses. r'a!fS
1639.
To my worthy friend, Captaine
Iohn Smith.
[1629] 5^j]|SBr Wo greatest Shires of England did thee beare,
Renowned Yorkshire, Gaunt-stild Lancashire ;
But what's all this ? even Earth, Sea, Heaven above,
Tragabigzanda, Callamata's love,
Deare Pocahontas, Madam Shanoi's too,
Who did what love with modesty could doe :
Record thy worth, thy birth, which as I live,
Even in thy reading such choice solace give,
As I could wish (such wishes would doe well)
Many such Smiths in this our Israel.
R. Brathwait.
To my noble brother and friend,
Captaine Iohn Smith.
Hou hast a course so full of honour runne,
Envy may snarle, as dogges against the Sunne
May barke, not bite : for what deservedly
With thy lifes danger, valour, pollicy,
Quaint warlike stratagems, abillity
And judgement, thou hast got, fame sets so high
Detraction cannot reach : thy worth shall stand
A patterne to succeeding ages, and
Cloth' d in thy owne lines, ever shall adde grace,
Vnto thy native Country and thy race ;
And when dissolved, laid in thy mothers wombe,
These, Caesar-/ifo, Smiths Epitaph and tombe.
Anthony Fereby.
E'Jorit9. Complimentary Verses.] 815
To his valiant and deserving friend,
Captaine Iohn Smith.
Kongst Frenchmen, Spanyards, Hungars, Tartars, [1629]
Turks,
A nd wilde Virginians too, this tells thy works :
Now some will aske, what benefit ? what gaine ?
Is added to thy store for all this paine ?
TK art then content to say, content is all,
Th'ast got content for perils, paine and thrall ;
Tis lost to looke for more : for few men now
Regard Wit, Learning, Valour ; but allow
The quintessence of praise to him that can
Number his owne got gold, and riches, than
Wart Valiant, Learned, Wise; Pauls counsell will,
A dmire thy merits, magnifie thy skill.
The last of thine to which I set my hand
Was a Sea Grammar ; this by Sea and Land,
Serves us for imitation : I know none,
That like thy selfe hast come, and runne, and gone.
To such praise-worthy actions : beeH approued,
Th' ast well deserv'd of best men to be loued :
If France, or Spaine, or any forren soile
Could claime thee theirs, for these thy paines and toile,
Th' adst got reward and honour : now adayes,
What our owne natives doe, we seldom praise.
Good men will yeeld thee praise ; then sleight the rest ;
Tis best praise-worthy to have pleased the best.
Tuissimus Ed. Iorden.
8 1 6 [Complimentary Verses, m h J
M. Hawkins.
1639.
To my worthy friend, Captaine
Iohn Smith.
[1629] Q^p^Ear^ noble Captaine, who by Sea and Land,
To act the earnest of thy name hast hand
And heart; who canst with skill designe the Fori,
The Leaguer, Harbour, City, Shore, and Port :
Whose sword and pen in bold, ruffe, Martiall wise,
Put forth to try and beare away the prize,
From Caesar and Blaize Monluc : Can it be,
That Men alone in Gonnels fortune see
Thy worth advanced ? no wonder since our age,
Is now at large a Bedlem or a Stage.
Rich. Iames.
To his worthy friend, Captaine
Iohn Smith.
Hou that hast had a spirit to flie like thunder,
Without thy Countries charge through those strange
dangers,
Doth make my muse amazed, and more to wonder
That thy deserts should shared be by strangers,
And thou neglected ; (ah miracle !) most lamented,
At thy great patience thus to rest contented.
M. Hawkins
R.aSK3: Complimentary Verses^ 817
'29.
For none can truly say thou didst deceive, [1629]
Thy Souldiers, Sailers, Merchants, nor thy friends,
But all from thee a true account receive,
Yet nought to thee all these thy vertues brings ;
Is none so noble to advance thy merit,
If any be, let him thy praise inherit.
Ma. Hawkins.
To my worthy friend, Captaine
Iohn Smith.
0 combate with three Turks in single du'le^
Before two Armies, who the like hath done ?
Slaine thy great lailor ; found a common weale
In faire America where ; thou hast wonnt
No lesse renowne amongst their Savage Kings,
Than Turkish warres, that thus thy honour sings.
Could not those tyrants daunt thy matchlesse spirit.
Nor all the cruelty of envies spight :
Will not thy Country yet reward thy merit,
Nor in thy acts and writings take delight ?
Which here in so few sheets doth more expresse
Than volumes great, this is thy happinesse.
Richard Meade.
52
8 1 8 [Complimentary Verses. ^ cfiiS;.
xtag
To my well deserving friend,
Captaine Iohn Smith.
[1629] !«jn r^jpHou hast no need to covet new applause,
Nor doe I thinke vaine-glory moves thee to it ;
But since it is thy will {though without cause)
To move a needlesse thing, yet will I doe it :
Doe it in brief e I will, or else I doe the[e] wrong,
And say, rend or'e Captaine Smiths former song;
His first then will invite thee to his latter:
Reader 'tis true ; I am not brib'd to flatter.
Edw. Ingham.
To his approved friend, the Authour ;
Captaine Iohn Smith.
■/v., Bard.] ^^nCJw^* old Greeke Beard,* counts him the onely man,
Who knowes strange Countries, like his Ithacan,
A nd wise, as valiant, by his observation,
Can tell the severall customes of each Nation :
A 11 these are met in thee, who will not then
Repute thee in the ranke of worthiest men ?
To th'Westerne world to former times unknowns,
Thy active spirit hath thy valour showne :
The Turks and Tartars both can testifie,
Thee fhave deserv'd a Captaines dignity ;
But verse thou need'st not to expresse thy worth.
Thy acts, this booke doe plainly set it forth.
M. Cartner.
I.C.andC.P.
B. O. Rourke.
1629.
Complimentary Verses."]
819
To the Valourous and trwly -vert uous
souldier, Captaine Iohn Smith.
O* Faith in Campe ? tis false : see pious Smith
Hath brought stragling Astraea backe, and with
An all outdaring spirit made Valour stand
Vpheld by Vertue in bold Mars his land :
If Valourous, be praise ; how great's his Name ?
Whose Valour joynd with Vertue laud 's his Fame.
Vwas Homers boast of wise Laertes sonne,
t Well-read in men and Cities : than thou none
{Great Smith) of these can more true tales rehearse ;
What want thy praises then, but Homers verse ?
[1629]
* Nulla fides
pietasque
viris, qui
castra sequ-
untur.
$' avQpia-
irutv ISev
aorea icai
voov iyv<o
Horn. OdysB.
Jn Smitkum Distichon.
Quisque suas sortis*Faber; an Faber exstitit unquam * APPiu«
Te (Smithe) fortunae verior usque suae ?
I. c.
C. P.
To his noble friend, Captaine
Iohn Smith.
0 see bright honour sparkled all in gore,
Would Steele a spirit that neWe fought before :
A nd thafs the height of Fame, when our best bloud,
Is nobly spilt in actions great and good :
So thou hast taught the world to purchase Fame,
Rearing thy story on a glorious frame,
And such foundation doth thy merits make it,
As all detractions rage shall never shake it;
Thy actions crowne themselves, and thy owne pen,
Gives them the best and truest Epiphonem.
Brian O Ro v r k b.
820 [Complimentary Verses. STaS£
To his truly deserving friend
Captaine Iohn Smith.
[1629] j[fifr^)^An one please all ? there's none from Censure free,
To looke forHt then it were absurd in thee ;
It's easie worke to censure sweetest Layes,
Where Ignorance is Iudge thou'd have no praise :
Wisdome / know will mildly judge of all,
Envious hearts , tongues, pennes, are dippt in Gall.
Proud malignant times will you now bring forth
Monsters at least to snarle at others worth ;
0 doe not so, but wisely looke on him
That wrought such Honours for his Countries King ;
Of Turks and Tartars thou hast wonne the field.
The great Bashaw his Courage thou hast queVd ;
In the Hungarian warre thou'st shewd thy Arts,
Proued thy Selfe a Souldier true in all parts :
Thy Armes are deckt with that thy Sword hath wonne,
Which mallice can't out- w ear e till day be done :
For three proud Turks in single fight thou'st slue,
Their Heads adorne thy Armes, for witnesse true;
Let Mars and Neptune both with Pregnant wit,
Extoll thy due deserts, He pray for it.
Salo. Tanner
THE
TRVE TRAVELS,
ADVENTVRES,
AND
OBSERVATIONS
OF CAPTAINE Iohn Smith,
in Europe, Asia, Africke, and America :
beginning about the yeere 1593. anc*
continued to this present
1629.
CHAPTER I.
His birth ; Apprentiship ; Going into France ; His
beginning with ten shillings and three pence ; His
Service in Netherlands ; His bad passage into
Scotland ; His returne to Willoughby ;
And how he lived in the Woods.
E was borne [1580] in Willoughby in [1580-96]
Lincolne-shire, and a Scholler in the two
Free-schooles of Alford and Louth. His
father anciently descended from the
ancient Smiths of Crtcdley in Lancashire;
his mother from the Rickands at great
Heck in York-shire.
His parents dying [1596] when he was
about thirteene yeeres of age, left him a competent meanes,
which hee not being capable to manage, little regarded ;
822 The Travel Is and Adventures of [AJu'gs?£!j:
[1596-9] his minde being even then set upon brave adventures, [he]
sould his Satchell, bookes, and all he had, intending
secretly to [2] get to Sea, but that his fathers death [Apr.
1596] stayed him.
But now the Guardians of his estate more regarding
it than him, he had libertie enough, though no meanes,
to get beyond the Sea.
About the age of fifteene yeeres [1595] nee was bound
an Apprentice to Master Thomas Sendall of Linne, the
greatest Merchant of all those parts; but because hee
would not presently send him to Sea, he never saw his
master in eight yeeres after [1596-1604].
At last, he found meanes to attend Master Perigrine Barty
into France, second sonne to the Right Honourable Peri-
grine, that generous Lord Willoughby and famous Souldier;
where comming to his brother Robert, then at Orleans, now
Earle of Linsey, and Lord great Chamberlaine of England ;
being then but little youths under Tutorage : his service
being needlesse, within a moneth or six weeks they sent
him backe againe to his friends. Who when he came from
London, they liberally gave him (but out of his owne estate)
ten shillings to be rid of him; such oft is the share of
fatherlesse children : but those two Honourable Brethren
gave him sufficient to returne for England.
But it was the least thought of his determination, for
now being freely at libertie in Paris, growing acquainted
with one Master David Hume ; who making some use of
his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to
preferre him to King lames. Arriving at Roane, he better
bethinkes himselfe, seeing his money neere spent, downe
the River he went to Haver de grace, where he first began
to learne the life of a souldier.
Peace being concluded in France [1596], he went with
Captaine Ioseph Duxbury into the Low-countries, under
whose Colours having served three or foure yeeres [1596-9],
he tooke his journey for Scotland, to deliver his Letters.
At Ancusan he imbarked himselfe for Lethe, but as
much danger as shipwracke and sicknesse could endure,
hee had at the holy He in Northumberland neere Bar-
wicke : (being recovered) into Scotland he went to deliver
his Letters.
AugSSS.'] Captaine Iohn Smith, 823
After much kinde usage amongst those honest Scots at [1600]
Ripweth and Broxmoth,but neither money nor meanes to make
him a Courtier; he returned to Willoughby in Lincoln-shire.
Where within a short time being glutted with too much
company, wherein he took small delight ; he retired
himselfe into a little wooddie pasture, a good way from
any towne, invironed with many hundred Acres of other
woods : Here by a faire brook he built a Pavillion of
boughes, where only in his cloaths he lay. His studie
was Machiavills Art of warre, and Marcus Aurelius; his
exercise a good horse, with his lance and Ring ; his food
was thought to be more of venison than any thing else ;
what he wanted, his man brought him.
The countrey wondering at such an Hermite; His
friends perswaded one Seignior Theadora Polaloga, Rider
to Henry Earle of Lincolne, an excellent Horse-man, and
a noble Italian Gentleman, to insinuate into his wooddish
acquaintances ; whose Languages and good discourse, and
exercise of riding, drew him to stay with him at Tatter sail.
Long these pleasures could not content him, but hee
returned againe to the Low-Countreyes. [3]
CHAPTER II.
The notable villany offoure French Gallants, and his
revenge ; Smith throwne over-board ; Captaine
La Roche of Saint Malo releeves him.
,Hus when France and Netherlands had taught
him to ride a Horse and use his Armes, with such
rudiments of warre as his tender yeeres \cet. 16-20]
in those martiall Schooles could attaine unto ;
he was desirous to see more of the world, and trie his
fortune against the Turkes : both lamenting and repenting
to have seene so many Christians slaughter one another.
Opportunitie casting him [in the Low Countries] into the a notable
company of foure French Gallants well attended, fainingto foureny°
him the one to be a great Lord, the rest his Gentlemen, and G2£iu$
that they were all devoted that way ; over-perswaded him to
824 The Travells and Adventures of [AJugs?6^
[1600] goe with them into France, to the Dutchesse of Mercury [de
Mercceur], from whom they should not only have meanes,
but also Letters of favour to her noble Duke, then General!
[since Sept. 1598] for the Emperour Rodolphus in Hungary :
which he did, with such ill weather as winter affordeth.
In the darke night, they arrived in the broad shallow
In-let of Saint Vatleries sur Some in Picardie ; his French
Lord knowing he had good apparell, and [was] better fur-
nished with money than themselves, so plotted with the
Master of the ship to set his and their owne trunckes a
shore, leaving Smith aboard till the boat could returne,
which was the next day after towards evening : the reason
hee alleaged was the sea went so high hee could come no
sooner, and that his Lord was gone to Amiens where they
would stay his comming. Which treacherous villany,
when divers other souldiers and passengers understood,
they had like to have slaine the Master; and had they
knowne how, would have runne away with the ship.
a carraiue Comming on shore hee had but one Carralue, [and] was
« in^raiue a force(j to sejj j^s cloake to pay for his passage. One of the
souldiers, called Curzianvere, compassionating his injury,
assured him this great Lord Depreau was only the sonne
of a Lawyer of Mortaigne in base Britany ; and his Attend-
ants Cursell, La Nelie, and Monferrat, three young citizens,
as arrant cheats as himselfe : but if he would accompany
him, he would bring him to their friends; but in the
interim [he] supplied his wants.
Thus travelling by Deepe, Codebeck, Humphla, Pount-
demer in Normandie, they came to Cane in base Normandie :
where both this noble Curzianvere, and the great Prior of
the great Abbey of 5. Steven (where is the ruinous Tombe
of William the Conquerour,) and many other of his friends
kindly welcomed him, and brought him to Mortaigne ;
where hee found Depreau and the rest, but to small purpose.
For Master Curzianvere was a banished man, and durst
not be seene, but to his friends: yet the bruit of their
cosenage occasioned the Lady Collumber, the Baron
Larshan, the Lord Shasghe, and divers other honourable
persons, to supply his wants ; and with them to recreate
himselfe so long as hee would : but such pleasant pleasures
suited little with his poore estate, and his restlesse spirit,
AJugS?6£3 Captaine IohnSmith. 825
that could neuer finde content, to receiue such noble [1600]
favours, as he could neither deserve nor requite. [4]
But wandring from Port to Port to finde some man of
war, [he] spent that he had ; and in a Forest, neere dead
with griefe and cold, a rich Farmer found him by a faire
Fountaine under a tree. This kinde Pesant releeved him
againe to his content, to follow his intent.
Not long after, as he passed thorow a great grove of trees, Here he
betweene Pounterson and Dina in Britaine, it was his chance i>ne°of £?
to meet Cursell, more miserable than himselfe. His piercing theeves-
injuries had so small patience, as without any word they
both drew, and in a short time Cursell fell to the ground ;
where from an old ruinated Tower the inhabitants seeing
them, were satisfied, when they heard Cursell confesse
what had formerly passed ; and that how in the dividing
that they had stolne from him, they fell by the ears
amongst themselves, that were actors in it : but for his
part, he excused himselfe to be innocent as well of the
one, as of the other.
In regard of his hurt, Smith was glad to be so rid of ThenoMe.
him, directing his course to an honourable Lord, the Earle ilfieof
of Ployer; who during the warre in France [1590-6], with ployer-
his two brethren, Viscount Poomory, and Baron d'Mercy,
who had beene brought up in England : by him he was
better refurnished than ever. When they had shewed him
Saint Malo Mount, Saint Michael, Lambal, Simbreack,
Lanion, and their owne faire Castle of Tuncadeck, Gingan,
and divers other places in Britanny (and their Brittish
Comwaile), taking his leave, he tooke his way to Raynes,
the Britaines chiefe Citie, and so to Nantes, Poyters,
Rochell, and Burdeaux.
The rumour of the strength of Bayon in Biskay, caused
him to see it ; and from thence [he] tooke his way from
Leskar in Biearne, and Paw in the kingdom of Navar to
Tolouza in Gascoigne, Bezers and Carcassone, Narbone, Mont-
pettier, Nimes in Languedock, and thorow the Country of
Avignion, by Aries to Mar cellos in Province.
There imbarking himselfe for Italy, the ship was
enforced to Tolonne ; and putting againe to sea, ill weather
so grew upon them, they anchored close aboard the shore,
under the little Isle of 5. Mary, against Neice in Savoy.
826
The Travells and Adventures of
[J. Smith.
Aug. 1629.
[1600-1]
An
inhumane
act of the
Provincialls
in casting
him over-
board.
Captaine
La Roche
releeves him.
Here the inhumane Provincialls, with a rabble of
Pilgrimes of divers Nations going to Rome, hourely
cursing him, not only for a Hugonoit, but his Nation they
swore were all Pyrats, and so vildly railed on his dread
Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, and that they never should
have faire weather so long as hee was aboard them ; their
disputations grew to that passion, that they threw him
over-board : yet God brought him to that little Isle, where
was no inhabitants, but a few kine and goats.
The next morning, he espied two ships more riding by
them, put in by the storme ; that fetched him aboard, well
refreshed him, and so kindly used him, that he was well
contented to trie the rest of his fortune with them. After he
had related unto them his former discourse, what for pitie,
and the love of the Honourable Earle of Ployer, this noble
Britaine his neighbour, Captaine la Roche of Saint Malo,
regarded and entertained him for his well respected friend.
With the next faire wind they sailed along by the Coast
of Corsica and Sardinia ; and crossing the gulfe of Tunis,
passed by Cape Bona to the Isle of Lampadosa, leaving
the coast of Barbary till they came at Cape Rosata, and so
along the African shore, for Alexandria in Mgypt.
There delivering their fraught, they went to Scandaroone ;
rather to view what ships was in the Roade, than any thing
else : keeping their [5] course by Cypres and the coast of
Asia, sayling by Rhodes, the Archipellagans, Candia, and
the coast of Gretia, and the Isle of Zaffalonia.
They lay to and againe a few days betwixt the Isle of
Corfue and the Cape of Otranto in the Kingdome of Naples,
in the Entrance of the A driatike sea.
CHAPTER III.
A desperate
•ea-fight.
A desperate Sea-fight in the Straights ; His passage
to Rome, Naples, and the view of Italy.
Etwixt the two Capes {at the entrance of the
Adriatic] they meet with an Argosie of Venice.
It seemed the Captaine desired to speake
with them, whose untoward answer was such,
A^TeS:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 827
as slew them a man; whereupon the Britaine presently [1600-1]
gave them the broad-side, then his Sterne, and his other
broad-side also, and continued the chase, with his chase
peeces, till he gave them so many broad-sides one after
another, that the Argosies sayles and tackling was so
torne, she stood to her defence, and made shot for shot.
Twice in one houre and a halfe the Britaine boarded her,
yet they cleared themselves: but clapping her aboard
againe, the Argosie fired him, which, with much danger
to them both, was presently quenched. This rather
augmented the Britaines rage, than abated his courage ;
for having reaccommodated himselfe againe, [he] shot hei
so oft betweene wind and water, shee was readie to sinke ;
then they yeelded; the Britaine lost fifteene men, she
twentie, besides divers were hurt. The rest went to worke
on all hands ; some to stop the leakes, others to guard the
prisoners that were chained, the rest to rifle her. The
Silkes, Velvets, Cloth of gold and Tissue, Pyasters
Chicqueenes and Sultanies, which is gold and silver, they
unloaded in foure and twentie houres, was wonderfull :
whereof having sufficient, and tired with toile, they cast
her off with her company, with as much good merchandize
as would haue fraughted such another Britaine, that was
but two hundred Tunnes, she foure or five hundred.
To repaire his defects, hee stood for the coast of Calabria,
but hearing there was six or seven Galleyes at Mesina, hee
departed thence for Malta : but the wind comming faire, he
kept his course along the coast of the Kingdome of Sicilia
by Sardinia and Corsica, till he came to the Road of A ntibo
[Antibes] in Peamon [Piedmont], where he set Smith on
shore with fiue hundred chicqueenes [—about £225], and
a little box God sent him worth neere as much more.
Here he left this noble Britaine, and embarked himselfe
for Lygorne, being glad to have such opportunitie and
meanes to better his experience by the view of Italy ; and
having passed Tuskany, and the Countrey of Sieana (where
hee found his deare friends, the two Honourable Brethren,
the Lord Willoughby and his Brother cruelly wounded, in a
desperate fray, yet to their exceeding great honour), then
to Viterbo and many other Cities, he came to Rome : where
it was his chance to see Pope Clement the eight, with many
828
[1601]
The Popes
holy Staires
brought
from
Jerusalem,
whereon
(they say)
Christ went
up to
Pontius
Pilate.
The Travells and Adventures of
f J. Smith.
Cardinalls, creepe up the holy Stayres, which they say are
those our Saviour Christ went up to Pontius Pilate, where
bloud falling from his head, being pricked with his crowne
of thornes, the drops [6] are marked with nailes of Steele.
Upon them none dare goe but in that manner, saying so
many Ave-Maries and Paternosters, as is their devotion, and
to kisse the nailes of Steele. But on each side is a paire of
such like staires, up which you may goe, stand, or kneele ;
but divided from the holy Staires by two walls : right
against them is a Chappell, where hangs a great silver
Lampe, which burneth continually, yet they say the oyle
neither increaseth nor diminisheth.
A little distant is the ancient Church of Saint John de
Laterane, where he saw him [Pope Clement VIII.] say Masse,
which commonly he doth upon some Friday once a moneth.
Having saluted Father Parsons, that famous English
Iesuite, and satisfied himselfe with the rarities of Rome, he
went downe the River of Tiber to Civita Vechia ; where he
embarked himselfe to satisfie his eye with the faire Citie
of Naples, and her Kingdomes nobilitie.
Returning by Capua, Rome and Seana, he passed by that
admired Citie of Florence, the Cities and Countries of Bolonia,
Ferrara, Mantua, Padua, and Venice, whose Gulfe he passed
from Malamoco and the Adriatike Sea for Ragouza, spending
some time to see that barren broken coast of Albania and
Dalmatia, to Capo de I stria, travelling the maine [i.e., main-
land] of poore Slavonia by Lubbiano, till he came to Grates
in Steria, the Seat of Ferdinando Arch-duke of Austria, now
[1629] Emperour of A Imania [from 1619 to 1637] : where he
met an English man, and an Irish Iesuite; who acquainted
him [made him acquainted] with many brave Gentlemen of
good qualitie, especially with the Lord Ebersbaught.
With whom trying such conclusions, as he projected
to undertake ; [he] preferred him to Baron Kisell, Generall
of the Artillery; and he to a worthy Collonell, [Henry
Volda] the Earle of A/ eldritch : with whom going to Vienne in
Austria, under whose Regiment, in what service, and how
he spent his time, this ensuing Discourse will declare.
ing^i:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 829
CHAPTER IV.
The Siege of Olumpagh ; An excellent Stratagem
by Smith ; Another not much worse.
Fter the losse of Caniza, the Turkes with twentie [1601]
thousand besieged the strong Towne of Olum- 3J*jJ£JfAof
pagh so straightly, as they were cut off from all
intelligence and hope of succour; till Iohn
Smith, this English Gentleman, acquainted Baron Kisell,
Generall of the Archdukes Artillery, he had taught the
Governour, his worthy friend, such a Rule, that he would
undertake to make him know any thing he intended, and
have his answer, would they bring him but to some place
where he might make the flame of a Torch seene to the
Towne.
Kisell inflamed with this strange invention ; Smith made
it so plaine, that forthwith hee gave him guides, who
in the darke night brought him to a mountaine, where he
shewed three Torches equidistant from other, which
plainly appearing to the Towne ; the Governour presently
apprehended, and answered againe with three other fires
in like manner ; each knowing the others being and intent ;
Smith, though distant seven miles, signified to him these
words : On Thursday at night I will charge on the East,
at the [7] Alarum, salley you.
Ebersbaught answered he would : and thus it was done.
First he writ his message as briefe, you see, as could
be, then divided the Alphabet in two parts thus ;
A. b. c. d. e. /. g. h. i. k. I.
I. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1.
m.
n.
0.
P-
?•
r.
s.
t.
V.
W.
X.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2
y-
z.
2.
2.
The first part from A.toL. is signified by shewing and sJS^m"1
hiding one linke, so oft as there is letters from A . to that
letter you meane ; the other part from M. to Z. is men-
830 The Travells and Adventures of [a^??<^
[1601] tioned by two lights in like manner. The end of a word
is signified by shewing of three lights : ever staying your
light at that letter you meane, till the other may write it
in a paper, and answer by his signall, which is one light,
it is done ; beginning to count the letters by the lights,
every time from A . to M : by this meanes also the other re-
turned his answer, whereby each did understand other.
The Guides all this time having well viewed the Campe,
returned to Kisell, who, doubting of his power being but
ten thousand, was animated by the Guides, how the Turkes
were so divided by the River in two parts, they could not
Another easily second each other. To which Smith added this con-
straugem. ciusion . that two or three thousand pieces of match
fastened to divers small lines of an hundred fathome in
length being armed with powder, might all be fired and
stretched at an instant before the Alarum, upon the Plaine
of Hysnaburg, supported by two staves, at each lines end,
in that manner would seeme like so many Musketteers;
which was put in practice : and being discovered by the
Turkes, they prepared to encounter these false fires, thinking
there had beene some great Armie : whilest Kisell with his
ten thousand being entred the Turks quarter, who ranne
up and downe as men amazed.
It was not long ere Ebersbaught was pell-mell with them
in their Trenches; in which distracted confusion, athird part
of the Turkes, that besieged that side towards Knousbruck,
were slaine ; many of the rest drowned : but all fled. The
other part of the Armie was so busied to resist the false
fires, that Kisell before the morning put two thousand good
souldiers in the Towne, and with small losse was retired.
The Garrison was well releeved with that they found in the
Turkes quarter, which caused the Turkes to raise their siege
and returne to Caniza : and Kisell with much honour was
received at Kerment ; and occasioned the Author a good
reward and preferment, to be Captaine of two hundred and
fiftie Horse-men, under the Conduct of Colonell Voldo,
Earle of Meldritch. [8]
AJagS?6£:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 831
CHAPTER V.
The siege of Stowlle-wesenburg ; The effects of
Smiths Fireworkes ; A worthy exploit of
Earle Rosworme ; Earle M eldritch
takes the Bashaw prisoner.
Generall rumour of a generall peace, now [1601]
spred it selfe over all the face of those tor-
mented Countries : but the Turke intended no
such matter, but levied souldiers from all
parts he could. The Emperour also, by the assistance of
the Christian Princes, provided three Armies : the one led
by the Arch-duke Mathias, the Emperours brother, and
his Lieutenant Duke Mercury [i.e., Philippe Emmanuel de
Lorraine, Duke de Mercceur] to defend Low Hungary ;
the second, by Ferdinando the Arch-duke of Steria, and
the Duke of Mantua his Lieutenant to regaine Caniza;
the third by Gonzago, Governour of High Hungary, to
joyne with Georgia Busca, to make an absolute conquest
of Transilvania.
Duke Mercury with an Armie of thirtie thousand, ^/L*"*"0'
whereof neere ten thousand were French, besieged Stowlle- Rtgaiu.
wesenburg, otherwise called A Iba Regalis ; a place so strong
by Art and Nature, that it was thought impregnable.
At his first comming, the Turkes sallied upon the
Germane quarter, slew neere five hundred, and returned
before they were thought on.
The next night, in like manner they did neere as much
to the Bemers, and Hungarians ; of which fortune still
presuming, thinking to have found the French quarter as
carelesse, eight or nine hundred of them were cut in
pieces and taken prisoners. In this encounter Monsieur
Grandvile, a brave French Colonell, received seven or eight
cruell wounds, yet followed the enemie to the Ports ; he
came off alive, but within three or foure dayes died.
Earle Meldritch, by the information of three or foure
Christians (escaped out of the Towne), [of] upon every
Alarum, where there was greatest assemblies and throng of
832 The Travells and Adventures of [j^ffi
[1601j people, caused Captaine Smith to put in practice his fiery
The effect Dragons, [which] hee had demonstrated unto him, and the
wofkfcd *" Earle Von Sulch at Comoro, : which hee thus performed.
Having prepared fortie or fiftie round-bellied earthen pots,
and filled them with hand Gunpowder, then covered them
with Pitch, mingled with Brimstone and Turpentine ; and
quartering as many Musket-bullets, that hung together
but only at the Center of the division, stucke them round
in the mixture about the pots, and covered them againe
with the same mixture; over that a strong Searcloth,
then over all a good thicknesse of Towze-match well
tempered with oyle of Lin-seed, Campheer, and powder of
Brimstone : these he fitly placed in Slings, graduated so
neere as they could, to the places of these Assemblies.
At midnight upon the Alarum, it was a fearfull sight to
see the short flaming course of their flight in the aire 1 but
presently after their fall, the lamentable noise of the
miserable slaughtered Turkes was most wonderfull to
heare. Besides, they had fired that Suburbe at the Port
of Buda, in two or three places ; which so troubled the
Turkes to quench, that had there beene any meanes to
have assaulted [9] them, they could hardly have resisted
the fire, and their enemies.
«JiS?S The Earle Rosworme, contrary to the opinion of all men,
Earie ^ would needs undertake to finde meanes to surprize the
Segeth and Suburbe of the Citie, strongly defended by a
muddie Lake, which was thought unpassable.
The Duke [de Mercosur] having planted his Ordnance,
battered the other side, whilest Rosworme, in the darke
night, with every man a bundle of sedge and bavins still
throwne before them, so laded upthe Lake, as they surprized
that unregarded Suburbe before they were discovered: upon
which unexpected Alarum, the Turkes fled into the Citie ;
and the other Suburbe not knowing the matter, got into
the Citie also, leaving their Suburbe for the Duke, who
with no great resistance, tooke it, with many peeces of
Ordnance.
The Citie, being of no such strength as the Suburbs, with
their owne Ordnance was so battered, that it was taken
perforce, with such a mercilesse execution, as was most
pitifull to behold.
Roswort>it.
T. Smith."]
Aug. 1629.J
Captaine Iohn Smith
833
The Bashaw notwithstanding drew together a partie of
five hundred before his owne Pallace, where he intended
to die ; but seeing most of his men slaine before him, by
the valiant Captaine Earl M eldritch, who tooke him prisoner
with his owne hands ; and with the hazard of himselfe
saved him from the fury of other troopes, that did pull
downe his Pallace, and would have rent him in peeces,
had he not beene thus preserved.
The Duke thought his victory much honoured with such
a Prisoner; tooke order hee should bee used like a Prince :
and with all expedition gave charge presently to repaire
the breaches, and the ruines of this famous Citie, that had
beene in the possession of the Turkes neere threescore yeares.
[1601
Earlr.
Meldritch
takes the
Bashaw
prisoner.
CHAPTER VI.
A brave encounter of the Turkes Armie with the
Christians ; Duke Mercury overthroweth Assan
Bashaw ; Hee divides the Christian Armie ;
His noblenesse and death.
Ahomet, the great Turke, during the siege, had
raised an Armie of sixtie thousand men to have
releeved it; but hearing it was lost, he sent
Assan Bashaw Generall of his Armie, the Bashaw
of Buda Bashaw Atnaroz, to see if it were possible to
regaine it ; The Duke understanding there could be no
great experience in such a new levied Armie as Assan
had ; having put a strong Garrison into it : and with the
brave Colonell Rosworme, Culnits, Meldritch, the Rhine-
Grave, Vahan and many others ; [and] with twenty thou-
sand good souldiers, set forward to meet the Turke in the
Plaines of Girke.
Those two Armies encountred as they marched, where a brave
began a hot and bloudy Skirmish betwixt them, Regiment ^SrVSfs
against Regiment, as they came in order, till the night Armiewith
parted them. Here Earle
Meldritch
53
was so invironed christians.
834 The Travells and Adventures of [a!^?Ss$-
[1601] amongst those halfe circuler Regiments of Turkes, they
supposed him their Prisoner, and his Regiment lost ; but
his two most couragious friends, Vahan and Culnits, [10]
made such a passage amongst them, that it was a terror
to see how horse and man lay sprawling and tumbling,
some one way, some another on the ground. The Earle
there at that time made his valour shine more bright than
his armour, which seemed then painted with Turkish bloud.
He slew the brave Zanzack Bugola, and made his passage
to his friends ; but neere halfe his Regiment was slaine.
Captain Smith [who was a Captain in this Cavalry Regiment]
had his horse slaine under him, and himselfe [was] sore
wounded ; but he was not long unmounted, for there was
choice enough of horses that wanted masters.
The Turke thinking the victory sure against the Duke,
whose Armie, by the Siege, and the Garrison he had left
behind him, was much weakened, would not be content
with one, but he would have all ; and lest the Duke should
returne to Alba Regalis, he sent that night twenty thousand
to besiege the Citie, assuring them he would keepe the
Duke or any other from releeving them.
Duke Two or three dayes they lay each by other, entrenching
Mercury themselves; the Turkes daring the Duke daily to a settbattell,
^ssan^ w^° at lengtn drew out his Army, led by the Rhine-Grave,
Btuta. Culnits and M eldritch: who upon their first encounter, charged
with that resolute and valiant courage, as disordered not
only the formost squadrons of the Turkes, but enforced all
the whole Armie to retire to the Campe, with the losse of
five or six thousand, with the Bashaw of Buda, and foure
or five Zanzacks, with divers other great Commanders,
two hundred Prisoners, and nine peeces of Ordnance.
At that instant appeared, as it were, another Armie com-
ming out of a valley over a plaine hill, that caused the Duke
at that time to be contented, and to retire to his Trenches ;
which gave time to Assan to reorder his disordered
squadrons.
Here they lay nine or ten dayes, and more supplies
Tepaircd to them, expecting to try the event in a sett
battell ; but the souldiers on both parties, by reason of
Aug^S'.] Captaine Iohn Smith, S3 5
their great wants and [the] approach of winter, grew so [1601-2J
discontented, that they were ready of themselves to breake
up the Leager: the Bashaw retiring himselfe to Buda,
had some of the Reare Troopes cut off.
Amaroz Bashaw hearing of this, found such bad welcome
at A Iba Regalis, and the Towne so strongly repaired, with
so brave a Garrison, [that he] raised his siege and retired
to Zigetum.
The Duke [de Mercczur] understanding that the Arch-duke
Ferdinando had so resolutely besieged Caniza, as what by the
losse of A Iba Regalis, and the Turks retreat to Buda, being
void of hope of any reliefe, [he] doubted not but it would
become againe the Christians. To the furtherance whereof, Jj^
the Duke divided his Armie into three parts. The Earle of dmdttk to
Rosworme went with seven thousand to Caniza; the Earle of Arm,e*
Meldritch with six thousand he sent to assist Georgio Busca
against the Transilvanians ; the rest went with himselfe to
the Garrisons of Strigonium and Komara : having thus
worthily behaved himselfe, he arrived at Vienne, where
the Arch-dukes and the Nobilitie with as much honour
received him, as if he had conquered all Hungaria; his
very Picture they esteemed would make them fortunate,
which thousands kept as curiously as a precious relique.
To requite this honour, preparing himselfe to returne into Duke
France, to raise new Forces against the next yeare, with %£vury
the two Arch-dukes Mathias and Maximilian and divers jj'jj^f
others of the Nobilitie, [he] was with great magnificence [11] suddenly6
conducted to Nurenburg, there by them royally feasted :
(how it chanced is not knowne;) but the next morning
[19 Feb. 1602] he was found dead, and his brother in law
died two dayes after; whose hearts, after this great
triumph, with much sorrow were carried into France,
836 The Travells and Adventures of D&mSJ
CHAPTER VII.
The unhappie Siege of Caniza; Earle Meldritcn
serveth Prince Sigismundus ; Prince Moyses
besiegeth Regall ; Smiths three single combats ;
His Patent from Sigismundus,
and reward.
[1601-2] fg\ -He worthy Lord Rosworme had not a worse
journey to the miserable Seige of Caniza, (where
by the extremitie of an extraordinary continuing
tempest of haile, wind, frost and snow, in so
much that the Christians were forced to leave their Tents
and Artillery, and what they had; it being so cold that
three or foure hundred of them were frozen to death in a
night, and two or three thousand lost in that miserable
flight in the snowie tempest, though they did know no
enemie at all to follow them :) than the noble Earle of
Meldritch had to Transilvania : where hearing of the death
of Michael [Vayvode of Wallachia, see p. 847] and the brave
Duke Mercury, and knowing the policie of Busca, and the
Prince his Roialtie, being now beyond all beleefe of men, in
possession of the best part of Transilvania ; perswaded his
troopes, in so honest a cause, to assist the Prince [Sigismun-
dus] against the Turke, rather than Busca against the Prince.
The souldiers being worne out with those hard payes
Hmth and travells, upon hope to have free libertie to make bootie
muZt™**"' uP°n what they could get possession of from the Turkes,
was easily perswaded to follow him whithersoever. Now
this noble Earle [Meldritch] was a Transilvanian borne, and
his fathers Countrey [was] yet inhabited by the Turkes ; for
Transilvania was yet in three divisions, though the Prince
had the hearts both of Country and people ; yet the Fron-
tiers had a Garrison amongst the unpassable mountaines,
some for the Emperour, some for the Prince, and some for
the Turke : to regaine which small estate, hee desired leave
of the Prince [Sigismundus Bdtori] to trie his fortunes, and
to make use of that experience, the time of twentie yeares
Earle
Meldritch
J. Smith."]
\ug. 1629. J
Captaine Iohn Smith
837
[1582-1602] had taught him in the Emperours service, [1602]
promising to spend the rest of his dayes for his countries
defence in his Excellencies service.
The Prince glad of so brave a Commander, and so many
expert and ancient souldiers, made him Campe-master of
his Armie, gave him all necessary releefe for his troopes,
and what freedome they desired to plunder the Turkes.
The Earle having made many incursions into the Land Jgjj„v A
of Zarkam among those rockie mountains, where were maketh
some Turks, some Tartars, but most Bandittoes, Rennega- ^discover
does, and such like ; which sometimes hee forced into the Resal1-
Plaines of Regall : where is a Citie not only of men and
fortifications, strong of it selfe ; but so environed with
mountaines, that made the passages so difficult, that in
all these warres no attempt had beene made upon it to
any purpose.
Having satisfied himselfe with the Situation, [12] and
the most convenient passages to bring his Armie unto it :
The earth no sooner put on her greene habit, than the
Earle overspread her with his armed troopes. To pos-
sesse himselfe first of the most convenient passage, which
was a narrow valley betwixt two high mountaines ; he
sent Colonell Veltus with his Regiment, dispersed in com-
panies to lye in Ambuscado, as he had directed them ; and
in the morning to driue all the cattell they could finde
before a Fort in that passage, whom he supposed would
sally, seeing but some small partie, to recover their prey :
which tooke such good successe, that the Garrison was
cut off by the Ambuscado, and Veltus seized on the Skonces,
which was abandoned.
M eldritch glad of so fortunate a beginning, it was six
dayes ere he could with six thousand Pioners make a
passage for his Ordnance. The Turkes having such warning,
strengthned the Towne so with men and provision, that
they made a scorneof so small a number as M eldritch brought
with him before the Citie, which was but eight thousand.
Before they had pitched their Tents, the Turkes sallied in
such abundance, as for an houre they had rather a bloudy
battell than a skirmish; but with the losse of neere fifteene
hundred on both sides. The Turkes were chased till the
Cities Ordnance caused the Earle to retire.
838 The Travells and Adventures of {jk^H&Z.
[1602] The next day Zachel Moyses, Generall of the Armie,
besuTeth pitched also his tents with nine thousand foot and horse,
Retail. and six and twenty peeces of Ordnance ; but in regard
of the situation of this strong Fortresse, they did neither
feare them nor hurt them : being upon the point of a faire
promontory, environed on the one side within halfe a
mile with an un-usefull mountaine; and on the other side
with a faire Plaine, where the Christians encamped, but
so commanded by their Ordnance, [that] they spent neere a
month in entrenching themselves, and raising their mounts
to plant their batteries.
Which slow proceedings the Turkes oft derided, that the
Ordnance were at pawne, and how they grew fat for want
of exercise ; and fearing lest they should depart ere they
could assault their Citie, sent this Challenge to any
Captaine in the Armie.
That to delight the Ladies, who did long to see some
court-like pastime, the Lord Turbashaw did dene any
Captaine, that had the command of a Company, who
durst combate with him for his head.
The matter being discussed, it was accepted; but so many
questions grew for the undertaking, it was decided by lots :
which fell upon Captaine Smith, before spoken of.
Thrw single Truce being made for that time, the Rampiers all beset
with faire Dames, and men in Armes, the Christians in
Battalio ; Turbashaw with a noise of Howboyes entred the
fields well mounted and armed; on his shoulders were
fixed a paire of great wings, compacted of Eagles feathers
within a ridge of silver, richly garnished with gold and
precious stones ; a Janizary before him, bearing his Lance ;
on each side, another leading his horse : where long hee
stayed not, ere Smith with a noise of Trumpets, only a
Page bearing his Lance, passing by him with a courteous
salute, tooke his ground with such good successe, that at
the sound of the charge, he passed the Tnrke throw the
sight of his Beaver, face, head, and all, that he fell dead to
the ground; where alighting and unbracing [13] his Helmet,
[he] cut off his head, and the Turkes tooke his body; and so
returned without any hurt at all.
The head hee presented to the Lord Moses, the Generall,
Combates.
AJugsT6*:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 839
who kindly accepted it ; and with joy to the whole armie [1602]
he was generally welcomed.
The death of this Captaine so swelled in the heart of 2.
one Grualgo, his vowed friend, as, rather inraged with mad-
nesse than choller, he directed a particular challenge to
the Conquerour, to regaine his friends head, or lose his
owne, with his horse and Armour for advantage : which
according to his desire, was the next day undertaken.
As before, upon the sound of the Trumpets, their Lances
flew in peeces upon a cleare passage ; but the Turke was
neere unhorsed. Their Pistolls was the next, which marked
Smith upon the placard ; but the next shot the Turke was
so wounded in the left arme, that being not able to rule
his horse, and defend himselfe, he was throwne to the
ground ; and so bruised with the fall, that he lost his head,
as his friend before him ; with his horse and Armour : but
his body and his rich apparell was sent backe to the Towne.
Every day the Turkes made some sallies, but few skir-
mishes would they endure to an)7 purpose. Our workes
and approaches being not yet advanced to that height and
effect which was of necessitie to be performed ; to delude
time, Smith, with so many incontradictible perswading
reasons, obtained leave that the Ladies might know he
was not so much enamoured of their servants heads,
but if any Turke of their ranke would come to the
place of combate to redeeme them, [he] should have his
also upon the like conditions, if he could winne it.
The challenge presently was accepted by Bonny Mulgro. 3.
The next day both the Champions entring the field as
before, each discharging their Pistoll (having no Lances,
but such martiall weapons as the defendant appointed), no
hurt was done ; their Battle-axes was the next, whose
piercing bils made sometime the one, sometime the other
to have scarce sense to keepe their saddles : specially the
Christian received such a blow that he lost his Battle-
axe, and failed not much to have fallen after it ; whereat
the supposing conquering Turk, had a great shout from
the Rampiers. The Turk prosecuted his advantage to
the uttermost of his power ; yet the other, what by the
readinesse of his horse, and his judgement and dexterity
in such a businesse, beyond all mens expectation, by
840 The Travel Is and Adventures of [a£*3!*.
[1602] Gods assistance, not onely avoided the Turkes violence,
but having drawne his Faulchion, pierced the Turke so
under the Culets thorow backe and body, that although
he alighted from his horse, he stood not long ere hee lost
his head, as the rest had done. [14]
CHAPTER VIII.
Georgio Busca an Albane his ingratitude to Prince
Sigismundus ; Prince Moyses, his Lietitenant, is
overthrowneby Busca, Generallforthe Emperour
Rodolphus; Sigismundus yeeldeth his Coun-
trey to Rodolphus ; Busca assisteth
Prince Rodoll in Wallachia.
§^2 rj|jj\ His good successe gave such great encourage-
* ment to the whole Armie, that with a guard of
six thousand, three spare horses, before each a
Turkes head upon a Lance, he was conducted
to the General Is Pavillion with his Presents. Moyses
received both him and them with as much respect as the
occasion deserved, embracing him in his armes, gave him
a faire Horse richly furnished, a Semitere and belt worth
three hundred ducats ; and Meldritch made him Sergeant
major [=our modem Major] of his Regiment.
But now to the siege. Having mounted six and twenty
peeces of Ordnance fifty or sixty foot above the Plaine,
made them so plainly tell his meaning, that within fifteene
dayes two breaches were made, which the Turkes as
valiantly defended as men could.
That day was made a darksome night, but by the light
that proceeded from the murdering Muskets, and peace-
making Canon ; whilest their slothfull Governour lay in a
Castle on the top of a high mountaine, and like a valiant
Prince asketh what's the matter, when horrour and death
AugST62h9:] Captaine Iohn Smith, 841
stood amazed each at other, to see who should prevaile to [1602]
make him victorious.
Moyses commanding a generall assault upon the sloping Regaii
front of the high Promontory, where the Barons of ISfSSL
Budendorfe and Oberwin lost neere halfe their Regiments,
by logs, bags of powder, and such like, tumbling downe
the hill they were to mount ere they could come to the
breach ; notwithstanding with an incredible courage they
advanced to the push of the Pike with the defendants,
that with the like courage repulsed, till the Earle Meldritch,
Becklefield and Zarvana, with their fresh Regiments se-
conded them with that fury, that the Turks retired and
fled into the Castle, from whence by a flag of truce they
desired composition.
The Earle [Meldri] remembring his fathers death, bat-
tered it with all the Ordnance in the Towne, and the next
day tooke it ; all he found [that] could beare Armes he put
to the sword, and set their heads upon stakes round about
the walles, in the same manner they had used the Christians,
when they tooke it.
Moyses having repaired the Rampiers, and throwne
downe the worke in his Campe, he put in it a strong
Garrison, though the pillage he had gotten in the Towne
was much, having beene for a long time an impregnable
den of theeves : yet the losse of the Armie so intermingled
the sowre with the sweet, as forced Moyses to seek a
further revenge, that he sacked Veratio, Solmos, and
Kupronha, and with two thousand prisoners, most[ly] women
and children, came to Esenberg, not farre from the Princes
Palace, where he there Encamped.
Sigismundus comming to view his Armie, was presented
with the Prisoners [15], and six and thirtie Ensignes ; where
celebrating thankes to Almightie God in triumph of those
victories, hee was made acquainted with the service Smith
had done at Olumpagh, Stowle-Wesenburg and Regall : for
which with great honour hee gave him three Turkes heads
in a Shield for his Armes, by Patent, under his hand and
Seale, with an Oath ever to weare them in his Colours,
his Picture [i.e., Sigisnmnd's portrait] in Gould, and three
hundred Ducats, yearely for a Pension.
842
The Travells and Advenhires of
- J. Smith.
.Aufc. x6ao.
[1603]
The Patent.
[Variations
in
Vincent's
Collectanea,
in the
Heralds
College,
see p. xxiv.]
* Augusti
silvaniae,
Igismvndvs
Bathori,
Dei gratia
Dux Tran-
Wallachiae,
et Vandalorum ; Comes
Anchard, Salford,
Growenda; Cunctis his
Uteris significamus qui
eas lecturi aut audituri
sunty concessam licen-
tiam aut facultatem
Iohanni Smith, na-
tione Anglo Generoso,
250. militum Capitaneo
sub Illustrissimi et Gra-
vissimi Henrici Volda, Comitis de Meldri, Salmariae, et
Peldoiae pritnario, et 1000 equitibus et 1500. peditibus bello
Vngarico conductione in Provincias suprascriptas sub A uthori-
tate nostra : cui servituti omni laude, perpetuaque memoria
dignum prabuit sese erga nos, ut virum strenuum pugnantem
pro aris et focis decet. Quare e favor e nostro militario ipsum
ordine condonavimus, et in Sigillum illius tria Turcia Capita
designare et deprimere concessimus, quce ipse gladio suo ad
Vrbem Regalem in singulari prcelio vicit, mactavit, atque
decollavit in Transilvaniae Provincia.
Sed fortuna cum variabilis ancepsque sit idem forte fortuito
in Wallachia Provinciay Anno Domini 1602. die Mensis
Novembris 18.* cum multis aliisetiam Nobilibus et aliis quibus-
dam militibus captus est a Domino Bascha electo ex Cambia
regionis Tartarian, cujus severitate adductus salutem quantam
potuit quesivit, tantumque effecit, Deo omnipotente adjuvante,
ut deliberavit se, et ad suos Commilitones revertit ; ex quibus
ipsum liberavimus, et hcec nobis testimonia habuit ut majori
licentia frueretur qua dignus esset, jam tendet in patriam suatn
dulcissimam.
J. Smith.-j
Aug. 1629. J
Captaine Iohn Smith.
S43
Rogamus ergo omnes nostros charissimos, confinitimos, Duces, [1603-25]
Principes, Comites, Bar ones, Gubematores [16j Vrbium et
Navium in eadem Regione et coeterarum Provinciarum in
quibus ille residere conatus fuerit ut idem permittatur Capitaneus
libere sine obstaculo omni versari. Hczc facientes pergraium
nobis feceritis.
Signatum Lesprizia in Misnia die Mensis Decembris 9.
Anno Domini 1603.
Cum Pri-
vilegio pro-
price Ma-
jestatis.
Sigismvndvs
B ATHO RI.
dotnintu
\NlVERSiS, et singulis, cujuscunque loci, status, gradus,
ordinis, ac conditionis ad quos hoc prcesens scriptum
pervenerit, Guilielmus Sega.rEqttesauratus alias dictus*
Garterus Principalis Rex Armorum Anglicorum, Salutem.
Sciatis, quod Ego prcedictus Garterus, notum, testatumque
facio,quod Patentem suprascriptum\ , cum manu propria prcedicti + super-
Ducis Transilvaniae subsignatum, et Sigillo suo affixum, Vidi : addem
et Copiam veram ejusdem (in perpetuam rei memoriam) tran-
scripsi, et recordavi in Archivis, et Registris Officii Armorum.
Datum Londini 19. die Augusti, Anno Domini 1625.
Annoque Regni Domini nostri Caroli Dei gratia Magna
Britanniae, Francise, et Hibernias Regis, Fidei Defensoris,
&c. Primo.
Gvilielmvs Segar, Garterus.
844 TJic Travells and Adventures of [Aug?"**
[1603]
The same in
Igismvndvs Bathor, by the Grace of God,
Duke of Transilvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia,
'English. I^^^J^) Earle of Anchard, Salford and Growenda ; to
whom this Writing may come or appeare. Know
that We have given leave and licence to Iohn Smith an
English Gentleman, Captaine of 250. Souldiers, under the
most Generous and Honourable Henry [17] Volda, Earle
of Meldritch, Salmaria, and Peldoia, Colonell of a thousand
horse, and fifteene hundred foot, in the warres of Hungary
and in the Provinces aforesaid under our authority ; whose
service doth deserve all praise and perpetual! memory
towards us, as a man that did for God and his Country
overcome his enemies : Wherefore out of Our love and
favour, according to the law of Armes, We have or-
dained and given him in his shield of Armes, the figure
and description of three Turks heads, which with
his sword, before the towne of Regall, in single combat
he did overcome, kill, and cut off, in the Province of
Transilvania.
But fortune, as she is very variable, so it chanced and
happened to him in the Province of Wallachia, in the
yeare of our Lord, 1602. the 18. day of November, [when
he] with many others, as well Noble men, as also divers
other Souldiers, were taken prisoners by the Lord Bashaw
of Cambia, a Country of Tartaria : whose cruelty brought
him such good fortune, by the helpe and power of
Almighty God, that hee delivered himselfe, and returned
againe to his company and fellow souldiers ; of whom We
doe discharge him, and this hee hath in witnesse thereof,
being much more worthy of a better reward; and now intends
to returne to his owne sweet Country.
We desire therefore all our loving and kinde kinsmen,
Dukes, Princes, Earles, Barons, Governours of Townes,
Cities, or Ships, in this Kingdome, or any other Provinces
he shall come in, that you freely let passe this the aforesaid
Captaine, without any hinderance or molestation : and this
doing, with all kindnesse we are alwayes ready to doe the
like for you.
&??&£:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 845
Sealed at Lipswick in Misenland, the ninth of December, [1603-25]
in the yeare of our Lord, 1603.
SlGISMVNDVS
With the proper privilege B A T H O R .
of his Majestie.
O all and singular, in what place, state, degree,
order, or condition whatsoever, to whom this pre-
sent writing shall come : I William Segar Knight,
otherwise Garter, and principall King of Armes of Eng-
land, with health. Know that I the aforesaid Garter,
do witnesse and approve, that this aforesaid Patent, I
have seene, signed and sealed under the proper hand
[18] and Seale Manual of the said Duke of Transilvania ;
and a true coppy of the same, as a thing for perpetuall
memory, I have subscribed and recorded in the Register
and office of the Heralds of Armes.
Dated at London the nineteenth day of August, in the
yeare of our Lord 1625. and in the first yeare of our
Soueraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God, King of great
Britaine, France, and Ireland, Defender of the faith, &c.
William Segar.
CHAPTER IX.
Sigismundus sends Ambassadours vnto the Emperour ;
the conditions re-assured, He yeeldeth up all to
Busca, and returneth to Prague.
Vsca having all this time beene raising new
forces, was commanded from the Emperour
againe to invade Transilvania, which being one
of the fruitfullest and strongest Countries in
those parts, was now rather a desart, or the very spectacle
of desolation ; their fruits and fields overgrowne with
weeds, their Churches and battered Palaces and best
846 The Travells and Adventures of [AugfTeS*.
[1602] buildings, as for feare, hid with Mosse and Ivy : being the
very Bulwarke and Rampire of a great part of Europe,
most fit by all Christians to have beene supplyed and
maintained, was thus brought to ruine by them it most
concerned to support it.
But alas, what is it, when the power of Majestie
pampered in all delights of pleasant vanity, neither knowing
nor considering the labour of the Ploughman, the hazard
of the Merchant, the oppression of Statesmen ; nor feeling
the piercing torments of broken limbes, and inveterated
wounds, the toilsome marches, the bad lodging, the
hungry diet, and the extreme misery that Souldiers
endure to secure all those estates, and yet by the spight
of malicious detraction, starves for want of their reward
and recompences ; whilst the politique Courtier, that
commonly aimes more at his owne honors and ends than
his Countries good, or his Princes glory, honour, or
security, as this worthy Prince too well could testifie.
But the Emperor being certified how weak and desperate
his estate was, sent Busca againe with a great Army, to
trie his fortune once more in Transilvania.
ThePrince considering how his Country and subjects were
consumed ; the small means he had any longer to defend
his estate, both against the cruelty of the Turke, and the
power of the Emperor, and the small care the Polanders
had in supplying him, as they had promised ; sent to Busca
to have truce, till messengers might be sent to the Em-
perour for some better agreement : wherewith Busca was
contented. The Ambassadours so prevailed, that the
Emperour re-assured vnto them the conditions he had
promised the Prince at their confederacie, for the lands in
Silesia, with 60000. ducats presently in hand, and 50000.
ducats yearely as a pension.
Buscain When this conclusion was [19] knowne to Moyses his
^^ver- Lieftenant then in the field with the Army, that would
SSS? d°e anything rather than come in subjection to the
Germans ; he encouraged his Souldiers, and without any
more adoe marched to encounter Busca, whom he found
much better provided than he expected : so that betwixt
them in six or seven houres, more than five or six thou-
sand on both sides lay dead in the field. Moyses thus
Au/TiS:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 847
overthrowne, fled to the Turks at Temesware; and his [1602]
scattered troopes some one way, some another.
The Prince vnderstanding of this so sudden and un-
expected accident, onely accompanied with an hundred of
his Gentry and Nobility, went into the campe to Busca,
to let him know how ignorant he was of his Lieftenants
errour, that had done it without his direction or know-
ledge, freely offering to performe what was concluded by
his Ambassadours with the Emperour ; and so causing all
his Garrisons to come out of their strong holds, he deli- J*"^**
vered all to Busca for the Emperour, and so went to d«hyh£"
Prague : where he was honourably receiued, and established Sj?Z*.
in his possessions, as his Emperiall Majestie had promised.
Busca assembling all the Nobility, tooke their oaths of
allegeance and fidelity ; and thus their Prince being gone,
Transilvania became againe subject to the Emperour.
Now after the death of Michael, Vavoyd of Wallachia Busca
[p. 836], the Turke sent one leremie to be their Vavoyd or SS/in
Prince ; whose insulting tyranny caused the people to take Wallachia
Armes against him, so that he was forced to flie into the
confines of Moldavia', and Busca in the behalfe of the
Emperour, proclaimed the Lord Rodoll in his stead.
But Jeremy having assembled an Army of forty thousand
Turks, Tartars, and Moldavians, returned into Wallachia.
Rodoll not yet able to raise such a power, fled into
Transilvania to Busca, his ancient friend ; who considering
well of the matter, and how good it would be for his owne
security to have Wallachia subject to the Emperour, or at
least such an employment for the remainders of the old
Regiments of Sigismundus, (of whose greatnesse and true
affection hee was very suspitious,) sent them with Rodoll to
recover Wallachia, conducted by the valiant Captaines, the
Earle M eldritch, Earle Veltus, Earle Nederspolt, Earle Zarvana,
the Lord Bechlefield, the Lord Budendorfe, with their Regi-
ments, and divers others of great ranke and quality, the
greatest friends and alliances the Prince had ; who with
thirty thousand, marched along by the river Alius, to the
streights [pass] of Rebrinke, where they entred Wallachia,
encamping at Raza
848 The Travells and Adventures of [a^TS'.
[1602] Ieremie lying at Argish, drew his Army into his old
campe, in the plaines of Peteske, and with his best dili-
gence fortified it ; intending to defend himselfe till more
power came to him from the Crym-Tartar.
Many small parties that came to his campe, Rodoll cut
off; and in the nights would cause their heads to be throwne
vp and downe before the trenches. Seven of their Porters
were taken, whom Ieremie commanded to be flayed quicke ;
and after hung their skinnes vpon poles, and their carkasses
and heads on stakes by them. [20]
CHAPTER X.
The battel! of Rotenton ; a pretty stratagem of
fire- works by Smith.
Odoll not knowing how to draw the enemie to
battell, raised his Armie, burning and spoyling
all where he came, and returned againe to-
wards Rebrinke in the night, as if he had fled
vpon the generall rumour of the Crym-Tartars comming ;
which so inflamed the Turkes of a happy victory, they
vrged Jeremy against his will to follow them.
Rodoll seeing his plot fell out as he desired, so ordered
Rodoiixai the matter, that having regained the streights, he put his
Army in order, that had beene neere two dayes pursued,
with continuall skirmishes in his Reare, which now making
head against the enemie, that followed with their whole
Armie in the best manner they could, was furiously charged
with six thousand Hydukes, Wallachians, and Moldavians,
led by three Colonells, Oversall, Dubras, and Calab, to
entertaine the time till the rest came up. Veltus and
Nederspolt with their Regiments, entertained them with
the like courage, till the Zanzacke Hamesbeg, with six
thousand more, came with a fresh charge : which Meldritch
and Budendorfe, rather like enraged lions than men, so
bravely encountred, as if in them only had consisted the
A battell
betwixt
Ieremie.
AugST6£] Captaine Iohn Smith. 849
victory; Meldritchs horse being slaine vnder him. The [1602]
Turks pressed what they could to have taken him prisoner ;
but being remounted, it was thought with his owne hand
he slew the valiant Zanzache : whereupon his troopes
retyring, the two proud Bashawes, Aladin and Zizimmus,
brought up the front of the body of their battell.
Veltus and Nederspolt having breathed, and joyning their
troopes with Becklefield and Zarvana, with such an incredible
courage charged the left flancke of Zizimmus, as put them
all in disorder ; where Zizimmus the Bashaw was taken
prisoner, but died presently upon his wounds.
Ieremie seeing now the maine battell of Rodoll advance,
being thus constrained, like a valiant Prince in his front of
the Vantgard, by his example so brauely encouraged his
souldiers, that Rodoll found no great assurance of the
victorie.
Thus being joyned in this bloudy massacre, that there
was scarce ground to stand upon, but upon the dead
carkasses; which in lesse than an hower were so mingled,
as if each Regiment had singled out [the] other.
The admired Aladin that day did leave behinde him a ,
glorious name for his valour ; whose death many of his
enemies did lament after the victory, which at that instant
fell to Rodoll.
It was reported Ieremie was also slaine, but it was not
so ; but [he] fled with the remainder of his Armie to
Moldavia, leaving five and twenty thousand dead in the
field, of both Armies.
And thus Rodoll was seated againe in his Soueraignty, Yv^t
and Wallachia became subject to the Emperour. totiTe'6
Emperour
But long he rested not to settle his new estate, but there
came newes, that certaine Regiments of stragling Tartars,
were forraging those parts towards Moldavia.
Meldritch with thirteene thousand men was sent against
them, but when they heard it was the Crym-Tartar and his
two [21] sonnes, with an Armie of thirty thousand ; and
[that] Ieremie, that had escaped with fourteene or fifteene
thousand, lay in ambush for them about Langanaw ; he
retired towards Rottenton, a strong garrison for Rodoll :
but they were so invironed with these hellish numbers,
54
850 The Travells and Adventures of [xigf SJl
[1602] they could make no great haste, for skirmishing with their
scouts, forragers, and small parties that still encountred
them. But one night amongst the rest, having made a
passage through a wood, with an incredible expedition,
cutting trees thwart each other to hinder their passage,
in a thicke fogge early in the morning, unexpectedly they
met two thousand loaded with pillage, and two or three
hundred horse and cattell ; the most of them were slaine
and taken prisoners, who told them where Ieremie lay in
the passage, expecting the Crym-Tartar that was not farre
from him.
Meldritch intending to make his passage perforce, was
advised of a pretty stratagem by the English Smith, which
presently he thus accomplished ; for having accommodated
two or three hundred truncks with wilde fire, vpon the
heads of lances, and charging the enemie in the night,
gave fire to the truncks, which blazed forth such flames
and sparkles, that it so amazed not onely their horses,
but their foot also ; that by the meanes of this flaming
encounter, their owne horses turned tailes with such fury,
as by their violence overthrew Ieremy and his Army,
without any losse at all to speak of to Meldritch.
But of this victory long they triumphed not ; for being
within three leagues of Rottenton, the Tartar with neere
forty thousand so beset them, that they must either fight,
or be cut in peeces flying.
Here Busca and the Emperour had their desire; for the
Sunne no sooner displayed his beames, than the Tartar
his colours; where at midday he stayed a while, to see
the passage of a tyrannicall and treacherous imposture,
till the earth did blush with the bloud of honesty, that
the Sunne for shame did hide himselfe from so monstrous
sight of a cowardly calamity. It was a most brave sight
to see the banners and ensignes streaming in the aire,
the glittering of Armour, the variety of colours, the motion
of plumes, the forrests of lances, and the thicknesse of
shorter weapons, till the silent expedition of the bloudy
blast from the murdering Ordnance, whose roaring voice
is not so soone heard, as felt by the aymed at object, which
made among them a most lamentable slaughter.
of Rotten-
ton.
a^TSJ Captaine Iohn Smith. 851
CHAPTER XI.
The names of the English that were slaine in the
battell of Rottenton ; and how Captaine
Smith is taken prisoner ; and sold
for a slave.
>N the valley of Veristhome, betwixt the riuer of [1602]
Alius, and the mountaine of Rottenton, was this Thebatteii
bloudy encounter, where the most of the dearest
friends of the noble Prince Sigismundus perished
[on 18 Nov. 1602, seep. 842].
Meldritch having ordered his eleuen thousand in the best
manner he could : at the foot of the mountaine upon his
flancks, and before his front, he had pitched [22] sharpe
stakes, their heads hardned in the fire, and bent against
the enemie, as three battalion of Pikes; amongst the
which also there was digged many small holes. Amongst
those stakes was ranged his footmen, that upon the charge
was to retire, as there was occasion.
The Tartar having ordered his 40000. for his best ad-
vantage, appointed Mustapha Bashaw to beginne the battell,
with a generall shout, all their Ensignes displaying,
Drummes beating, Trumpets and Howboyes sounding.
Nederspolt and Mavazo with their Regiments of horse
most valiantly encountred, and forced them to retire.
The Tartar Begolgi with his Squadrons, darkening the skies
with their flights of numberless arrowes, who was as
bravely encountred by Veltus and Oberwin ; which bloudie
slaughter continued more than an houre, till the match-
lesse multitude of the Tartars so increased, that they
retired within their Squadrons of stakes, as was directed.
The bloudy Tartar, as scorning he should stay so long foi
the victorie, with his massie troopes prosecuted the charge :
but it was a wonder to see how horse and man came to the
ground among the stakes, whose disordered troopes were
there so mangled, that the Christians with a loud shout cryed
Victoria ; and with five or six field peeces, planted vpon the
rising of the mountaine, did much hurt to the enemy that
still continued the battell with that furie, that Meldritch
^52
[1602]
The Travells and Adventures of
|~ J. Smith.
[_Aug. 16*9.
[//.843,86a.]
Extracted
out of a
Booke inti-
tuled, The
warres of
Wallachia,
and Mol-
davia,
written by
Francisco
Fertteza,
a learned
Italian, the
Princes
Secretarie,
And
translated
by Master
Purchas.
seeing there was no possibilitie long to preuaile, ioyned
his small troopes in one body, resolued directly to make
his passage or die in the conclusion ; and thus in grosse
gaue a generall charge, and for more than halfe an houre
made his way plaine before him, till the maine battel of the
Crym-Tartar with two Regiments of Turkes and Ianizaries
so overmatched them, that they were overthrowen.
The night approaching, the Earle with some thirteene or
foureteene hundred horse, swamme the River ; some were
drowned, all the rest slaine or taken prisoners.
And thus in this bloudy field, neere 30000. lay ; some head-
lesse, armlesse, and leglesse, all cut and mangled : where
breathing their last, they gaue this knowledge to the world,
that for the Hues of so few, the Crym-Tartar neuer paid dearer.
But now the Countreyes of Transilvania and Wallachia,
(subjected to the Emperour) and Sigismundus that brave
Prince his Subject and Pensioner, the most of his
Nobilitie, brave Captaines and Souldiers, became a prey
to the cruell devouring Turke : where[asj had the Emperor
been as ready to have assisted him, and those three
Armies led by three such worthy Captaines, as Michael,
Busca, and Himselfe; and had those three Armies joyned
together against the Turke, let all men judge, how happie
it might have beene for all Christendome : and have either
regained Bulgaria ; or at least have beat him out of Hun-
garia, where hee hath taken much more from the
Emperour, than hath the Emperour from Transilvania.
The English
men in this
Battell.
In this dismall battell, where Nederspolt, Veltus, Zarvana,
Mavazo, Bavell, and many other Earles, Barons, Colonels,
Captaines, brave Gentlemen and Souldiers were slaine,
Give mee leave to remember the names of our owne
Country-men with him in those exploits, that as resolutely
as the best, in the defence of Christ and his Gospell, ended
their dayes, asBaskerfield, Hardwicke, Thomas Milemer, Robert
Mullineux, [23] Thomas Bishop, Francis Compton, George
Davison, Nicholas Williams, and one John a Scot, did what
men could doe, and when they could doe no more, left there
their bodies, in testimonie of their mindes ; only Ensigne
Carleton [pp. 231, 692], and Sergeant Robinson [pp. 230,
691] escaped.
Aug^S"] Captame Iohn Smith. 853
But Smith among the slaughtered dead bodies, and many [1602-3]
a gasping soule, with toile and wounds lay groaning
among the rest, till being found by the Pillagers hee was
able to live ; and perceiving by his armor and habit, his
ransome might be better to them than his death, they
led him prisoner with many others.
Well they used him till his wounds were cured, and
at Axopolis they were all sold for slaves, like beasts in
a market-place ; where everie Merchant, viewing their
limbs and wounds, caused other slaves to struggle with
them, to trie their strength.
Hee fell to the share of Bashaw Bogall, who sent him
forthwith to Adri[a]nopolis, so for Constantinople to his faire
Mistresse for a slave.
By twentie and twentie chained by the neckes, they
marched in file to this great Citie ; where they were
delivered to their severall Masters, and he to the young
Charatza Tragahigzanda [pp. 204, 206, 232, 276, 720, 855, 866].
CHAPTER XII.
How Captame Smith was sent prisoner thorow the
Blacke and Dissabacca Sea in Tartaria ; the
description of those Seas, and his usage.
His Noble Gentlewoman tooke sometime occa-
sion to shew him to some friends; or rather to
speake with him ; because shee could speake
Italian, would feigne her selfe sick when she
should goe to the Banians, or weepe over the graves, to
know how Bogall tooke him prisoner ; and if he were, as
the Bashaw writ to her, a Bohemian Lord conquered by
his hand, as hee had many others; which ere long hee
would present her, whose ransomes should adorne her with
the glorie of his conquests.
But when she heard him protest he knew no such
matter, nor ever saw Bogall till he bought him at Axopolis ;
and that hee was an English-man, onely by his adventures
made a Captaine in those Countreyes. To trie the truth,
854 The Trave Us and Adventures of [a{*?6$!
[1603] shee found means to finde out many [who] could speake
English, French, Dutch, and Italian, to whom relating
most part of these former passages [as] he thought neces-
sarie, which they^so honestly reported to her, she tooke (as
it seemed) much compassion on him ; but having no use
for him, lest her mother should sell him, she sent him to
her brother, the Tymor Bashaw of Nalbrits, in the Countrey
of Cambia, a Province in Tartaria.
How he was Here now let us remember his passing in this specula-
TaUTna. tive course from Constantinople by Sander, Screwe, Panassa,
Musa, Lastilla, to Varna, an ancient Citie upon the Blacke
Sea. In all which journey, having little more libertie than
his eyes judgement since his captivitie, he might see the
Townes with their short Towers, and a most plaine, fertile,
and delicate [24] Countrey, especially that most admired
place of Greece, now called Romania; but from Varna nothing
but the Blacke Sea water, till he came to the two Capes
of Taur and Pergilos, where hee passed the Straight of
Niger, which (as he conjectured) is some ten leagues long,
and three broad, betwixt two low lands. The Channell is
The descrip- deepe, but at the entrance of the Sea Dissabacca, their are
lDh?lbKca many great Osie-shoulds, and many great blacke rockes :
sea. which the Turkes said were trees, weeds, and mud, throwen
from the in-land Countryes, by the inundations and violence
of the Current ; and cast there by the Eddy. They sayled
by many low lies, and saw many more of those muddy
rockes, and nothing else but salt water, till they came
betwixt Susax and Curuske, only two white townes at the
entrance of the river Bruapo appeared.
In six or seven dayes saile, he saw foure or five seeming
strong castles of stone, with flat tops and battlements
about them ; but arriving at Cambia, he was (according to
their custome) well used. The river was there more than
halfe a mile broad. The Castle was of a large circum-
ference, foureteene or fifteene foot thicke, in the foundation
some six foot from the wall, is a Paliizado, and then a Ditch
of about fortie foot broad full of water. On the west side of
it, is a Towne all of low flat houses ; which as he conceived
could bee of no great strength, yet it keepes all them bar-
barous Countreyes about it in admiration and subjection.
J£$£] Captaine IohnSmith. 855
After he had stayed there three dayes ; it was two dayes [1603]
more before his guides brought him to Nalbrits, where the
Tymor then was resident, in a great vast stonie Castle with
many great Courts about it, invironed with high stone
wals, where was quartered their Armes, when they first
subjected those Countreyes : which onely live to labour for
those tyrannicall Turkes.
To her unkinde brother, this kinde Ladie writ so much „£**„*
for his good usage, that hee halfe suspected, as much as Tartar*.
she intended; for shee told him, he should there but [%%$?£;
sojourne to learne the language, and what it was to be a 853,866.]
Turke, till time made her Master of her selfe.
But the Tymor, her brother, diverted all this to the worst
of crueltie, for within an houre after his arrivall, he caused
his Drub-man to strip him naked, and shave his head and
beard so bare as his hand : a great ring of iron, with a long
stalke bowed like a sickle, [was] rivetted about his necke,
and a coat [put on him] made of Vlgries haire, guarded
about with a peece of an undrest skinne.
There were many more Christian slaves, and neere an
hundred Forsados of Turkes and Moores ; and he [i.e.. Smith]
being the last, was slave of slaves to them all. Among
these slavish fortunes there was no great choice ; for the
best was so bad, a dog could hardly have lived to endure :
and yet for all their paines and labours [they were] no
more regarded than a beast.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Turkes diet ; the Slaves diet ; the attire of
the Tartars ; and manner of Warres and
Religions, &c
He Tymor and his friends fed upon Pillaw, which t**
is boiled Rice and Garnances, with little bits dvxoF
of mutton or Buckones (which is rosted [25] S"
peeces of Horse, Bull, Vlgrie, or any beasts). T»rktt*
Samboyses and Muselbits are great dainties, and yet but round
856
The Travells and Adventures of
|_Au
Smith.
Aug. 1639.
[1603]
The Slaves
diet.
The Attire
of those
Tartars.
The
Tartars
of Nagi
and their
manners.
pies, full of all sorts of flesh they can get chopped with
varietie of herbs. Their best drinke is Coffa, of a graine
they call Coava, boiled with water ; and Sherbecke which
is only honey and water : Mares milke, or the milke of
any beast, they hold restorative ; but all the Comminaltie
drinke pure water. Their bread is made of this Coava,
which is a kinde of blacke wheat, and Cuskus a small white
seed like M illy a in Biskay : but our common victuall, [was]
the entrailes of Horse and Vlgries. Of this, cut in small
peeces, they will fill a great Cauldron, and being boiled
with Cuskus, and put in great bowles in the forme of chaf-
fing-dishes ; they sit round about it on the ground, after
they haue raked it thorow so oft as they please with their
foule fists : the remainder was for the Christian slaves.
Some of this broth they would temper with Cuskus pounded,
and putting the fire off from the hearth, powre there a
bowle full, then cover it with coales till it be baked ; which
stewed with the remainder of the broth, and some small
peeces of flesh, was an extraordinarie daintie.
The better sort are attired like Turkes, but the plaine
Tartar hath a blacke sheepe skinne over his backe, and
two of the legs tied about his necke ; the other two about
his middle, with another over his belly, and the legs tied
in the like manner behinde him : then two more made
like a paire of bases, serveth him for breeches ; with a
little close cap to his skull, of blacke felt ; and they use
exceeding much of this felt, for carpets, for bedding, for
Coats, and Idols.
Their houses are much worse than your Irish, but the
In-land Countreyes have none but Carts and Tents, which
they ever remove from Countrey to Countrey, as they see
occasion : driving with them infinite troopes of blacke
sheepe, Cattell and Vlgries, eating all vp before them as
they goe.
For the Tartars of Nagi, they have neither Towne, nor
house, corne, nor drinke ; but flesh and milke. The milke
they keepe in great skinnes like Burracho's ; which though
it be never so sower, it agreeth well with their strong
stomackes. They live all in Hordias, as doth the Crim-
Tartars, three or foure hundred in a company, in great
Carts fifteene or sixteene foot broad ; which is covered with
AJugs^.] Captaine Iohn Smith. 857
small rods, wattled together in the forme of a birds nest [1603]
turned upwards : and with the ashes of bones tempered
with oile, Camels haire, and a clay [that] they have ; they
lome them so well, that no weather will pierce them, and
yet [they are] verie light.
Each Hordia hath a Murse, which they obey as their
King. Their Gods are infinite. One or two thousand
of those glittering white Carts drawen with Camels,
Deere, Buls, and Vlgries, they bring round in a ring,
where they pitch their Campe ; and the Murse, with his
chiefe alliances, are placed in the midst.
They doe much hurt when they can get any Stroggs,
which are great boats used upon the river Volga, (which
they call Edle) to them that dwell in the Countrey of
Perolog ; and would doe much more, were it not for the
Muscovites Garrisons that there inhabit. [26]
CHAPTER XI I I I.
The description of the Crym-Tartars ; their houses
and carts ; their Idolatry in their lodgings.
Ow you are to understand, Tartary and Scythia are Thedescrip.
11 1^1 j • r tionofthe
all one ; but so large and spacious, few or none c*ym-
could ever perfectly describe it ; nor all the severall cSaiT
kinds of those most barbarous people that inhabit
it. Those we call the Crym-Tartars, [which] border upon
Moldavia, Podolia, Lituania, and Russia, are much more
regular than the interior parts of Scthia.
This great Tartarian Prince, that hath so troubled all
his neighbours, they always call Chan, which signifieth
Emperour ; but we, the Crym-Tartar. He liveth for most
part in the best champion plaines of many Provinces ; and
his removing Court is like a great Citie of houses and
tents, drawne on Carts, all so orderly placed East and
West, on the right and left hand of the Prince his house,
which is alwayes in the midst towards the South : before
which none may pitch their houses, every one knowing
their order and quarter, as in an Armie. The Princes
858
The Travells and Adventures of
J. Smith
Aug. 1629
[1603]
His houses
and carts.
Baskets.
Their
idolatrie
in their
lodgings.
Cossmos is
Mares milke.
houses are very artificially wrought, both the foundation,
sides, and roofe of wickers, ascending round to the top like
a Dove-coat ; this they cover with white felt, or white
earth tempered with the powder of bones, that it may
shine the whiter; sometimes with blacke felt, curiously
painted with vines, trees, birds, and beasts. The breadth
of the Carts are eighteene or twenty foot, but the house
stretcheth foure or five foot over each side, and is drawne
with ten or twelve, or for more state, twenty Camels and
Oxen. They have also great baskets, made of smaller
wickers like great chests, with a covering of the same, all
covered over with blacke felt, rubbed over with tallow and
sheeps milke to keepe out the raine ; prettily bedecked
with painting or feathers : in those they put their house-
hold stuffe and treasure, drawne upon other carts for that
purpose.
When they take downe their houses, they set the doore
alwayes towards the South ; and their carts thirtie or fortie
foot distant on each side, East and West, as if they were
two walls : the women also have most curious carts ;
every one of his wives hath a great one for herselfe, and
so many other for her attendants, that they seeme as
many Courts, as he hath wives. One great Tartar or
Nobleman, will have for his particular, more than an
hundred of those houses and carts, for his severall offices
and uses ; but set so farre from each other, they will seeme
like a great village.
Having taken their houses from the carts, they place the
Master alwayes towards the North ; over whose head is
alwayes an Image like a Puppet, made of felt, which they
call his brother; the women on his left hand, and over
the chiefe Mistris her head, such another brother; and
betweene them a little one, which is the keeper of the house ;
at the good wives beds-feet is a kids skinne, stuffed with
wooll, and neere it a Puppet looking towards the Maids ;
next the doore another, with a dried cowes udder, for the
women that milke the kine, because only the men milke
mares.
Every morning, those (27] Images in their orders they
besprinkle with that they drinke, bee it Cossmos, or what-
soever ; but all the white mares milke is reserved for the
J. Smith."]
Aug. 1629. J
Captaine Iohn Smith.
859
Prince. Then without the doore, thrice to the South,
every one bowing his knee in honour of the fire; then
the like to the East, in honour of the aire ; then to the
West, in honour of the water; and lastly to the North, in
behalfe of the dead. After the servant hath done this
duty to the foure quarters of the world, he returnes into
the house ; where his fellowes stand waiting, ready with two
cups and two basons to give their master, and his wife that
lay with him that night, to wash and drinke, who must
keepe him company all the day following: and all his
other wives come thither to drinke, where hee keepes his
house that day ; and all the gifts presented him till night,
are laid vp in her chests ; and at the doore a bench full of
cups, and drinke for any of them to make merry.
[1603]
CHAPTER XV.
T? heir feasts ; common diet ; Princes estate ; buildings ;
tributes ; lawes ; slaves ; entertainment of
Ambassadours.
Or their feasts they have all sorts of beasts, Their feasts,
birds, fish, fruits, and hearbs they can get, but
the more variety of wilde ones is the best ; to
which they have excellent drinke made of rice,
millit, and honey, like wine ; they have also wine, but in
Summer they drinke most[ly] Cossmos,that standeth ready
alwayes at the entrance of the doore, and by it a fidler.
When the master of the house beginneth to drinke, they
all cry, ha, ha, and the fidler playes ; then they all clap
their hands and dance, the men before their Masters, the
women before their Mistresses : and ever when he drinks,
they cry as before ; then the fidler stayeth till they drinke
all round. Sometimes they will drinke for the victory ; and
to provoke one to drinke, they will pull him by the ears,
and lugge and draw him, to stretch and heat him, clapping
their hands, stamping with their feet, and dancing before
860 The Travells and Adventures of [au^S*'
[1603] the champions, offering them cups, then draw them backe
againe to increase their appetite : and thus continue till
they be drunke, or their drinke done, which they hold an
honour, and no infirmity.
Their com- Though the ground be fertile, they sow little corne, yet
the Gentlemen have bread and hony-wine ; grapes they
have plenty, and wine privately, and good flesh and fish ;
but the common sort [drink] stamped millit, mingled with
milke and water. They call Cassa for meat, and drinke any
thing ; also any beast unprofitable for service they kill, when
they are like to die, or however they die, they will eat them,
guts liver and all : but the most fleshy parts they cut in
thinne slices, and hang it up in the Sunne and wind
without salting, where it will dry so hard, it will not
putrifie in a long time. A Ramme they esteeme a great
feast among forty or fiftie, which they cut in peeces boiled
or roast ; puts it in a great bowle with salt and water, for
other sauce they have none : the master of the feast [28]
giveth every one a peece ; which he eateth by himselfe, or
carrieth away with him.
How they Thus their hard fare makes them so infinite in Cattell;
populous, and their great number of captived women to breed vpon,
makes them so populous.
But neere the Christian frontiers, the baser sort make
little cottages of wood, called Vlusi, daubed over with durt
and beasts dung, covered with sedge. Yet in Summer
they leave them, beginning their progresse in Aprill, with
their wives, children, and slaves, in their carted houses,
scarce convenient for foure or five persons ; driving their
flocks towards Perecopya, and sometimes into Taurica, or
Osow, a towne upon the river Tanais, which is great and
swift, where the Turke hath a garrison : and in October
returne againe to their Cottages.
Their Clothes are the skinnes of dogges, goats, and
sheepe, lined with cotten cloath, made of their finest wooll :
for of their worst they make their felt, which they use in
aboundance, as well for shooes and caps, as houses, beds,
and Idolls ; also of the coarse wooll mingled with horse
haire, they make all their cordage.
Th«r Notwithstanding this wandring life, their Princes sit in
fuS!" great state upon beds, or carpits ; and with great reverence
Aug^'.] Captaine IohnSmith. 86 i
are attended both by men and women, and richly served [1603]
in plate, and great silver cups, delivered upon the knee,
attired in rich furres, lined with plush, or taffity, or robes
of tissue. These Tartars possesse many large and goodly
plaines, wherein feed innumerable herds of horse and
cattell, as well wilde as tame ; which are Elkes, Bisones,
Horses, Deere, Sheepe, Goates, Swine, Beares, and divers
others.
In those countries are the ruines of many faire Monas- An.^nt
teries, Castles, and Cities, as Bacasaray, Salutium, Almas- ings*
sary, Perecopya, Cremum, Sedacom, Capha, and divers others
by the Sea, but all kept with strong garrisons for the great
Turke, who yearely by trade or trafficke, receiveth the
chiefe commodities those fertile countries afford, as Bezer, Commodi-
Rice, Furres, Hides, Butter, Salt, Cattell, and Slaves ; yet SbSto
by the spoiles they get from the secure and idle Christians, the Turkc-
they maintaine themselves in this Pompe. Also their
wives, of whom they have as many as they will, very
costly, yet in a constant custome with decency.
They are Mahometans, as are the Turks, from whom also Ge°tod(Jawes
they have their Lawes ; but no Lawyers, nor Attournies, KryS*.
onely Iudges, and Iustices in every Village, or Hordia :
but capitall criminalls, or matters of moment, before the
Chan himselfe, or Priuie Counsells, of whom they are
alwayes heard, and speedily discharged. For any may have
accesse at any time to them, before whom they appeare
with great reverence, adoring their Princes as Gods, and
their spirituall Iudges as Saints ; for Iustice is with such
integrity and expedition executed, without covetousnesse,
bribery, partiality, and brawling, that in six moneths they
have sometimes scarce six causes to heare. About the
Princes court none but his guard weares any weapon ; but
abroad they goe very strong, because there are many
bandytos, and Theeves.
They use the Hungarians, Russians, Wallachians, and Th«irs
Moldavian slaves (whereof they have plenty) as beasts to
every worke : and those Tartars that serve the Chan, or
noblemen, have only victuall and apparell ; the rest are
generally nasty, and idle, naturally miserable, and in their
warres, better theeves than souldiers. [29]
This Chan hath yeerely a Donative from the King of
862
The Travells and Adventures of
r J. Smith.
l_Aug. 1629.
[1603]
His enter-
tainment of
Ambassa-
dours.
Poland, the Dukes of Lituania, Moldavia, and Nagagon
Tartars; their Messengers commonly he useth bountifully,
and verie nobly, but sometimes most cruelly.
When any of them doth bring their Presents, by his
houshold Officers they are entertained in a plaine field, with
a moderate proportion of flesh, bread and wine, for once ;
but when they come before him, the Sultaines, Tuians, Vlans,
Markies, his chiefe Officers and Councellors attend. One
man only bringeth the Ambassadour to the Court gate, but
to the Chan he is led betweene two Councellors ; where
saluting him upon their bended knees, declaring their
message, [they] are admitted to eat with him, and presented
with a great silver cup full of Mead from his owne hand, but
they drinke it upon their knees.
When they are dispatched, he invites them againe.
The feast ended, they go backe a little from the Palace
doore ; and [are] rewarded with silke vestures wrought with
gold downe to their anckles, with an horse or two, and
sometimes a slave of their owne Nation.
In them [those] robes presently they come to him againe,
to give him thankes, take their leave, and so depart.
CHAPTER XVI.
How he
levieth ai
Annie.
How he levieth an Armie ; their Armes and Pro-
vision ; how he divide th the spoile ; and his
service to the Great Turke.
Hen he intends any warres, he must first have
leave of the Great Turke, whom hee is bound to
assist when hee commandeth ; receiving daily
for himselfe and chiefe of his Nobilitie, pensions
from the Turke, that holds all Kings but slaves that pay
tribute or are subject to any : signifying his intent to all
his subjects, within a moneth commonly he raiseth his
Armie, and everie man is to furnish himselfe for three
moneths victuals ; which is parched Millit, or grownd to
AJugSS£] Captaine Iohn Smith. 863
meale, which they ordinarily mingle with water (as is [1603]
said), hard cheese or cruds dried and beaten to powder, a
little will make much water like milke, and dried flesh,
this they put also up in sackes.
The Chan and his Nobles have some bread and Aquavitce,
and quicke [live] cattell to kill when they please, wherewith
verie sparingly they are contented.
Being provided with expert Guides, and got into the
Countrey he intends to invade ; he sends forth his
Scouts to bring in what prisoners they can, from whom
he will wrest the utmost of their knowledge fit for his
purpose : having advised with his Councell, what is most
lit to be done, the Nobilitie, according to their antiquitie,
doth march ; then moves he with his whole Armie. If hee
finde there is no enemie to oppose him, he adviseth how
farre they shall invade : commanding everie man (upon
paine of his life) to kill all the obvious Rusticks ; but not
to hurt any women, or children.
Ten, or fifteene thousand, he commonly placeth, where '^i^nact
hee findeth most convenient for his standing Campe ; the wJrls.
rest of his Armie hee divides [30] in several troops, bearing
ten or twelve miles square before them, and ever within
three or foure dayes [they] returne to their Campe, putting
all to fire and sword but that they carrie with them backe to
their Campe ; and in this scattering manner he will invade
a Countrey, and be gone with his prey, with an incredible
expedition.
But if he understand of an enemie, he will either fight
in Ambuscado, or flie ; for he will never fight any battel
if he can chuse, but upon treble advantage : yet by his
innumerable flights of arrowes, I have seene flie from
his flying troopes, we could not well judge, whether his
fighting or flying was most dangerous, so good is his horse,
and so expert his bow-men. But if they be so intangled
they must fight, there is none can bee more hardy, or
resolute in their defences.
Regaining his owne borders, he takes the tenth of the J[™ehsethe
principall captives, man, woman, childe, or beast (but his spoik?
captaines that take them, will accept of some particular
person they best like for themselves) : the rest are divided
amongst the whole Armie, according to every mans desert,
864 The Travells and Adventures of [AigfSsS:
[1603] and quality ; that they keepe them, or sell them to \vho[m]
will give most. But they will not forget to use all the
meanes they can, to know their estates, friends, and
quality ; and the better they finde you, the worse they will
use you, till you doe agree to pay such a ransome, as they
will impose upon you : therefore many great persons have
endured much misery to conceale themselves, because
their ransomes are so intolerable. Their best hope is of
some Christian Agent, that many times commeth to re-
deeme slaves, either with mony, or man for man : those
Agents knowing so well the extreme covetousnesse of the
Tartars, doe use to bribe some lew or Merchant, that
feigning they will sell them againe to some other nation,
are oft redeemed for a very small ransome.
Howth* But to this Tartarian Armie, when the Turke commands,
■rathe he goeth with some small artillery; and the Nagagians,
grtut Turkt. perecopenSf Crimes, Osovens, and Cersessians, are his tribu-
taries ; but the Petigorves, Oczacotiians, Byalogordens, and
Dobrueen Tartars, the Turke by covenant commands to
follow him ; so that from all those Tartars he hath had an
Army of an hundred and twenty thousand excellent, swift,
stomackfull Tartarian horse ; for foot they have none.
Now the Chan, his Sultaines and nobility, use Turkish,
Caramanian, Arabian, Parthian, and other strange Tartarian
horses ; the swiftest they esteeme the best : seldome they
feede any more at home, than they have present use for;
but upon their plaines is a short wodde like heath, in some
countries like gaile, full of berries, farre much better than
any grasse.
TheirAimes. Their Armes are such as they have surprised or got
from the Christians or Persians, both brest-plates, swords,
semiteres, and helmets ; bowes and arrowes they make
most[ly] themselves, also their bridles and saddles are indif-
ferent: but the nobility are very handsome [ly] , and well armed
like the Turkes, in whom consisteth their greatest glory.
The ordinary sort have little armor, some a plaine young
pole unshaven, headed with a peece of iron for a lance ;
some an old Christian pike, or a Turks cavatine : yet those
tattertimallions will have two or three horses, some [31]
foure, or five, as well for service, as for to eat ; which makes
their Armies seem thrice so many as there are souldiers.
AigsSj:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 865
The Chan himselfe hath about his person ten thousand [1603]
chosen Tartars and Janizaries, some small Ordnance : and
a white mares taile with a peece of greene taffity, on a
great Pike, is carried before him for a standard ; because
they hold no beast so precious as a white mare ; whose
milke is onely for the King and nobility, and to sacrifice
to their Idolls ; but the rest have ensignes of divers colours.
For all this miserable knowledge, furniture, and equi-
page, the mischiefe they doe in Christendome is wonderfull :
by reason of their hardnesse of life and constitution, obe-
dience, agilitie, and their Emperours bountie, honours,
grace, and dignities he ever bestoweth upon those that have
done him any memorable service in the face of his enemies.
The Caspian Sea, most men agree that have passed it, £0^fX
to be in length about 200. leagues, and in breadth an casta*
hundred and fifty : environed to the East, with the great
desarts of the Tartars of Turkamane ; to the West, by the
Circasses, and the mountaine Caucasus ; to the North, by
the river Volga, and the land of Nagay ; and to the South,
by Media, and Persia. This sea is fresh water in many
places, in others as salt as the great Ocean. It hath many
great rivers which fall into it, as the mighty river of Volga,
which is like a sea, running neere two thousand miles,
through many great and large Countries, that send into it
many other great rivers : also out of Saberya, Yaick, and
Yem, out of the great mountaine Caucasus, the river Sirus,
Arash, and divers others; yet no Sea neerer it than the
blacke Sea, which is at least an hundred leagues distant.
In which Country live the Georgians, now part Armenians,
part Nestorians. It is neither found to increase or diminish,
or empty it selfe any way, except it be under ground; and in
some places they can findeno ground at two hundred fadome.
Many other most strange and wonderfull thirgs are in
the land of Cathay towards the North-east, and Chyna to-
wards the South-east : where are many of the most famous
Kingdomes in the world; where most arts, plenty, and
curiosities are in such abundance, as might seeme incre-
dible, which hereafter I will relate, as I have briefly
gathered from such authors as have lived there.
55
866 The Travells and Adventures of UigfTSS:
CHAPTER XVII.
How captaine Smith escaped his captivity ; slew the
Bashaw 0/Nalbrits in Cambia; his passage to
Russia, Transilvania, and the middest of
Europe to Affrica.
[1603] r~^w£LL the hope he had ever to be delivered from
now smith jffl$\yQ? ^is thraldome was only the love of Tragabig-
^tmtyk"5 ftzffi5VMw zanda, who surely was ignorant of his bad
uSwflKiJu usage . for although he had often debated the
l#.a76,854.] matter with some Christians, that had beene there a long
time slaves, they could not finde how to make an escape,
by any reason or possibility ; but God beyond [32] mans
expectation or imagination helpeth his servants, when they
least thinke of helpe, as it hapned to him.
So long he lived in this miserable estate, as he became a
thresher at a grange in a great field, more than a league from
the Tymors house [at Nalbrits]. The Bashaw as he oft
used to visit his granges, visited him ; and tooke occasion
so to beat, spume, and revile him, that [Smith] forgetting
all reason, he beat out the Tymors braines with his thresh-
ing bat, for they have no flailes : and seeing his estate could
be no worse than it was, clothed himselfe in his clothes,
hid his body under the straw, filled his knapsacke with
come, shut the doores, mounted his horse, and ranne into
the desart at all adventure.
Two or three dayes thus fearfully wandring he knew
not whither, and well it was he met not any to aske the
way. Being even as taking leave of this miserable world,
God did direct him to the great way or Castragan, as they
call it, which doth crosse these large territories, and [is]
generally knowne among them by these markes.
Their guides In every crossing of this great way is planted a post,
CoantaL. and m it so many bobs with broad ends, as there be wayes,
and every bob the figure painted on it, that demonstrated
to what part that way leadeth ; as that which pointeth
towards the Cryms Country, is marked with a halfe Moone,
Aug^S:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 867
if towards the Georgians and Persia, a blacke man, full of [1603]
white spots ; if towards China, the picture of the Sunne ; if
towards Muscovia, the signe of a Crosse ; if towards the
habitation of any other Prince, the figure whereby his
standard is knowne.
To his dying spirits, thus God added some comfort in
this melancholy journey : wherein if he had met any of
that vilde generation, they had made him their slave ; or
knowing the figure engraven in the iron about his necke,
(as all slaves have) he had beene sent backe againe to his
master.
Sixteene dayes he travelled in this feare and torment,
after the Crosse, till he arrived at Mcopolis, upon the river
Dony a garrison of the Muscovites.
The governour after due examination of those his hard
events, tooke off his irons, and so kindly used him, he
thought himselfe new risen from death ; and the good
Lady Callamata, largely supplied all his wants. !/• 2?6-i
This is as much as he could learne of those wilde SSription
Countries, that the Country of Cambia is two dayes jJJ'jjj3**
journ[e]y from the head of the great river Bruapo, which JLageto
springeth from many places of the mountaines of Inna-
gachi, that joyne themselves together in the Poole Kerkas ;
which they account for the head, and falleth into the Sea
Dissabacca, called by some the lake Meotis, which receiveth
also the river Tanais, and all the rivers that fall from the
great Countries of the Circassi, the Cartaches, and many
from the Tauricaes, Precopes, Cummani, Cossunka, and the
Cryme. Through which Sea he sailed, and up the river
Bruapo to Nalbrits, and thence through thedesarts of Circassi
to Mcoplis, as is related; where he stayed with the
Governour, till the Convoy went to Coragnaw.
Then with his certificate how hee found him, and had
examined [him], with his friendly letters [he] sent him by
Zumalacke to Caragnaw : whose Governour in like manner
so kindly use him, that by this meanes he went with a safe
conduct to Letch, and Donka, in Cologoske, and thence to
Berniske, and Newgrod in Seberia, by Rezechica, upon the
river Niper in the confines [33] of Littuania. From whence
with as much kindnesse he was convoyed in like manner
Russia.
868 The Travells and Adventures of [a^SS
[1603] by Coroski, Duberesko, Duzihell, Drohobus, and Ostroge in
Volonia ; Saslaw and Lasco in Podolia ; Halico and Collonia
in Poloiiia; and so to Hermonstat in Transilvania. In all
his life he seldome met with more respect, mirth, content,
and entertainment : and not any Governour where he came,
but gave him somewhat as a present, besides his charges ;
seeing themselves as subject to the like calamity.
t?<£s1nShSa" Through those poore continually forraged Countries
joumey toS there is no passage, but with the Carravans or Convoyes;
wZSa,'1' for they are Countries rather to be pitied, than envied ;
midsUtgohfthe an(* ^ *s a wonder any should make warres for them.
Europe The Villages are onely here and there a few houses of
straight Firre trees, laid heads and points above one
another, made fast by notches at the ends more than a
mans height, and with broad split boards, pinned together
with woodden pinnes, as thatched for coverture. In ten
Villages you shall scarce finde ten iron nailes, except it
be in some extraordinary mans house.
For their Townes, JEcopolis, Letch, and Donko, have
rampiers made of that woodden walled fashion, double,
and betwixt them earth and stones ; but so latched with
crosse timber, they are very strong against any thing but
fire ; and about them a deepe ditch, and a Palizado of
young Firre trees : but most of the rest have only a great
ditch cast about them, and the ditches earth is all their
rampier ; but round well environed with Palizadoes. Some
have some few small peeces of small Ordnance, and slings,
calievers, and muskets; but their generallest weapons are
the Russe bowes and arrowes.
You shall find pavements over bogges, onely of young
Firre trees laid crosse one over another, for two or three
houres journey, or as the passage requires : and yet in two
dayes travell you shall scarce see six habitations.
Notwithstanding, to see how their Lords, Governours,
and Captaines are civilized, well attired and acoutred with
Iewells, Sables, and Horses, and after their manner with
curious furniture, it is wonderfull : but they are all Lords
or slaves, which makes them so subject to every invasion.
In Transilvania he [i.e., Smith] found so many good friends,
AugsT6!2:] Captaine IohnSmith. 869
that but to see and rejoyce himselfe (after all those [1603-4]
encounters) in his native Country, he would ever hardly
have left them ; though the mirrour of vertue, their Prince,
was absent.
Being thus glutted with content, and neere drowned with
joy ; he passed high Hungaria by Fileck, Tocka, Cassovia,
and Vnderoroway, by Vlmicht, in Moravia, to Prague in
Bohemia : at last he found the most gracious Prince
Sigismundus, with his Colonell [Henry Volda, Earl of
M eldritch, pp. 842, 852], at Lipswick in Misenland: who
gave him his Passe [9 Dec. 1603, see p. 845], intimating the
service he had done, and the honours he had received,
with fifteene hundred ducats [ = about £500] of gold to
repaire his losses.
With this, he spent some time to visit the faire Cities
and Countries of Drasdon in Saxonie, Magdaburg and
Brunswicke ; Cassell in Hessen ; Wittenberg, Vllum, and
Minikin in Bavaria; Aughsbrough, and her Vniversities ;
Hama, Franckford, Mentz, the Palatinate ; Wormes, Speyre,
and Strausborough ; passing Nancie in Loraine, and France
by Paris to Orleans, hee went down the river of Loyer, to
Angiers, and imbarked himselfe at Nantz in Britanny, for
Bilbao in Biskay, to see Burgos, [34] Valiadolid, the
admired monasterie of the Escuriall, Madrill, Toledo, C or dua,
Cuedyriall, Civill, Cheryes, Coles, and Saint Lucas in Spaine.
CHAPTER XVIII.
The observations of Captaine Smith, Master
Henrie Archer and others in Barbaric
Eingthus satisfied with Europe and Asia; under-
standing of the warres in Barbarie, hee went
from Gibralter to Guta and Tanger, thence to
Saffee : where growing into acquaintance with a
French man of warre, the Captaine and some twelve
more went to Morocco, to see the ancient monuments of
that large renowned Citie. It was once the principall
870 The Trave lis and Adventures of [xL^*:
11604] Citie in Barbarie, situated in a goodly plaine Countrey,
14 miles from the great Mount Atlas, and sixtie miles
from the Atlanticke Sea; but now little remaining, but
the Kings Palace, which is like a Citie of it selfe, and
the Christian Church, on whose flat square steeple is a
The three great brouch of iron, whereon is placed the three golden
rf!^£-|«!s Bals of Affrica : the first is neere three Ells in circum-
ference, the next above it somewhat lesse, the uppermost
the least over them, as it were an halfe Ball, and over
all a prettie guilded Pyramides. Against those golden
Bals hath been shot many a shot. Their weight is recorded
700. weight [784 lbs.] of pure gold, hollow within, yet no shot
did ever hit them, nor could ever any Conspirator attaine
that honor as to get them downe. They report the Prince
of Morocco betrothed himselfe to the Kings Daughter of
^Ethiopia, he dying before their marriage, she caused those
three golden Balls to be set up for his Monument, and
Thedescrip- vowed virginitie all her life. TheAlfantica is also a place
iiforaro. of note, because it is invironed with a great wall, wherein
lye the goods of all the Merchants securely guarded. The
Iuderea is also (as it were) a Citie of it selfe, where dwell
the Iewes : the rest for the most part is defaced : but by
the many pinnacles and towers, with Balls on their tops,
hath much appearance of much sumptuousnesse and
curiositie. There have been many famous Universities,
which are now but stables for Fowles and Beasts, and
the houses in most parts lye tumbled one above another.
The walls of Earth are with the great fresh flouds washed
to the ground ; nor is there any village in it, but tents
for Strangers, Larbes [Mountainers, p. 873] and Moores.
Strange tales they will tell of a great Garden, wherein
were all sorts of Birds, Fishes, Beasts, Fruits and Foun-
taines, which for beautie, Art, and pleasure, exceeded
any place knowne in the world ; though now nothing but
dung-hils, Pigeon-houses, shrubs and bushes. There are
yet many excellent fountaines adorned with marble, and
many arches, pillers, towers, ports and Temples ; but
most only reliques of lamentable ruines and sad desolation.
AWoudie When Mully Hamet reigned in Barbarie, he had three
sonnes, Mully Shecke, Mully Stdan, and Mully Befferres.
He a most good and noble King, that governed well with
Aug^:] Captaine Iohn Smith. 871
peace and plentie, till his Empresse, more cruell [35] than [1604]
any beast in Affrica, poysoned him, her owne daughter,
Mully Shecke his eldest sonne borne of a Portugall Ladie,
and his daughter; to bring Mully Sidan to the Crowne
now reigning : which was the cause of all those brawles and
warres that followed betwixt those Brothers, their children,
and a Saint that start [ed] up (but he played the Devill).
King Mully Hamet was not blacke, as many suppose, Kbgjfirf/,
but Molata, or tawnie, as are the most of his subjects ; tinGm™
everie way noble, kinde and friendly, verie rich and %£$%}!
pompous in State and Majestie: though hee sitteth not
upon a Throne nor Chaire of Estate, but crosse legged
upon a rich Carpet, as doth the Turke ; whose Religion of
Mahomet, with an incredible miserable curiositie they
observe. His Ordinarie Guard is at least 5000; but in
progresse he goeth not with lesse than 20000. horsemen :
himselfe as rich in all his Equipage, as any Prince in
Christendome, and yet a Contributor to the Turke,
In all his Kingdome were so few good Artificers, that hee JJjJ *Jeat
entertained from England, Gold-smiths, Plummers, Carvers, Engiuh.
and Polishers of stone, and Watch-makers : so much hee men*
delighted in the reformation of workmanship, hee allowed
each of them ten shillings a day standing fee, linnen,
woollen, silkes, and what they would for diet and apparell ;
and custome-free to transport, or import what they would;
for there were scarce any of those qualities in his King-
domes but those, of which there are divers of them living
at this present [1629] in London.
Amongst the rest, one Master Henry Archer, a Watch-
maker, walking in Morocco, from the A Ifantica to the Iuderea,
the way being verie foule, met a great Priest, or a Sante
(as they call all great Clergy-men) who would have thrust
him into the durt for the way; but Archer, not knowing
what he was, gave him a box on the eare : presently he
was apprehended, and condemned to have his tongue cut
out, and his hand cut off ; but no sooner it was knowen at
the Kings Court, but 300. of his Guard came, and broke
open the Prison, and delivered him, although the fact was
next degree to Treason.
Concerning this Archer, there is one thing more worth
872 The Travells and Adventures of [au^T^
[1604] noting: Not farre from Mount Atlas, a great Lionesse in
The strange the heat of the day, did use to bathe her selfe, and teach
Lyon. a her young Puppies to swimme in the river Cauzeff, of a
good bredth ; yet she would carrie them one after another
over the river: which some Moores perceiving watched
their opportunitie, and when the river was betweene her
and them, stole foure of her whelps ; which she perceiving,
with all the speed shee could passed the river, and comming
neere them they let fall a whelpe (and fled with the rest)
which she tooke in her mouth, and so returned to the rest.
A Male and a Female of those they gave Master Archer,
who kept them in the Kings Garden, till the Male killed
the Female ; then he brought it up as a Puppy-dog lying
upon his bed, till it grew so great as a Mastiffe, and no
dog more tame or gentle to them hee knew : but being to
returne for England, at Saffee he gave him to a Merchant
of Marsellis, that presented him to the French King, who
sent him to King lames, where it was kept in the Tower
seven yeeres.
After, one Master John Bull, then servant to Master
Archer, with divers of his friends, went to see the Lyons,
not knowing any thing at all of him ; yet this rare beast
smelled him before hee [36] saw him, whining, groaning,
and tumbling, with such an expression of acquaintance ;
that being informed by the Keepers how hee came thither,
Master Bull so prevailed, the Keeper opened the grate, and
Bull went in : But no Dogge could fawne more on his
Master, than the Lyon on him, licking his feet, hands, and
face, skipping and tumbling to and fro, to the wonder of
all the beholders ; being satisfied with his acquaintance,
he made shift to get out of the grate. But when the Lyon
saw his friend gone ; no beast by bellowing, roaring, scratch-
ing, and howling, could expresse more rage and sorrow :
nor in foure dayes after would he either eat or drinke.
Another In Morocco, the Kings Lyons are all together in a Court,
-mMor^S. invironed with a great high wall; to those they put a
young Puppy-dogge : the greatest Lyon had a sore upon
his necke, which this Dogge so licked that he was healed:
the Lyon defended him from the furie of all the rest, nor
durst they eat till the Dogge and he had fed ; this Dog
grew great, and lived amongst them many yeeres after.
AugSS:J Captaine IohnSmith. Sj?>
Fez also is a most large and plentifull Countrey, the [1604]
chiefe Citie is called Fez, divided into two parts ; old Fez Th.e <?e-
containing about 80. thousand housholds, the other 4000. 'StIono
pleasantly situated vpon a River in the heart of Barbarie,
part upon hils, part upon plaines, full of people, and all
sorts of Merchandise.
The great Temple is called Carucen, in bredth seventeene
Arches, in length 120. borne up with 2500. white marble
pillars : under the chiefe Arch, where the Tribunall is
kept, hangeth a most huge lampe, compassed with no.
lesser, under the other also hang great lamps, and about
some are burning fifteene hundred lights. They say they
were all made of the bels the Arabians brought from Spaine.
It hath three gates of notable height, Priests and Officers
so many, that the circuit of the Church, the Yard, and other
houses, is little lesse than a mile and an halfe in compasse.
There are in this Citie 200. Schooles, 200. Innes,
400. water-mils, 600. water-Conduits ; 700. Temples and
Oratories; but fiftie of them most stately and richly
furnished. Their Alcazar or Burse is walled about, it hath
twelve gates, and fifteen walks covered with tents to keepe
the Sun from the Merchants, and them that come there.
The Kings Palace, both for strength and beautie is
excellent, and the Citizens have many great privileges.
Those two Countreyes of Fez and Morocco, are the best
part of all Barbarie, abounding with people, cattell, and all
good necessaries for mans use. Forthe rest, as the Larbes
or Mountainers, the Kingdomes of Cocow, Algier, Tripoly,
Tunis, and JBgypt; there are many large histories of them in
divers languages, especially that writ by that most excellent
Statesman, John de Leo, who afterward turned Christian.
The unknowen Countries of Ginny and Binne, this six A briefe
and twentie yeeres [1603-1629] have beene frequented with of tSXS
a few English ships only to trade, especially the river of pam°oTn
Senega, by Captaine Brimstead, Captaine Brockit, Master Affnca.
Crump, and divers others.
Also the great river of Gambra, by Captaine Iobson, who
is returned in thither againe in the yeere 1626. with Master
William Grent, and thirteene or fourteene others, to stay in
874
The Travells and Adventures of
I" J. Smitn.
l_Aug. 1639.
[1479-
1629]
the Countrey, to discover some way to those rich mines of
Gago or Tumbatu, from whence is supposed the Moores of
[37] Barbaric have their gold ; and the certaintie of those
supposed descriptions and relations of those interiour
parts, which daily the more they are sought into, the more
they are corrected.
For surely, those interiour parts of Africa are little
knowen to either English, French, or Dutch, though they
use much the Coast; therefore wee will make a little bold
with the observations of the Portugalls.
CHAPTER XIX
The strange discoveries and observations of the
Portugalls in Affrica.
How the
Portugalls
coasted to
the East
Indies.
He Portugalls on those par[t]s have the glorie,
who first coasting along this Westerne shore of
Affrica, to finde passage to the East Indies,
within this hundred andfiftie yeeres [1479-1629],
even from the Streights of Gibralter, about the Cape of Bone
Esperance to the Persian Gulfe, and thence all along the Asian
Coast to the Moluccas, have subjected many great King-
domes, erected many Common-wealths, built many great
and strong Cities; and where is it they have not beene by
trade or force ? no not so much as Cape de Verd, and
Sermleone ; but most Bayes or Rivers, where there is any
trade to bee had, especially gold, or conveniencie for re-
freshment, but they are scattered; living so amongst those
Blacks, by time and cunning they seeme to bee naturalized
amongst them.
As for the Isles of the Canaries, they have faire Townes,
many Villages, and many thousands of people rich in
commodities.
or Edward Ordoardo Lopez, a noble Portugall, Anno Dom 1578. im-
barquing himselfe for Congo to trade, where he found such
entertainment, finding the King much oppressed with
enemies, hee found meanes to bring in the Portugalls to
assist him, whereby he planted there Christian Religion,
and spent most of his life to bring those Countreyes to
AJugsT^9.] Captaine IohnSmith. 875
the Crowne of Portugall, which he describeth in this [1578]
manner.
'The Kingdome of Congo is about 600. miles diameter any The
way; the chiefe Citie called St. Savadore, [is] seated upon JfcS^IT
an exceeding high mountaine, 150. miles from the Sea,
verie fertile, and inhabited with more than 100000. persons,
where is an excellent prospect over all the plaine Countreyes
about it, well watered, lying (as it were) in the Center of
this Kingdome : over all which the Portugalls now com-
mand, though but an handfull in comparison of Negroes.
They have flesh and fruits verie plentifull of divers sorts.
This Kingdom is divided into five Provinces, viz. Bamba,
Sundi, Pango, Bacca, and Pembo ; but Batnba is the prin-
cipal^ and can affoord 400000. men of warre. Elephants wiide
are bred over all those Provinces, and of wonderfull great- ElePhants-
nesse ; though some report they cannot kneele, nor lye
downe, they can doe both, and have their joynts as other
creatures for use : with their fore-feet they will leape
upon trees to pull downe the boughes, and are of that
strength, they will shake a great Cocar tree for [38] the nuts,
and pull downe a good tree with their tuskes, to get the
leaves to eat, as well as sedge and long grasse, Cocar nuts
and berries, &c. which with their trunke they put in their
mouth, and chew it with their smaller teeth.
In most of those Provinces, are many rich mines, but
the Negars opposed the Portugalls for working in them.
The Kingdome of Angola is wonderfull populous, and The
rich in mines of silver, copper, and most other mettalls ; 0fT«j5?
fruitfull in all manner of food, and [with] sundry sorts of
cattell, but dogges flesh they love better than any other
meat : they use few clothes, and no Armour ; bowes, arrowes,
and clubs, are their weapons. But the Portugalls are well
armed against those engines; and doe buy yearely of those
Blacks more than five thousand slaves, and many are
people exceeding well proportioned.
The Anchicosaxz a most valiant nation, but most strange The
to all about them. Their Armes are Bowes, short and SSESSm
small, wrapped about with serpents skinnes, of divers
colours; but so smooth you would thinke them all one with
the wood, and it makes them very strong : their strings
little twigs, but exceeding tough and flexible; their arrowes
876
The Travells and Adventures of
r J. Smith
l_Aug,
6ag.
[1578]
A strange
mony.
A shambles
of mans
flesh.
Their
Religions
and Idols.
short, which they shoot with an incredible quicknesse.
They have short axes of brasse and copper for swords; [are]
wonderfull loyall and faithfull, and exceeding simple, yet
so active, they skip amongst the rockes like goats. They
trade with them of Nubea, and Co7igo, for Lamache, which
is a small kinde of shell fish, of an excellent azure colour,
male and female, but the female they hold most pure ;
they value them at divers prices, because they are of divers
sorts : and those they use for coine, to buy and sell, as we
doe gold and silver ; nor will they have any other money
in all those Countries, for which they give Elephants
teeth ; and slaves for salt, silke, linnen cloth, glasse-beads,
and such like Portngall commodities.
They circumcise themselves, and marke their faces with
sundry slashes from their infancie. They keepe a shambles
of mans flesh, as if it were beefe or other victuall : for when
they cannot have a good market for their slaves ; or their
enemies they take, they kill and sell them in this manner.
Some are so resolute in shewing how much they scorne
death, they will offer themselves and slaves to this
butchery to their Prince and friends; and though there
be many nations will eat their enemies, in America and
Asia, yet none but those are knowne to be so mad, as to
eat their slaves and friends also.
Religions and idolls they have as many, as nations and
humours ; but the devill hath the greatest part of their
devotions, whom all those Blacks doe say is white ; for there
are no Saints but Blacks.
Divers
nations yet
unknowne,
and the
wonders of
Affrica.
But besides those great Kingdomes of Congo, Angola,
and Azichi in those unfrequented parts are the Kingdomes
of Lango, Matania, Buttua, Sofola, Mozambeche, Quivola,
the Isle of Saint Lawrence, Motnbaza, Melinda, the Empires
of Monomatopa, Monemugi, and Presbiter John, with whom
they have a kinde of trade ; and their rites, customes,
climates, temperatures, and commodities by relation.
Also of great Lakes, that deserve the names of Seas, and
huge mountaines of divers [39] sorts, as some scorched with
heat, some covered with snow ; the mountaines of the
Sunne, also of the Moone, some of crystall, some of iron,
some of silver, and mountaines of gold, with the originall
AugSTn6S:] Captame Iohn S mith. 877
of Nilus ; likewise sundry sorts of cattell, fishes, Fowles, [1604]
strange beasts, and monstrous serpents ; for Africa was
alwayes noted to be a fruitfull mother of such terrible
creatures : who meeting at their watering places, which
are but Ponds in desart places, in regard of the heat of
the Country, and their extremities of nature, make strange
copulations, and so ingender those extraordinary monsters.
Of all these you may reade in the history of this Edward
Lopez, translated into English by A braham Hartwell, and
dedicated to Iohn Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, 1597.
But because the particulars are most concerning the
conversion of those Pagans, by a good poore Priest that first
converted a Noble man, to convert the King, and the rest
of the Nobility; [then] sent for so many Priests and orna-
ments into Portugall, to solemnize their baptismes with
such magnificence, which was performed with such
strange curiosities, that those poore Negros adored them
as Gods, till the Priests grew to that wealth, a Bishop
was sent to rule over them : which they would not
endure, which endangered to spoile all before they could
bee reconciled.
But not to trouble you too long with those rarities of
uncertainties : let us returne againe to Barbary, where the
warres being ended, and Befferres possessed of Morocco,
and his fathers treasure ; a new bruit arose amongst them,
that Muly Sidan, was raising an Armie against him, who
after tooke his brother Befferres prisoner.
But by reason of the uncertainty, and the perfidious,
treacherous, bloudy murthers rather than warre, amongst
those perfidious, barbarous Moores ; Smith returned with
Merham, [or rather the French Captain, see p. 869] and the
rest to Saffe[e], and so aboard his Ship, to try some other
conclusions at Sea.
878 The Travells and Adventures of [auR?5$.'
CHAPTER XX.
A brave Sea fight betwixt two Spanish
men of warre, and Captaine
Merham with Smith.
[1604] g ^ yOS/I D Erham a captaine of a man of war then in the
Road, invited captaine Smith, and two or three
more of them aboord with him; where he spared
not anything he had to expresse his kindnesse,
to bid them welcome, till it was too late to goe on shore,
so that necessitie constrained them to stay aboord.
A fairer Evening could not bee : yet ere midnight such a
storme did arise, they were forced to let slip Cable and
Anchor, and put to Sea; spooning before the wind, till they
were driven to the Canaries. In the calmes they accommo-
dated themselves, hoping this strange accident might yet
produce some good event.
Not long it was before they tooke a small Barke com-
ming from Teneryf, loaded with Wine. Three or foure more
they chased, two they tooke, but found little in them, save
a few passengers, that told them of five Dutch men of
warre, about the Isles : so that they stood for Boyadora,
[40] upon the Affrican shore ; betwixt which and Cape Noa,
they descried t[w]o saile. Merham intending to know
what they were, hailed them : very civilly they dansed
their topsailes, and desired the man of warre to come
aboord them, and take what he would ; for they were but
two poore distressed Biskiners.
But Merham, the old fox, seeing himselfe in the lions
pawes, sprung his loufe ; the other tacked after him, and
came close up to his nether quarter, gave his broad side,
and so loufed up to windward; the Vice-Admirall did
the like ; and at the next bout, the Admirall with a noise
of Trumpets, and all his Ordnance, murtherers, and
muskets, boorded him on his broad side; the other in like
manner on his ley quarter, that it was so darke, there was
little light, but fire and smoake. Long he stayed not,
AJugsTif9.] Captaine IohnSmith. 879
before he fell off, leaving 4. or 5. of his men sprawling [1604]
over the grating.
After they had battered Merham about an houre, they
boorded him againe as before ; and threw foure kedgers
or grapnalls in iron chaines, then shearing off they thought
so to have torne downe the grating; but the Admiralls
yard was so intangled in their shrouds, Merham had time to
discharge two crosse barre shot amongst them, and divers
bolts of iron made for that purpose, against his bow, that
made such a breach, he feared they both should have sunke
for company. So that the Spaniard was as yare in slipping
his chained Grapnalls, as Merham was in cutting the
tackling, [that] kept fast their yards in his shrouds. The
Vice-admirall presently cleared himselfe, but spared neither
his Ordnance nor Muskets to keepe Merham from getting
away, till the Admirall had repaired his leake.
From twelve at noone, till six at night, they thus inter-
changed one volly for another; then the Vice-admirall fell
on starne, staying for the Admirall that came up againe to
him, and all that night stood after Merham} that shaped
his course for Mamora, but such small way they made, the
next morning they were not three leagues off from Cape Noa.
The two Spanish men of warre, for so they were, and
well appointed : taking it in scorne as it seemed, with
their chase, broad side, and starne, the one after the other,
within Musket shot, plying their ordnance ; and after an
houres worke commanded Merham a maine for the King
of Spaine upon faire quarter.
Merham dranke to them, and so discharged his quarter
peeces.
Which pride the Spaniard to revenge, [they] boorded him
againe, and many of them were got to the top to unsling
the maine saile ; which the Master and some others
from the round house, caused to their cost to come
tumbling downe. About the round house the Spaniards so
pestered, that they were forced to the great Cabben and
blew it up ; the smoake and fire was so vehement, as they
thought the Ship on fire. They in the fore castle were no
lesse assaulted, that blew up a peece of the grating, with a
great many of Spaniards more ; then they cleared them-
selves with all speed, and Merham with as much expedition
880 The Travells and Adventures of Capt. Smith. [Augs™62;
[1604] to quench the fire with wet clothes and water, which
beganne to grow too fast. The Spaniard still playing upon
him with all the shot they could ; the open places presently
they covered with old sailes, and prepared themselves to
fight to the last man.
The angry Spaniard seeing the fire quenched, hung out
a flagge of truce to have but a parley ; but that desperate
[41] Merham knew there was but one way with him, and
would have none but the report of his Ordnance, which
hee did know well how to use for his best advantage. Thus
they spent the next after-noone, and halfe that night ;
when the Spatiiards either lost them, or left them.
Seven and twentie men Merham had slaine, and sixteene
wounded ; and could finde they [i.e., the ship] had received
140. great shot. A wounded Spanyard they kept alive,
confessed they had lost 100. men in the Admirall, which
they did feare would sinke, ere she could recover a Port.
Thus reaccomm /dating their sailes, they sailed for
Sancta Cruse, Cape Goa, and Magadore, till they came againe
to Saffee; and then he [i.e., Smith] returned into England.
The second part of The True Travels, Adventures, and
Observations &*c.
i 6 30.
The Observations &»c.
A Continuation of The Generall His-
toric of Virginia, the Summer Islands,
and New England, 16 24-1 6 29.
The English voyages to Guiana^ and
the river Amazon^ 1595—1629.
The English beginnings at St. Chris-
topher, Barbadoes, and Nevis , 1623-
1629.
A short view of English pirates^
1588-1&29
56
[In the original edition, while the headline of the former part of
this Work is
The Travels and Adventures 6r°c.
that over what follows is (but not uniformly)
The Travels and Observations &*c.
With the exception of the Eye-witness description of Nevis, at
pp. 909-10; this latter part is simply a compilation by our Author,
out of such Relations as came to his hands.]
CHAPTER XXI.
The continuation of the generall Historie of
Virginia ; the Summer lies ; and New
England ; with their present estate
from 1624. to this present 1629.
Oncerning these Countreyes, I would be [1629]
sorrie to trouble you with repeating one
thing twice, as with their Maps, Com-
modities, People, Government and Re-
ligion yet knowen, the beginning of
those plantations, their numbers and
names, with the names of the Adven-
turers, the yeerely proceedings of everie
Governour both here and there. As for the misprisions,
neglect, grievances, and the causes of all those rumours,
losses and crosses that have happened ; I referre you to
the Generall Historie, where you shall finde all this at
large ; especially to those pages, where you may read my
letter of advice to the Councell and Company, what of
necessitie must be done, or lose all and leave the Countrey,
pag. 70. [p. 442] what commodities I sent home, pag. 163.
[p. 610] my opinion and offer to the Company, to feed and
defend the Colonies, pag. 150. [p. 588] my account to them
hereof myactions there, pag. 163. [p. 610] my seven answers
to his Majesties Commissioners : seven questions what
hath hindered Virginia, and the remedie, pag. 165 [p. 615].
How those noble Gentlemen spent neere two yeares in
perusing all letters [that] came from thence ; and the differ-
ences betwixt many factions, both here and there, with their
884 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. Smith. [ j.ltS.
L Aug. 1629.
[1622-5] complaints ; especially about the Sallerie, which should
have beene a new office in London, for the well ordering
[of] the sale of Tobacco, that 2500. pounds should yearely
have beene raised out of it, to pay foure or five hundred
pounds yearly to the Governor of that Companie ; two or
three hundred to his Deputie ; the rest into stipends of
thirtie or fiftie pounds yearely for their Clerks and under
Officers which were never there, pag. 153 [pp. 590, 591], but
but not one hundred pounds for all them in Virginia,
or any thing for the most part of the Adventurers in
England, except the undertakers for the Lotteries, Setters
out of ships, Adventurers of commodities, also their
Factors and many other Officers, there imployed only by
friendship to raise their fortunes out of the labours of the
true industrious planters by the title of their office, who
[42] under the colour of sinceritie, did pillage and deceive
all the rest most cunningly. For more than 150000. pounds
have beene spent out of the common stocke, besides many
thousands have beene there consumed, and neere 7000.
people that there died, only for want of good order and
government : otherwise long ere this there would have
beene more than 20000. people ; where after twentie yeeres
spent onely in complement, and trying new conclusions,
was remaining scarce 1500. with some few cattell.
Then the Company dissolved, but no account of any
thing; so that his Majestie appointed Commissioners to
oversee, and give order for their proceedings.
Being thus in a manner left to themselves, since then
within these foure yeeres [1625-1629], you shall see how
wonderfully they have increased beyond expectation : but
so exactly as I desired, I cannot relate unto you. For al-
though I have tired my selfe in seeking and discoursing with
those returned thence, more than would a voyage to Vir-
ginia ; few can tell me any thing, but of that place or places
they have inhabited : and he is a great traveller that hath
gone up and downe the river of James Towne, been at
Pamaunhc, Smiths Isles, or Accomack ; wherein for the most
part they keepe one tune of their now particular abun-
dance, and their former wants, having beene there, some
sixteene yeeres, some twelve, some six, some neere twentie,
jEs'muh. Continuation of 'the General History of 'Virginia.] 885
Aug. 1629.
&c. But of their generall estate, or any thing of worth, [1627J
the most of them doth know verie little to any purpose.
Now the most I could understand in generall, was from Theirestato.
the relation of Master Nathaniel Cawsey, that lived there
with mee [pp. 410, 575] , and returned A nno Bom. 1627. ; and 1627.
[of] some others [who] affirme :
Sir George Yerley was Governour, Captaine Francis
West, Doctor John Poot, Captaine Roger Smith, Captaine
Matthewes, Captaine Tucker, Master Claboume and Master
Farrer of the Councell : their habitations many. The
Governour, with two or three of the Councell, are for
most part at lames Towne; the rest repaire thither as
there is occasion : but everie three moneths they have
a generall meeting, to consider of their publike affaires.
Their numbers then [1627] were about 1500. some say Their
rather 2000. divided into seventeene or eighteene severall
Plantations ; the greatest part thereof towards the falls, are [/• 927]
so inclosed with Pallizadoes they regard not the Salvages :
and amongst those Plantations above lames Towne, they
have now found meanes to take plentie of fish, as well with
lines as nets, and where the waters are the largest; having
meanes, they need not want.
Upon this River they seldome see any Salvages; but in ™*£t[on
the woods, many times their fires : yet some few there are, with 'the"
that upon their opportunitie have slaine some few stragglers, Salvases-
which have beene revenged with the death of so many of
themselves ; but no other attempt hath beene made upon
them this two or three yeares [1624-7].
Their Cattle, namely Oxen, Kine, Buls, they imagine SeLeof
to be about 2000. Goats great store and great increase ; pa"11ter£nd
the wilde Hogs, which were infinite, are destroyed and
eaten by the Salvages : but no family is so poore, that
hath not tame Swine sufficient ; and for Poultrie, he is a
verie [43] bad husband [that] breedeth not an hundred in a
yeere, and the richer sort doth daily feed on them.
For bread they have plentie, and so good, that those c!S£of
that make it well, better cannot be : divers have much
English corne, especially Master A braham Perce, which pre-
pared this yeere [1627] to sow two hundred acres of English
wheat, and as much with barley ; feeding daily about the
number of sixtie persons at his owne charges.
886 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. Smith. I"
[1627-9]
Their
drinke.
Their
servants
Their
Artnes and
Their
health and
discoveries.
Ed. by
J. Smith.
Aug. 1629.
For drinke, some malt the Indian corne, others barley ;
of which they make good Ale, both strong and small, and
such plentie thereof, few of the upper Planters drinke any
water : but the better sort are well furnished with Sacke,
Aquavitcz, and good English Beere.
Their servants commonly feed upon Milke Homini,
which is bruized Indian corne pounded, and boiled thicke,
and milke for the sauce ; but boiled with milke the best
of all will oft feed on it, and leave their flesh : with milke,
butter and cheese ; with fish, Bulls flesh, for they seldome
kill any other ; &c.
And everie one is so applyed to his labour about Tobacco
and Corne, which doth yeeld them such profit, they never
regard any food from the Salvages; nor have they any trade
or conference with them, but upon meere accidents and
defiances : and now the Merchants have left it, there have
gone so many voluntarie ships within this two yeeres
[1625-7], as have furnished them with Apparell, Sacke,
Aquavitce, and all necessaries, much better than ever before.
For Armes, there is scarce any man but he is furnished
with a Peece, a Jacke, a Coat of Maile, a Sword, or Rapier;
and euerie Holy-day, everie Plantation doth exercise their
men in Armes, by which meanes, [and] hunting and
fowling, the most part of them are most excellent markmen.
For Discoveries they have made none; nor [to] any other
commoditie than Tobacco doe they apply themselves unto,
though never any was planted at first. And whereas the
Countrey was heretofore held most intemperate and con-
tagious by many : now they have houses, lodgings and
victuall, and the Sunne hath power to exhale up the moyst
vapours of the earth, where they have cut downe the wood,
which before it could not, being covered with spreading
tops of high trees ; they finde it much more healthfull
than before ; nor for their numbers, few Countreyes are
lesse troubled with death, sicknesse, or any other disease,
nor where overgrowne women become more fruitfull.
The present Since this, Sir George Yerley died 1628. Captaine West
Vi^nia, succeeded him ; but about a yeere after returned for
1620. England [in 1629] : Now Doctor Foot is Governour, and the
rest of the Councell as before.
/Lhl Continuation of the General History of Virginia.'] 887
Aug. 1629.
lames Towne is yet their chiefe seat, most of the wood
destroyed, little come there planted, but all converted into
pasture and gardens; wherein doth grow all manner of herbs
and roots we have in England in abundance, and as good
grasse as can be. Here most of their Cattle doe feed, their
Owners being most some one way, some another, about
their plantations ; and returne againe when they please, or
any snipping comes into trade. Here in winter they have
hay for their Cattell : but in other places they browze
upon wood, and the great huskes of their corne, with
some corne in [44] them, doth keepe them well.
Master Hutchins saith, they have 2000 Cattle, and about
5000. people ; but Master Floud, John Davis, William
Emerson, and divers others, say, about five thousand
people, and five thousand kine, calves, oxen, and bulls ;
for goats, hogs, and poultry ; corne, fish, deere, and many
sorts of other wilde beasts ; and fowle in their season, they
have so much more than they spend, they are able to feed
three or foure hundred men more than they have ; and
doe oft much releeve many ships, both there, and for their
returne ; and this last yeare [1628] was there at least two or
three and twenty saile.
They have oft much salt fish from New England; but
fresh fish enough, when they will take it ; Peaches in
abundance at Kecoughtan. Apples, Peares, Apricocks,
Vines, figges, and other fruits some have planted, that
prospered exceedingly ; but their diligence about Tobacco
left them to be spoiled by the cattell; yet now they beginne
to revive.
Mistresse Pearce, an honest industrious woman, hath beene
there neere twentie yeares [1610-1629], and now returned
saith, shee hath a Garden at lames towne, containing three
or foure acres; where in one yeare shee hath gathered
neere an hundred bushels of excellent figges : and that of
her owne provision she can keepe a better house in
Virginia, than here in London for 3. or 400. pounds a yeare;
yet went thither with little or nothing.
They have some tame geese, ducks, and turkies. The
masters now do so traine up their servants and youth in
shooting deere, and fowle, that the youths will kill them as
well as their Masters. They have two brew-houses, but they
[1629]
Master
Hutchins.
Five
thousand
people.
Five
thousand
cattell.
Goats,
Hogs, and
Poultry,
infinite.
Good
Hospitality.
888 The Travells and Observations of C apt. I. Smith. [\Esdmibth\
LAug. 1629.
[1629] finde the Indian corne so much better than ours, they beginne
to leave sowing it [i.e., wheat].
Their Cities and Townes are onely scattered houses,
they call plantations, as are our Country Villages, but no
Ordnance mounted.
The Forts Captaine Smith left a building, [are] so ruined,
there is scarce mention where they were.
No discoveries of any thing more than the curing of
Tobacco, by which hitherto, being so present a commodity
of gaine, it hath brought them to this abundance ; but
that they are so disjoynted, and every one commander
of himselfe, to plant what he will.
Commodities They are now so well provided that they are able to
^g?BiTckke" subsist ; and if they would joine together now to worke
foraRkMAsh uPon Sope-ashes, Iron, Rape-oile, Mader, Pitch and Tarre,
okefor ' Flax and Hempe; as for their Tobacco; there comes from
LTes^or many places such abundance, and the charge so great, it
cfese for is not worth the bringing home.
There is gone, and now a going, divers Ships, as Cap-
taine Perse, Captaine Prine, and Sir John Harvy to be
their governour, with two or three hundred people : there
is also some from Bristow, and other parts of the West
Country a preparing: which I heartily pray to God to
blesse, and send them a happy and prosperous voyage.
Nathaniel Causie, Master Hutchins, Master Floud,
Iohn Davis, William Emerson, Master William
Bar net, Master Cooper, and others. [45]
Chests, &c.
CHAPTER XXII
The proceedings and present estate of the Summer
lies, from An. Dom. 1624 to this present 1629.
Rom the Summer lies, Master Ireland, [1622-9]
and divers others report, their Forts,
Ordnance, and proceedings, are much
as they were in the yeare 1622. as you
may read in the generall History, page
199 [p. 686]. Captaine Woodhouse [is]
governour. There are few sorts of any
fruits in the West Indies, but they grow
there in abundance ; yet the fertility of the soile in many
places decayeth, being planted every yeare. For their Plan-
taines, which is a most delicate fruit, they have lately found
a way by pickling or drying them, to bring them over into
England, there being no such fruit in Europe, and won-
derfull for increase. For fish, flesh, figs, wine, and all
sorts of most excellent hearbs, fruits, and rootes they have
in abundance.
In this Governours time, a kinde of Whale, or rather a
Iubarta, was driven on shore in Southampton tribe from
the west, over an infinite number of rocks, so bruised,
that the water in the Bay where she lay, was all oily,
and the rocks about it all bedasht with Parmacitty,
congealed like ice : a good quantity we gathered, with
which we commonly cured any byle, hurt, or bruise ; some
burnt it in their lamps, which blowing out, the very snuffe
will burne, so long as there is any of the oile remaining,
for two or three dayes together.
The next Governour, was Captaine Philip Bell, whose
890 [The proceedings &c. of the Summer Islands. Ed- kyAJ,;gs^;
[1629] time being expired, Captaine Roger Wood possessed his
place, a worthy Gentleman of good desert, and hath lived
a long time in the Country.
Theprwnt Their numbers are about two or three thousand, men,
summer1 e women, and children, who increase there exceedingly;
1620 ^eir greatest complaint, is want of apparell, and too
much custome [import duties], and too many officers;
the pity is, there are more men than women, yet no great
mischiefe, because there is so much lesse pride; the
cattell they have increase exceedingly; their forts are
well maintained by the Merchants here, and Planters
there ; to be briefe, this isle is an excellent bit, to rule
a great horse.
[#.629,630.] All the Cohow birds and Egbirds are gone; seldome
any wilde cats seene; no Rats to speake of; but the
wormes are yet very troublesome ; the people very health-
full ; and the Ravens gone ; fish enough but not so neere
the shore as it used, by the much beating [ofj it. It is an He
that hath such a rampire and a ditch, and for the quantity
so manned, victualled, and fortified, as few in the world
doe exceed it, or is like it.
Aneriii The 22. of March[i62oJ, two ships came from thence; the
mischance. peief Bonaventure, neere two hundred tunnes, and sixteene
peeces of Ordnance ; the Captaine, Thomas Sherwin ; the
Master, Master Edward Some, like him in condition, a
goodly, lusty, proper, valiant man : the Lydia, wherein was
Master Anthony Thome, a smaller ship. [They] were chased
by eleuen ships of Dunkerk ; being thus overmatched,
Captaine Sherwin was taken by them in Turbay, only his
valiant Master was slaine. The ship with about seventy
English men, they carried betwixt Dover and Callis, to
Dunkerk ; but the Lydia safely recovered Dartmouth.
These noble adventurers for all those losses, patiently
doe beare them ; but they hope the King and state will
understand it is worth keeping, though it afford nothing
but Tobacco, and that now worth little or nothing, custome
and fraught payed : yet it is worth keeping, and not sup-
planting; though great men feele not those losses, yet
Gardiners, Carpenters, and Smiths doe pay for it.
From the relation of Robert C/iesteven, and others.
CHAPTER XXIII.
The proceedings and present estate of 'New England,
since 1624. to this present 1629.
Hen I went first [1614] to the North part [1606-14]
of Virginia, where the Westerly Colony
had beene planted, it had dissolved it
selfe within a yeare [1606-7], an^ there
was not one Christian in all the land.
I was set forth at the sole charge of Yt'fi
foure Merchants of London; the Country 6S7| 936!]
being then reputed by your westerlings,
a most rockie, barren, desolate desart; but the good
returne I brought from thence, with the maps and relations
I made of the Country, which I made so manifest, some of
them did beleeve me ; and they were well embraced, both by
the Londoners, and Westerlings : for whom I had promised
to undertake it, thinking to have joined them all together ;
but that might well have beene a worke for Hercules.
Betwixt them long there was much contention; the Lon- considera-
doners indeed went bravely forward ; but in three or foure thetoLeof
yeares, I and my friends consumed many hundred pounds tlme*
amongst the Plimothians ; who only fed me with delayes,
promises, and excuses, but no performance of any thing to
any purpose.
In the interim, many particular ships went thither, and
finding my relations true ; and that I had not taken that I
brought home from the French men, as had beene re-
ported : yet further for my paines to discredit me, and my
calling it New England, they obscured it, and shadowed
it, with the title of Canada; till at my humble suit, it
892 The Travellsand Observations of Capt. I. Smith. I" j.fijjj
|_Aug. 1639.
[1614] pleased our most Royall King Charles, whom God long keepe,
blesse, and preserve, then Prince of Wales, to conlirme it
with my map and booke, by the title of New England.
The gaine thence returning did make the fame thereof
so increase, that thirty, forty, or fifty saile went yearly
only to trade and fish ; but nothing would bee done for a
plantation, till about some hundred of your Brownists
of England, Amsterdam, and Leyden, went to New Plimouth,
The^ct of whose humorous ignorances caused them, for more than
n^fe.r a yeare [1620-1621], to endure a wonderfull deale of
misery, with an infinite patience ; saying my books and
maps were much better cheape to teach them, than my selfe :
[M94I.943-] many other have used the [47] like good husbandry, that
have payed soundly in trying their selfe-willed conclusions.
But those [the Pilgrim Fathers] in time doing well,
divers others have in small handfulls undertaken to goe
there, to be severall Lords and Kings of themselves ; but
most vanished to nothing.
[A947.] Notwithstanding, the fishing ships made such good
returnes, at last it was ingrossed by twenty Pattenties, that
divided my map into twenty parts, and cast lots for their
shares ; but money not comming in as they expected, [they]
procured a Proclamation, none should goe thither without
their licences to fish ; but for every thirty tunnes of ship-
ping, to pay them five pounds : besides, upon great penal-
ties, neither to trade with the natives, cut downe wood for
their stages, without giving satisfaction ; though all the
Country is nothing but wood, and none to make use of it.
With many such other pretences, for to make this Country
plant it selfe, by its owne wealth : hereupon most men
grew so discontented, that few or none would goe ; so that
the Pattenties, who never one of them had beene there,
seeing those projects would not prevaile, have since not
hindred any to goe that would, [so] that within these few
last yeares, more have gone thither than ever.
a new Pi*n- Now this yeare 1629. a great company of people of good
1629. ranke, zeale, meanes, and quality, have made a great
stocke, and with six good ships in the moneths of Aprill
and May [1629], tneY set saile from Thames, for the Bay of
the Massachusetts, otherwise called Charles River; viz. the
I
Ed'byAJugST6£ The proceedings &c. <?/New England.] 893
George Bonaventure, of twenty peeces of Ordnance, the [1629]
Talbot nineteene, the Lions-whelpe eight, the May-flower
fourteene, the Foure Sisters, foureteene, the Pilgrim foure,
with three hundred and fifty, men, women, and children ;
also an hundred and fifteene head of Cattell,as horse, mares,
and neat beast ; one and forty goats, some Conies, with
all provision forhoushold, and apparell ; six peeces of great
Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corselets, Drums,
Colours, with all provisions necessary for a plantation, for
the good of man.
Other particulars I understand of no more, than is writ
in the generall historie of those Countries.
But you are to understand, that the noble Lord chiefe (A 93*.]
Justice Popham, Judge Doderege; the Right Honourable
Earles of Pembroke, Southampton, Salesbury, and the rest,
as I take it, they did all thinke, as I and them [that] went
with me did :
That had those two Countries beene planted, as it was
intended, that no other nation should come plant betwixt
us. If ever the King of Spaine and we should fall foule,
those Countries being so capable of all materialls for
shipping, by this [they] might have beene owners of a good
Fleet of ships, and to have releeved a whole Navy from
England upon occasion ; yea, and to have furnished England
with the most Easterly [i.e., Baltic] commodities: and now
since, seeing how conveniently the Summer lies fell to our
shares, so neere the West Indies, wee might with much
more facility than the Dutchmen have invaded the West
Indies ; that doth now put in practice, what so long hath
beene advised on, by many an honest English States-man.
Those Countries Captaine Smith oft times used to call Notes of
his children that never had mother; and well he might, veniencie
for few fathers ever payed dearer for so little content ; and \P- 77° 1
for those that would truly understand, how [48] many
strange accidents hath befallen them and him ; how oft up,
how oft downe, sometimes neere desperate, and ere long
flourishing, cannot but conceive Gods infinite mercies and
favours towards them. Had his designes beene to have [/ 945.]
perswaded men to a mine of gold, though few doth con-
894 [ The proceedings &c. of New England. Ed- byAJugs^
[1629] ceive either the charge or paines in refining it, nor the
power nor care to defend it; or some new Invention to
passe to the South Sea ; or some strange plot to invade
some strange Monastery : or some portable Countrie ; or
some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Carocks in the
East Indies ; or Letters of Mart to rob some poore Mer-
chants ; what multitudes of both people and mony, would
contend to be first imployed : but in those noble en-
devours (now) how few of quality, unlesse it be to beg
some Monopolie ; and those seldome seeke the common
good, but the commons goods ; as you may reade at large
in his generall history, page 217, 218, 219. [pp. 722-727]
his generall observations and reasons for this plantation.
For yet those Countries are not so forward but they may
become as miserable as ever, if better courses be not
taken than is ; as this Smith will plainly demonstrate to
his Majesty ; or any other noble person of ability, liable
generously to undertake it : how within a short time to
make Virginia able to resist any enemy, that as yet lieth
open to all; and yeeld the King more custome within
these few yeares, in certaine staple commodities, than
ever it did in Tobacco ; which now not being worth
bringing home, the custome will bee as uncertaine to the
King, as dangerous to the plantations.
CHAPTER XXIIII
[1595-
1610]
A brief e discourse of divers voyages made unto the
goodly Countrey of Guiana, and the great
River of the Amazons ; relating
also the present Plantation
there,
T is not unknowen how that most indus-
trious and honourable Knight Sir Walter
Rauleigh, in the yeareof our Lord 1595.
taking the He of Trinidado, fell with the
Coast of Guiana Northward of the Line
ten degrees, and coasted the Coast ; and
searched up the River Oranoca ; where
understanding that twentie severall
voyages had beene made by the Spanyards, in discovering
this Coast and River ; to finde a passage to the great Citie
of Mano[a], called by them the Eldorado, ox the Golden Citie:
he did his utmost to have found some better satisfaction
than relations.
But meanes failing him, hee left his trustie servant Harro£^
Francis Sparrow to seeke it, who wandring up and downe thegreu e
those Countreyes, some foureteene or fifteene yeares [1595- 22$].
1610] unexpectedly returned. I [i.e.. Smith] have heard him
[Sparrow] say [in 1611], he was led blinded into this Citie by
Indians; but little discourse of any purpose touching the
largenesse of the report of it ; his body seeming as a man of
an uncurable consumption, [he] shortly dyed hereafter in
England.
There are above thirtie faire rivers that fall into the
896
[A brief Discourse of divers
Ed. by J. Smith.
Aug. 1629.
Captaine
CharU Ley
Sir Tlwmas
Roe.
Captain
Morton.
Captair
White.
[1605-17] Sea, betweene the River of Amazons and Oranocat which
are some nine degrees asunder. [49]
In the yeare 1605. Captaine Ley, brother to that noble
Knight Sir Oliver Ley, with divers others, planted himselfe
in the River Weapoco, wherein I should have beene a
partie; but hee dyed, and there lyes buried: and the supply
miscarrying, the rest escaped as they could.
Sir Thomas Roe, well knowen to be a most noble Gen-
tlemen, before he went Lord Ambassadour to the Great
Magoll, or the Great Turke, spent a yeare or two upon this
Coast, and about the River of the Amazones-, wherein he
most imployed Captaine Matthew Morton [pp. 5, 91], an
expert Sea-man in the discoverie of this famous River : a
Gentleman that was the first shot and mortally supposed
wounded to death with me in Virginia, yet since hath beene
twice with command in the East Indies. Also Captaine
William White, and divers others worthy and industrious
Gentlemen, both before and since, hath spent much time
and charge to discover it more perfitly ; but nothing more
effected for a Plantation, till it was undertaken by Captaine
Robert Harcote, 1609.
This worthy Gentleman, after he had by Commission
made a discoverie to his minde, left his brother Michael
Harcote, with some fiftie or sixtie men in the River Weapoco,
and so presently returned to England, where be obtained
by the favour of Prince Hcnrie, a large Patent for all that
Coast called Guiana, together with the famous River of
Amazones, to him and his heires : but so many troubles
here surprized him, though he did his best to supply them,
he was not able; only some few hee sent over as passengers
with certain e Dutch-men, but to small purpose.
Thus this businesse lay dead for divers yeeres, till Sir
Walter Rauleigh, accompanied with many valiant Souldie
and brave Gentlemen, went his last voyage to Guiana [1617
amongst the which was Captaine Roger North, brother
the Right Honourable the Lord Dudley North, who upo
this voyage having stayed and seene divers Rivers upon
this Coast, tooke such a liking to those Countreyes:
having had before this voyage more perfect and particular
information of the excellencie of the great River of the
Amazones above any of the rest, by certaine Englishmen
Captain
Harcote.
I
m
Ed* b A^ef 5sS J voyages made into Guiana.] 89;
returned so rich from thence in good commodities, they [1617-26]
would not goe with Sir Walter Rauleigh in search of gold ;
that after his returne for England, he endevoured by his
best abilities to interest his Countrey and state in those
faire Regions, which by the way of Letters Patents unto
divers Noblemen and Gentlemen of qualitie, erected into
a company and perpetuitie for trade and plantation, not
knowing of the Interest of Captaine Harcote.
Whereupon accompanied with 120. Gentlemen and Captaine
others, with a ship, a pinnace, and two shallops, to remaine North.
in the Countrey, hee set saile from Plimouth the last of
April 1620; and within seven weekes after hee arrived well
in the Amazones, only with the losse of one old man : some
hundred leagues they ran up the River to settle his men,
where the sight of the Countrey and people so contented
them, that never men thought themselves more happie.
Some English and Irish that had lived there some eight
yeeres [1612-1620], only supplyed by the Dutch; hee re-
duced [joined] to his company and to leave the Dutch.
Having made a good voyage, to the value of more than
the charge, he returned to England with divers good [50]
commodities, besides Tobacco.
So that it may well be conceived, that if this action had
not beene thus crossed, the Generalitie of England had by
this time beene wonne and encouraged therein. But the
time was not yet come, that God would have this great
businesse effected, by reason of the great power the Lord
Gundamore, Ambassadour for the King of Spaine, had in
England, to crosse and ruine those proceedings : and so un-
fortunate Captaine North was in this businesse, hee was
twice committed prisoner to the Tower, and the goods
detained till they were spoiled ; who beyond all others was
by much the greatest Adventurer and Loser.
Notwithstanding all this, those that he had left in the Nota benc.
Amazons would not abandon the Countrey. Captaine
Thomas Painton, a worthy Gentleman, his Lieutenant,
[being] dead: Captaine Charles Parker, brother to the Right
Honourable the Lord Morley, lived there six yeares after ;
Master Iohn Christmas, five yeares; so well, they would not
returne, although they might, with divers other Gentle-
men of qualitie and others: all thus destitute of any
57
898 [A brief Discourse of divers Ed byAJugsT6*.
[1626-9] supplyes from England. But all authoritie being dissolved,
want of government did more wrong their proceedings,
than all other crosses whatsoever. Some releefe they had
sometime from the Dutch; who knowing their estates, gave
what they pleased and tooke what they list.
Two brothers, Gentlemen, Thomas and William Hixon,
who stayed three yeares there, are now gone to stay in
the Amazons, in the ships lately sent thither.
1 /. 900.] The businesse thus remaining in this sort, three private
men left of that Company, named Master Thomas Warriner,
Iohn Rhodes, and Robert Bims, having lived there about
two yeares, came for England : and to be free from the
disorders that did grow in the Amazons for want of
Government amongst their Countrey-men, and to be quiet
amongst themselves, made meanes to set themselves out
for St. Christophers ; their whole number being but fifteene
persons, that payed for their passage in a ship going for
Virginia : where they remained a yeare [28 Jan. 1623 to
18 Mar. 1624, see p. 900] before they were supplyed, and
then that was but foure or five men.
Thus this He, by this small beginning, having no inter-
ruption by their owne Countrey, hath now got the start
of the Continent and maine Land of Guiana, which hath
beene layd apart and let alone untill that Captaine North,
ever watching his best opportunitie and advantage of time
in the state, hath now againe pursued and set on foot his
former designe. Captaine Harcote being now willing to
surrender his grant, and to joyne with Captaine North in
passing a new Patent, and to erect a company for trade
and plantation in the Amazons, and all the Coast and
Countrey of Guiana for ever.
Whereupon they have sent this present yeare in Ianuari
[1629], and since 1628. foure ships with neere two hundn
persons; [of] the first ship with 112 men, not one miscarrie
the rest went since, [and are] not yet heard of, and [that] are
preparing another with their best expedition. And since
Ianuarie [1629] is gone from Holland, 100. English and
Irish, conducted by the old Planters.
This great River lieth under the Line, the two chiefe
rie
ed
d;
™' byAigsT^:] voyages made into Guiana.] 899
head lands North and South, are about three degrees [1628^9]
asunder, the mouth of it is [51] so full of many great
and small lies, it is an easie matter for an unexperienced
Pilot to lose his way. It is held one of the greatest
rivers in America, and as most men thinke, in the world:
and commeth downe with such a fresh, it maketh the Sea
fresh more than thirtie miles from the shore.
Captaine North having seated his men about an hundred
leagues in the Maine, sent Captaine William White, with
thirtie Gentlemen and others, in a pinnace of thirtie tun,
to discover further : which they did some two hundred
leagues, where they found the River to divide it selfe in
two parts, till then all full of Hands, and a Countrey
most healthfull, pleasant and fruitful ; for they found food
enough, and all returned safe and in good health.
In this discoverie, they saw many Townes well inhabited,
some with three hundred people, some with five, six, or
seven hundred ; and of some they understood to be of so
many thousands, most differing verie much, especially in
their languages : whereof they suppose by those Indians
they understand, are many hundreds more, unfrequented
till hen by any Christian ; most of them starke naked,
botl men, women and children, but they saw not any
suc.i giant-like women as the Rivers name importeth.
But for those where Captaine North hath seated his
company, it is not knowen where Indians were ever so
kinde to any Nation ; not sparing any paines, danger or
labour, to feed and maintaine them. The English follow-
ing their buildings, fortifications and sugar-workes ; for
which they have sent most expert men, and with them all
things necessarie for that purpose : to effect which, they
want not the helpe of those kinde Indians to produce ; and
many other good commodities, which (God willing) will
ere long make plaine and apparent to this Kingdome,
and all the Adventurers and Well-willers to this Plan-
tation, to bee well worthy the cherishing and following
with all alacritie.
1623.
CHAPTER XXV
The beginning and proceedings of the new plantation
0/ St. Christopher by Captaine Warner.
[1623-4] 2
KHeru
1624.
Aster Ralfe Merifield and others, having
furnished this worthy industrious
Gentleman, hee arrived at St. Chris-
tophers, as is said, with fifteene men,
the 28. of Ianuarie, 1623. viz. William
Tested, Iohn Rhodes, Robert Dims, Mas-
ter Benifield, Sergeant I ones, Master
Ware, William Royle, Rowland Grascocke,
Master Bond, Master Langley, Master Weaver, Edward
Warner their Captaines sonne (and now Deputy-Governour
till his fathers returne), Sergeant Aplon, one Sailor and a
Cooke.
At their arrivall they found three French-men, who sought
to oppose Captaine Warner, and to set the Indians upon
us ; but at last we all became friends, and lived with the
Indians a moneth. Then we built a Fort, and a house :
and planting fruits, by September [1623] we made a crop
of Tobacco ; but upon the nineteenth of September came
a Hericano and blew it away : all this while wee lived upon
Cassada bread, Potatoes, Plantines, Pines, [52] Turtels
Guanes [lizards, p. 904], and fish plentie; for drinke we
had Nicnobbie.
The 18. of March 1624. arrived Captaine Jefferson wit
three men passengers in the Hope-well of London, with
some trade for the Indians, and then we had another
crop of Tobacco. In the meane time the French had
planted themselves in the other end of the He ; with this
11
:
h
Ed'byAJugSi9: Beginning £fc. of plantation of St. Christopher.] 901
crop Captaine Warner returned for England in September, [1625-7]
1625.
In his absence came in a French pinnace, under the 1625.
command of Monsieur de Nombe, that told us the Indians
had slaine some French-men in other of the Charybes lies,
and that there were six Peryagoes, which are huge great
trees formed as your Canowes, but so laid out on the sides
with boords, they will seeme like a little Gaily.
Six of those, with about foure or five hundred strange Their fight
Indians, came unto us. We bade them be gone, but they indUau.
would not; whereupon we and the French joyned together,
and upon the fifth of November [1625] set upon them, and
put them to flight.
Upon New-yeares Even [31 Dec. 1625] they came againe,
found three English going about the He, whom they slue.
Untill the fourth of August [1626], we stood upon our 1626.
guard, living upon the spoile and did nothing.
But now Captaine Warner arriving againe with neere
an hundred people, then we fell to worke and planting as
before ; but upon the fourth of September, came such a
Hericano, as blewe downe all our houses, Tobacco, and AHericana
two Drums into the aire we know not whither, [and] drove
two ships on shore that were both split.
All our provision thus lost, we were very miserable,
living onely on what we could get in the wilde woods.
We made a small party of French and English to goe
aboord for provision : but in their returning home, eight |j|[jjh
French men were slaine in the harbour. siaine.
Thus wee continued till neere Iune that the Tortels 1627.
came in, 1627. : but the French being like[ly] to starve,
sought to surprize us, and all the Cassado, Potato [e]s, and
Tobacco we had planted, but we did prevent them.
The 26. of October [1627], came in Captaine William
Smith, in the Hopewell, with some Ordnance, shot and pow-
der, from the Earle of Carlile ; with Captaine Pelham and
thirty men. About that time also came the Plow ; also a
small ship of Bristow, with Captaine Warners wife, and
six or seven women more.
Vpon the 25. of November [1627], the Indians set upon J^M
the French, for some injury about their women ; and slew six siaine.
and twentie French men, five English, and three Indians*
ships.
902 \The beginning and proceedings of the Ed- by^^.
[1627-9] Their weapons are bowes and arrowes ; their bowes are
never bent, but the string lies flat to the bow ; their
arrowes [are] a small reed, foure or five foot long, headed
some with the poysoned sting of the taile of a Stingray,
some with iron, some with wood, but all so poysoned, that
if they draw but bloud, the hurt is incurable.
^ma™^1 The next day [26 Nov. 1627] came in Captaine Charles
!hi£ish Saltonstall, a young Gentleman, son of Sir Samuell Salton-
stall, who Drought with him good store of all commodities to
releeve the plantation ; but by reason some Hollanders, and
others, had bin there lately before him, who carried away
with them all the Tobacco, he was forced to put away all
his commodities upon trust till the next crop ; in the
meane time hee resolved there to stay, and imploy him-
selfe and his company in planting Tobacco, hoping [53]
thereby to make a voyage. But before he could be ready
to returne for England, a Hericano hapning, his ship was
split, to his great losse, being sole Merchant and owner
himselfe, notwithstanding forced to pay to the Governour,
the fift part of his Tobacco, and for fraught to England,
three pence a pound, and nine pence a pound custome,
which amounts together to more than threescore pound
in the hundred pound, to the great discouragement of
him and many others, that intended well to those plan-
tations.
Neverthelesse he is gone againe this present yeare
1629. with a ship of about three hundred tunnes, and
very neere two hundred people, with Sir William Tuffton
Governour for the Barbados, and divers gentlemen, and all
manner of commodities fit for a plantation.
Captaine Prinne, Captaine Stone, and divers others,
came in about Christmas [1628] ; so that this last yeare [1628]
there hath beene about thirtie saile of English, French, and
Dutch ships; and all the Indians [are] forced out of the He :
for they had done much mischiefe amongst the French, in
cutting their throats, burning their houses, and spoyling
their Tobacco. Amongst the rest Tegramund, a little childe
the Kings sonne, his parents being slaine or fled, was by
great chance saved, and carefully brought to England by
Master Merifield, who brought him from thence, and
bringeth him up as his owne children.
Ed-b^smith. new plantation of §1. Christopher.] 903
It lyeth seventeene degrees Northward of the line, about [1629]
an hundred and twenty leagues from the Cape de tres t^. tion
Puntas, the neerest maine land in America. It is about eight ofSth"piie.n
leagues in length, and foure in bredth ; an Hand amongst
100. lies in the West Indies, called the Caribes, where ordi-
narily all them that frequent the West Indies, refresh
themselves. Those most of them are rocky, little, and
mountainous, yet frequented with the Canibals ; many of
them inhabited, as Saint Domingo, Saint Mattalin, Saint
Lucia, Saint Vincent, Granada and Margarita, to the South-
ward ; Northward, none but Saint Christophers, and it but
lately : yet they will be ranging Marigalanta, Guardalupo,
Deceado, Monserat, Antigua, Mevis, Bernardo, Saint Martin,
Saint Bartholomew. But the worst of the foure lies pos-
sessed by the Spanyard, as Portorico, or I am[a]ica, is better
than them all ; as for Hispaniola, and Cuba, they are worthy
the title of two rich Kingdomes : the rest [are] not respected
by the Spanyards, for want of harbors ; and their better
choice of good land, and profit in the maine [Mainland],
But Captaine Warner, having beene very familiar with
Captain Painton in the Amazon, hearing his information
of this St. Christophers ; and having made a yeares tryall,
as it is said, returned for England, joyning with Master
Merifield, and his friends, got Letters Pattents, from King
lames, to plant and possesse it.
Since then, the Right Honourable the Earle of Carlile,
hath got Letters Pattents also, not only of that, but all the
Caribes lies about it, who is now chiefe Lord of them, and
the English his tenants, that doe possesse them; over
whom he appointeth such Governours and Officers, as
their affaires require; and although there be a great
custome imposed upon them, considering their other
charges, both to feed and maintaine themselves ; yet there
is there, and now a going, neere upon the number of three
thousand people : where by reason of the rockinesse and
thicknesse of the woods in the He, it is [54] difficult to
passe, and such a snuffe [breakers] of the Sea goeth on the
shore, ten may better defend than fifty assault. In this He ™esep™JJ
are many springs, but yet water is scarce againe in many season*
places; the valleyes and sides of the hills very fertile, but the
904 \The beginning and proceedings of the Ed' byAJugsT6at
[1629] mountaines harsh, and of a sulphurous composition ; all
overgrowne with Palmetasy Cotten trees, Lignum vitce, and
divers other sorts, but none like any in Christendomey
except those carried thither. The aire [is] very pleasant and
healthfull, but exceeding hot, yet so tempered with coole
breaths, it seemes very temperate to them that are a
little used to it ; the trees being alwaies greene, the daies
and nights alwayes very neere equall in length, alwayes
Summer ; only they have in their seasons great gusts and
raines, and sometimes a Hericano, which is an over-
growne and a most violent storme.
hatching *n some °f those lies, are cattell, goats, and hogges,
eggesfor but here none but what they must carry; Gwanes
they have, which is a little harmlesse beast, like a
Crokadell, or Aligator, very fat and good meat. She layes
egges in the sand, as doth the land Crabs, which live here
in abundance, like Conies in Boroughs, unlesse about
May, when they come downe to the Sea side, to lay in
the sand, as the other ; and all their egges are hatched by
the heat of the Sunne.
Fish. From May to September they have good store of Tor-
tasses, that come out of the Sea to lay their egges in the
sand, and are hatched as the other ; they will lay halfe a
pecke at a time, and neere a bushell ere they have done ;
and are round like Tenis-balls : this fish is like veale in
taste, the fat of a brownish colour very good and whol-
some. We seeke them in the nights, where we finde them
on shore, we turne them upon their backs, till the next
day we fetch them home. For they can never returne them-
selves, being so hard a cart may goe over them ; and so
bigge, one will suffice forty or fifty men to dinner. Divers
sorts of other fish they have in abundance, and Prawnes
most great and excellent, but none will keepe sweet scarce
twelve houres.
Birds. The best and greatest is a Passer Flaminga, which
walking at her length is as tall as a man; Pigeons and
Turtle Doves in abundance; some Parrots, wilde Hawkes,
but divers other sorts of good Sea fowle, whose names we
know not.
Root*. Cassado is a root planted in the ground, of a wonderfull
increase, and will make very good white bread : but the
Ed,byAJugs?S: new plantation of St. Christopher.] 905
juyce ranke poyson, yet boyled, better than wine ; Potatos, [1629]
Cabbages, and Radish plenty.
Mayes, like the Virginia wheat ; we have Pine-apples,
neere so bigge as an Hartichocke, but the most daintiest
taste of any fruit ; Plantains, an excellent, and a most
increasing fruit ; Apples, Prickell Peares, and Pease but
differing all from ours. There is Pepper that groweth in
a little red huske, as bigge as a Walnut, about foure
inches in length, but the long cods are small, and much
stronger, and better for use, than that from the East Indies.
There is two sorts of Cotten, the silke Cotten as in the
East Indies, groweth upon a small stalke, as good for beds
as downe ; the other upon a shrub, and beareth a cod
bigger than a Walnut, full of Cotten wooll. Anotto also
groweth upon a shrub, with a cod like the other, and nine
or ten on a bunch, full of Anotto, very [55] good for Dyers,
though wilde. Sugar Canes, not tame, 4. or 5. foot high ;
also Masticke, and Locus trees ; great and hard timber,
Gourds, Muske Melons, Water Melons, Lettice, Parsly;
all places naturally beare purslaine of it selfe ; Sope-berries
like a Musket-bullet, that washeth as white as Sope ; in
the middle of the root is a thing like a sedge, a very good
fruit, we call Pengromes. A Pappaw is as great as an
apple, coloured like an Orange, and good to eat. A small
hard nut, like a hazell nut, growes close to the ground,
and like this growes on the Palmetas, which we call a
Mucca nut. Mustard-seed will grow to a great tree, but
beares no seed, yet the leaves will make good mustard.
The Mancinell tree the fruit is poyson ; good figs in abun-
dance : but the Palmeta serveth to build Forts and houses,
the leaves to cover them, and many other uses ; the juyce
we draw from" them (till we sucke them to death) is held
restorative : and the top for meat doth serve us as Cabbage.
But oft we want poudered [salted] Beefe, and Bacon, and
many other needfull necessaries.
By Thomas Simons, Row/and Grascocke,
Nicholas Burgh, and others.
CHAPTER XXVI.
A descrip-
tion of the
lie.
The first planting of the Barbados.
S^g^jP He Barbados lies South-west andby South,
an hundred leagues from Saint Chris-
tophers, threescore leagues West and
South from Trinidado, and some foure-
score leagues from Cape de Salinos, the
next part of the maine.
The first planters brought thither by
Captaine Henry Powel, were forty Eng-
lish with seven or eight Negros : then he went to Disacuba
in the maine, where he got thirty Indians, men, women,
and children, of the Arawacos, enemies both to the Caribes,
and the Spaniards.
The He is most like a triangle, each side forty or fifty
miles square ; some exceeding great rocks, but the most
part exceeding good ground; abounding with an infinite
number of Swine, some Turtles, and many sorts of excel-
lent fish ; many great ponds wherein is Ducke and Mal-
lard ; excellent clay for pots, wood and stone for building,
and a spring neere the middest of the He, of Bitume: which
is a liquid mixture like Tarre, that by the great raines
falls from the tops of the mountaines ; it floats upon the
water in such abundance, that drying up, it remaines like
great rocks of pitch, and as good as pitch for any use.
Fruits and The Mancinell apple, is of a most pleasant sweet smell,
of the bignesse of a Crab, but ranke poyson, yet the Swine
and Birds have wit to shun it ; great store of exceeding
great Locus trees, two or three fadome about, of a great
Ed' ^ug'T^: The first planting of the Barbadoes.] 907
height, that beareth a cod full of meale, [that] will make [1627]
bread in time of necessity. A tree like a Pine, beareth a fruit
so great as a Muske Melon, which hath alwayes ripe fruit,
flowers, or greene fruit, which will refresh two or three men,
and very comfortable ; Plumb trees [56] many, the fruit
great and yellow, which but strained into water in foure
and twenty houres will be very good drinke ; wilde figge
trees there are many. All those fruits doe fat the hogges ;
yet at some times of the yeare they are so leane, as
carrion ; Gwane trees beare a fruit so bigge as a Peare,
good and wholsome ; Palmetaes of three severall sorts ;
Papawes, Prickle Peares good to eat or make drinke;
Cedar trees very tall and great ; Fusticke trees are very
great and the wood yellow, good for dying ; sope berries,
the kernell so bigge as a sloe, and good to eat ; Pumpeons
in abundance ; Goads [gourds] so great as will make good
great bottles, and, cut in two peeces, good dishes and platters;
many small brooks of very good water; Ginni wheat,
Cassado, Pines and Plantaines. All things we there plant
doe grow exceedingly, so well as Tobacco. The come,
pease, and beanes, cut but away the stalke, young sprigs
will grow, and so beare fruit for many yeares together,
without any more planting. The He is overgrowne with
wod or great reeds, those wods which are soft are exceed-
ing light and full of pitch ; and those that are hard, are so
hard and great, they are as hard to cut as stone.
Master Iohn Powell came thither the fourth of August JJjJg^
1627. with forty five men, where we stayed three weeks, and
then returning, left behind us about an hundred people,
and his sonne Iohn Powell for his Deputy, as Governour.
But there have beene so many factions amongst them,
I cannot from so many variable relations give you any
certainty for their orderly Government : for all those
plenties, much misery they have endured, in regard of
their weaknesse at their landing, and long stay without
supplies; therefore those that goe thither, it were good
they carry good provision with them ; but the He is most
healthfull, and all things planted doe increase abundantly:
and by this time there is, and now a going, about the
number of fifteene or sixteene hundred people.
908
[The first planting of the Barbadoes.] ^hy^gstt
[1627-9] Sir William Curtine, and Captaine Iohn Powell, were
the first and chiefe adventurers to the planting this
fortunate He ; which had beene oft frequented by men of
Warre to refresh themselves, and set up their shallops ;
being so farre remote from the rest of the lies, they never
were troubled with any of the Indies. Harbours they have
none, but exceeding good Rodes ; which with a small
charge might bee very well fortified. It doth ebbe and flow
foure or five foot, and they cannot perceive there hath
ever beene any Hericano in that He.
From the relations of Captaine Iohn White,
and Captaine IVo her stone.
CHAPTER XXVII
'The first plantation of the He 0/* Me vis.
Ecause I have ranged and lived amongst [1607]
those Hands ; what my authours cannot
tell me, I think it no great errour in
helping them to tell it my selfe.
In this little lie of Mevis, more than The
twenty yeares [57] agoe [28 Mar. — 2 Apr. 0f BSE0
1607; see pp. lix, go, 386]. I have
remained a good time together, to wo [o] d,
and water and refresh my men. It is all woddy, but by
the Sea side Southward there are sands like downes, where
a thousand men may quarter themselves conveniently ;
but in most places the wod groweth close to the water
side, at a high water marke, and in some places so thicke
of a soft spungy wood like a wilde figge tree, you cannot
get through it, but by making your way with hatchets, or
f auchions. Whether it was the dew of those trees, or of some
others, I am not certain, but many of our men became so The Bath,
tormented with a burning swelling all over their bodies,
they seemed like scalded men, and neere mad with paine.
Here we found a great Poole, wherein bathing them-
selves, they found much ease ; and finding it fed with a
pleasant small streame that came out of the woods, we
found the head halfe a mile within the land, distilling
from a many of rocks, by which they were well cured in
two or three dayes.
910 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. Smith, f" j.fSi'iS
LAug. 1629.
[1607-28] Such factions here we had, as commonly attend such
voyages, that a paire of gallowes was made ; but Captaine
[/.xjrfL] Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be per-
swaded to use them : but not any one of the inventers
but their lives by justice fell into his power to determine
of at his pleasure; whom with much mercy he favoured,
that most basely and unjustly would have betrayed him.
miSSon. The *ast yeare, 1628., Master Littleton, with some
others got a Pattent of the Earle of Carlile, to plant the
He called the Barbados, thirty leagues Northward of Saint
Christophers; which by report of their informers, and
undertakers, for the excellencie and pleasantnesse thereof,
they called Dulcina, but when they came there, they
found it such a barren rocke, they left it.
Although they were told as much before, they would not
beleeve it, perswading themselves, those contradicters
would get it for themselves, was thus by their cunning
opinion, the deceiver of themselves ; for seeing it lie con-
veniently for their purpose in a map, they had not patience
to know the goodnesse or badnesse, the inconvenience nor
pp. 892, probabilities of the quality, nor quantity ; which errour
941,943] doth predominate in most of our homebred adventurers,
that will have all things as they conceit and would have
it ; and the more they contradicted, the more hot they are.
But you may see, by many examples in the generall his-
tory, how difficult a matter it is, to gather the truth from
amongst so many forren and severall relations, except you
have exceeding good experience both of the Countries,
people, and their conditions : and those ignorant under-
takings, have beene the greatest hinderance of all those
plantations.
Their^ At last because they would be absolute, they came to
Mevis, a little He by Saint Christophers ; where they seated
themselves, well furnished with all necessaries : being
about the number of an hundred, and since increased to
an hundred and fifty persons ; whereof many were old
planters of Saint Christophers, especially Master Anthony
Hinton, and Master Edward Thompson.
But because all those lies for most part are so capable
numbers.
"" byAugST6*: The first Panting of the Isle of Mevis.'] 9 1 1
to produce, and in nature like each other, let this discourse [1607-29]
serve for the description of them all.
Hus much concerning those plantations, which
now after all this time, losse, and charge, should
they be abandoned, suppressed, and dissolved,
were most lamentable ; and surely seeing they
all strive so much about this Tobacco, and that the fraught
thereof, and other charges are so great, and so open to any
enemie ; by that commodity they cannot long subsist.
And it is a wonder to me to see such miracles of mis-
chiefes in men ; how [58] greedily they persue to dispossesse
the planters of the Name of Christ Iesus, yet say they are
Christians, when so much of the world is unpossessed ;
yea, and better land than they so much strive for, mur-
thering so many Christians, burning and spoiling so many
cities, villages, and Countries, and subverting so many
kingdomes, when so much lieth [v]vast[e], or only possessed
by a few poore Savages, that more serve the Devill for
feare, than God for love : whose ignorance we pretend to
reforme, but couetousnesse, humours, ambition, faction,
and pride, hath so many instruments, we performe very
little to any purpose ; nor is there either honour or profit
to be got by any that are so vile, to undertake the sub-
version, or hinderance of any honest intended christian
plantation.
Smith.
Ow to conclude the travels and adventures ^rt^o{
of Captaine Smith; how first he planted Vir- Captaine
ginia, and was set ashore with about an hun-
dred men in the wilde woods ; how he was
taken prisoner by the Savages, by the King of Pamaunkc
tied to a tree to be shot to death, led up and downe their
Country to be shewed for a wonder ; fatted as he thought,
for a sacrifice for their Idoll ; before whom they conjured
him three dayes, with strange dances and invocations;
then brought him before their Emperor Powhatan, that
commanded him to be slaine ; how his daughter Pocahontas
912 The Travells and Observations of Capt. I. Smith. [~ _,.!£;&
L Aug. 1629.
[1608-16] saved his life, returned him to James towne, releeved him
and his famished company, which was but eight and thirty
to possesse those large dominions ; how he discovered all
the severall nations upon the rivers falling into the Bay
of Chisapeacke ; stung neere to death with a most poysoned
taile of a fish called Stingray : how [he drave] Powhatan
out of his Country, tooke the Kings of Pamaunke and
Paspahegh prisoners, forced thirty nine of those Kings to
pay him contribution, [and] subjected all the Savages:
how Smith was blowne up with gunpowder, and returned
for England to be cured :
Also how hee brought our new England to the subjec-
tion of the Kingdome of great Britainc ; his fights with
the Pirats, left alone amongst a many French men ot
Warre, and his ship ran from him ; his Sea-fights for the
French against the Spaniards, their bad usage of him,
how in France in a little boat he escaped them ; was
adrift all such a stormy night at Sea by himselfe, when
thirteene French ships were split, or driven on shore by
the He of Ree, the generall and most of his men drowned,
when God to whom be all honour and praise, brought him
safe on shore to all their admirations that escaped : you
may read at large in his generall history of Virginia, the
Summer lies, and New England.
CHAPTER XXVIII
The bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats ; and
how they taught the Turks and Moores to
become men of warre.
S in all lands where there are many [1588-
people, there are some theeves, so in 1603]
all Seas much frequented, there are
some pyrats ; the most ancient within
the memory of threescore yeares was
one Callis, who most refreshed himselfe
upon the Coast of Wales ; Clinton and
Pursser his companions, who grew
famous, till Queene Elizabeth of blessed memory, hanged
[59] them at Wapping ; Flemming was as expert and as
much sought for as they, yet such a friend to his Country,
that discovering the Spanish Armado, he voluntarily came
to Plimouth, yeelded himselfe freely to my Lord Admirall,
and gave him notice of the Spaniards comming; which
good warning came so happily and unexpectedly, that he
had his pardon, and a good reward.
Some few Pirats there then remained ; notwithstanding
it is incredible how many great and rich prizes the little
barques of the West Country daily brought home, in
regard of their small charge ; for there are so many
difficulties in a great Navy, by wind and weather, victuall, The
sicknesse, losing and finding one another, they seldome ofa^rel?
defray halfe the charge: but for the grace, state, and Navie-
defence of the Coast and narrow Seas, a great Navy is
most necessary, but not to attempt any farre voyage,
58
914 [The bad life, qualities, and conditions of Py rats. A{g:
Smith.
1629.
[J 603-29] except there be such a competent stocke, [that] the want
not wherewith to furnish and supply all things with
expedition. But to the purpose,
what After the death of our most gracious Queene Elizabeth,
pirau.one of blessed memory, our Royall King lames, who from his
infancie had reigned in peace with all Nations, had no
imployment for those men of warre, so that those that
were rich rested with that they had; those that were
poore and had nothing but from hand to mouth, turned
Pirats ; some, because they became sleighted of those for
whom they had got much wealth; some, for that they
could not get their due ; some, that had lived bravely,
would not abase themselves to poverty ; some vainly, only
to get a name ; others for revenge, covetousnesse, or as
ill ; and as they found themselves more and more op-
pressed, their passions increasing with discontent, made
them turne Pirats.
Their chide Now because they grew hatefull to all Christian Princes,
they retired to Barbary, where although there be not many
good Harbours but Tunis, Argier, Sally, Mamora, and
Tituane, there are many convenient Rodes, or the open
Sea, which is theire chiefe Lordship. For their best har-
bours Massalqueber, the townes of Oran, Mellila, Tanger,
and Cuta, within the Streights, are possessed by the
Spaniards; without the Streights they have also Arzella,
and Mazagan ; Mamora likewise they [the Spaniards] have
lately taken, and fortified.
Ward, a poore English sailer, and Dansker a Dutchman,
made first here their Marts, when the Moores knew scarce
how to saile a ship; Bishop was Ancient, and did little
hurt ; but Easton got so much, as made himselfe a
Marquesse in Savoy; and Ward lived like a Bashaw in
Barbary ; those were the first that taught the Moores to
be men of warre.
Genninp,Harris,T[h]ompson,a.n6. divers others, were taken
in Ireland, a Coast they much frequented, and died [i.e., were
hanged] at Wapping. Hemes, Bough, Smith, Walsmgam,
Ellis, Collins, Sawkwell, Wollistone, Barrow, Wilson, Sayres,
and divers others, all these were Captaines amongst the
Pirats ; whom King James mercifully pardoned : and was
AJugST6!£ The bad life, qualities, and conditions of Py rats.'] 915
it not strange, a few of these should command the Seas. [1629]
Notwithstanding the Malteses, the Pope, Florentines, Geno-
eses, Dutch, and English, Gallies and Men of Warre; they
would rob before their faces, and even at their owne Ports,
yet seldome more than three, foure, five or six in a Fleet :
many times they had very good ships, and well manned,
but commonly in such factions amongst themselves, and ^nej[tions
so riotous, quarrellous, treacherous, blasphemous, and vil-
lanous, [that] it is more than a wonder they could so long
continue, to doe so much mischiefe ; and all they got, they
basely consumed it amongst Jewes, Turks, Moores, and
whores.
The best was, they would seldome goe to Sea, so long
as they could [60] possibly live on shore, being compiled
of English, French, Dutch, and Moores, (but very few Span-
yards, or Italians) commonly running one from another,
till they became so disjoynted, disordered, debawched, and
miserable, that the Turks and Moores beganne to command
them as slaves, and force them to instruct them in their
best skill : which many an accursed runnagado or Christian Runna-
turned Turke, did, till they have made those Sally men, or gados-
Moores of Barbary so powerfull as they be, to the terror of
all the Straights, and many times they take purchase [prizes]
in the maine Ocean, yea sometimes even in the narrow Seas
in England, and those are the most cruell villaines in Turkie,
or Barbarie ; whose natives are very noble, and of good
natures, in comparison of them.
To conclude, the misery of a Pirate (although many are
Advertise^
ments tor
as sufficient Sea-men as any) yet in regard of his super- wiide
fluity, you shall finde it such, that any wise man would
rather live amongst wilde beasts than them; therefore let
all unadvised persons take heed, how they entertaine that
quality : and I could wish Merchants, Gentlemen, and all
setters forth of ships, not to bee sparing of a competent
pay, nor true payment ; for neither Souldiers nor Sea-men
can live without meanes, but necessity will force them to
steale ; and when they are once entered into that trade,
they are hardly reclaimed.
Those titles of Sea-men and Souldiers, have beene most
9 1 6 [ The bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats. A{gs
Smith.
1629.
[1629] worthily honoured and esteemed, but now regarded for
most part, but as the scumme of the world; regaine
therefore your wonted reputations, and endevour rather
to adventure to those faire plantations of our English
Nation ; which however in the beginning were scorned
and contemned, yet now you see how many rich and
gallant people come from thence, who went thither as
poore as any Souldiev or Sailer, and gets more in one
yeare, than you by Piracie in seven. I intreat you there-
fore to consider how many thousands yearely goe thither ;
also how many Ships and Sailers are imployed to
transport them, and what custome they yearely
pay to our most Royall King Charles; whose
prosperity and his Kingdomes good, I
humbly beseech the immortall
God ever to preserve
and increase.
FINIS.
ADVERTISEMENTS
For the unexperienced Planters of
New- England, or any where.
O R
The Path-way to experience to erect a
Plantation.
With the yearely proceedings of this Country in Fishing
and Planting, since the yeare 1614. to the yeare 1630.
and their present estate.
Also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their
proceedings in Virginia, and other Plantations,
by approved examples.
With the Countries Armes, a description of the Coast,
Harbours, Habitations, Land-markes, Latitude and
Longitude : with the Map, allowed by our Royal
King Charles.
By Captaine Iohn Smith, sometimes Governour of
V 1 r g 1 n 1 a, and Admirall of N e vv - E n g l a n d.
London,
Printed by Iohn Haviland, and are to be sold by
Robert Milbovrne, at the Grey-hound
in Pauls Church-yard. I 6 3 1 ,
[This Work, the last one completed by our Author, was evidently
written as a mark of good will to the Massachusetts Planters under
Governor Winthrop, who founded Boston in 1630.
It was evidently written in October 1630, as the passage on p. 955
shews ; though it bears 1631 on the title page.
We even know where it was written.
" The high grove or tuft of trees upon the high hill by the house of
that worthy Knight Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex
in the Parish of Dan&ery, where I writ this discourse, but much taller
and greater." p. 950.
Though stated on the title page to be for sale, it was not entered
for publication at Stationers' Hall, London.
For the bibliography of this Work see^. cxxxii.
"To the prevention whereof, I have not beene more willing, at the
request of my friends to print this discourse, than I am ready to live
and dye among you, upon conditions su[i]ting my calling and pro-
fession to make good ; and [to make] Virginia and New-England,
my heires, executors, administrators and assignes." pp. 963-4.]
Coat of Arms of New England.
Q20 The Epistle Dcdicatorie. [JcS*:
To the Most Reverend Father in God,
George Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbvrie
his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of
all England:
AND
The Right Reverend Father in God,
Samvel Lord Arch-Bishop of Torke
bis Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of
England.
$&Mll\Y most Gracious Good Lords, I desire tc
leave testimony to the world, how highly
I honour as well the Miter as the Lance :
therefore where my last Booke presented three most
honourable Earles with a subject of Warre \_p. 8o8],
and received from them favourable acceptance : the
worke I now prosecute, concerning the Plantation
of New England, for the increase of Gods Church,
converting Salvages, and enlarging the Kings
Dominions, prostrates it selfe humbly to your Graces ;
who as you are in the name of Prelacy to this
Kingdome, so you are to mee in goodnesse, both
Fathers and Protectors unexpectedly. God long
preserve your Gracious lives, and continue favour
Vnto both your Graces most
devoted servant,
Iohn Smith.
To the Reader,
Honest Reader.
Pelles by the proportion of a foot, could make the
whole proportion of a man : were hee now living,
he might goe to schoole, for now are thousands
can by opinion proportion Kingdomes, Cities, and Lordships,
that never durst adventure to see them. Malignancy, I expect
from those, [that] have lived 10. or 12. yeares in those actions,
and returne as wise as they went, claiming time and experience
for their tutor, that can neither shift Sun nor Moone, nor say
their Compasse, yet will tell you of more than all the world,
betwixt the Exchange, Pauls and Westminster; so it be
newes, it matters not what, that will passe currant when truth
must be stayed with an army of conceits that can make or marre
anything, and tell as well what all England is by seeing but
Milford haven, as what Apelles was by the picture of his great toe.
Now because examples give a quicker impression than argu-
ments, I have writ this discourse to satisfie understanding,
wisdome, and honesty ; and not such as can doe nothing but finde
fault with what they neither know nor can amend.
So I rest
Your friend
lohn Smith.
[1630]
T/ie Sea Marke.
[1630] Aloofe, aloofe ; and come no neare,
the dangers doe appeare ;
Which if my ruine had not beene
you had not seene :
I onely lie upon this shelfe
to be a marke to all
which on the same might fall,
That none may perish but ray selfe.
If in or outward you be bound,
doe not forget to sound
Neglect of that was cause of this
to steare amisse.
The Seas were calme, the wind was faire
that made me so secure,
that now I must indure
All weathers be they foule or faire.
The Winters cold, the Summers heat
alternatively beat
Upon my bruised sides, that rue
because too true
That no releefe can ever come.
But why should I despaire
being promised so faire
That there shall be a day of Dome.
The Contents.
Chap. i. XyA WlfcHat people they are that begin
this plantation, the bane of
Virginia : strange misprisions
of wise men [p. 925]
2. Needlesse custome, effect of flattery, cause
of misery, factions, carelesse government,
the dissolving [of] the Company and Patent [p. 930]
3. A great comfort to new England, it is no
Hand, a strange plague [p. 931]
4. Our right to those Countries, true reasons
for plantations, rare examples [p. 934]
5. My first voyage to new England, my
returne and profit [p, 936]
6. A description of the Coast, Harbours,
Habitations, Landmarks, Latitude, Lon-
gitude, with the map [p. 938]
7. New 'Engla.nds year ely trials, the planting
[of] new Plimoth, suprisals prevented,
their wonderfull industry and fishing. ... [p 940]
924 The Contents. [Jctsȣ
Chap. 8. Extremity next despaire, Gods great
mercy, their estate, they make good salt,
an unknowne rich myne [^.942]
9. Notes worth observation, miser ablenesse no
good husbandry [p. 944]
10. The mistaking of Patents, strange effects,
incouragements for servants [^.946]
11. The planting [of] Bastable or Salem
and Charlton, a description of the Mas-
sachusetts [p. 948]
12. Extraordinary meanes for building, many
caveats, increase of come, how to spoyle
the woods for any thing, their healths. ... [p. 951]
13. Their great supplies, present estate and
accidents, advantage [p, 953]
14. Ecclesiasticall government in Virginia,
authority from the Arch Bishop, their
beginning at Bastable now called Salem, [p. 957]
15. The true modell of a plantation, tenure,
increase of trade, true examples, necessity
of expert Souldiers, the names of all the
first discoverers for plantations and their
actions, what is requisite to be in the
Governour of a plantation, the expedition[s]
of Queene Elizabeths Sea Captaines. ... [p. 960]
925
ADVERTISEMENTS:
OR,
The Path-way to Experience
to erect a Plantation.
CHAPTER I.
What people they are that beginne this plantation: the
bane 0/* Virginia : strange misprisions of wise men.
'°§&^fi£^3p He Warres in Europe, Asia, and Africa,
J} taught me how to subdue the wilde
Salvages in Virginia and New-England,
in America; which now after many a
stormy blast of ignorant contradictors,
projectors, and undertakers, both they
and I have beene so tossed and tortured
into so many extremities, as despaire
[1630]
926 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [J^
Smith.
1630.
[1629-30] was the next wee both [2] expected, till it pleased God now at
last to stirre up some good mindes, that I hope will produce
felory to God, honour to his Majesty, and profit to his
«Kingdomes : although all our Plantations have beene so
foyled and abused, their best good willers have beene for the
most part discouraged, and their good intents disgraced, as
the generall History of them will at large truly relate [to]
you.
NoBrownUt Pardon me if I offend in loving that I have cherished
n°ath/a~ truly, by the losse of my prime fortunes, meanes, and
admiittd. y0uth : If it over-glad me to see Industry her selfe ad-
venture now to make use of my aged ende[a]vours, not by
such (I hope) as rumour doth report, a many of discon-
tented Brownists, Anabaptists, Papists, Puritans, Separa-
tists, and such factious Humorists : for no such they will
suffer among them, if knowne, as many of the chiefe of
them [John Winthrop &c] have assured mee ; and the much
conferences I have had with many of them, doth confidently
perswade me to write thus much in their behalfe.
I meane not the Brownists of Leyden and Amsterdam at
New-Plimoth, who although by accident, ignorance, and
wilfulnesse, [they] have endured, with awonderfull patience,
many losses and extremities ; yet they subsist and prosper
so well, not any of them will abandon the Country, but to
the utmost of their powers increase their numbers. But
wiiatthey of thosewhich are gone within thiseighteenemoneths [April
T/gintuthis 1629 — Oct. 1630] for Cape Anne, and the Bay of the Massa-
'• chusets. Thosewhich are their chiefe Vndertakers are Gen-
tlemen of good estate, some of 500, some a thousand pound
land a yeere, all which they say they willsellfortheadvancing
[of] this harmlesse and pious worke; men of good credit and
well-beloved in their Country [district], not such as flye for
debt, or any scandall at home ; and are good Catholike
Protestants according to the reformed Church of England,
if not, it is well they are gone. The rest of them men of
good meanes, or Arts, Occupations, and Qualities, much
more fit for such a businesse, and better furnished of all
necessaries if they arrive well, than was ever any Plantation
went out of England.
I will not say but some of them may be more precise than
needs, nor that they all be so good as they should be ; [3]
oct^a] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 927
for Christ had but twelve apostles, and one was a traitor : [1622-30]
and if there be no dissemblers among them, it is more than
a wonder ; therefore doe not condemne all for some. But
however they have as good authority from his Majesty as
they could desire : if they doe ill, the losse is but their
owne; if well, a great glory and exceeding good to this
Kingdome, to make good at last what all our former con-
clusions have disgraced.
Now they take not that course the Virginia company The bane oj
did for the Planters there, their purses and lives were Vireinm-
subject to some few here in London who were never there,
that consumed all in Arguments, Projects, and their owne
conceits : every yeare trying new conclusions, altering every
thing yearely as they altered opinions, till they had
consumed more than two hundred thousand pounds, and
neere eight thousand mens lives.
It is true, in the yeere of our Lord 1622. they were, the
Company in England say 7. or 8. thousand : the Counsell
in Virginia say but 2200. or thereabouts, English in-
differently well furnished with most necessaries, and many
of them grew to that height of bravery, living in that plenty
and excesse, that went thither not worth any thing, [that]
made the Company here thinke all the world was Oatmeale
there; and all this proceeded by surviving those that died :
nor were they ignorant to use as curious tricks there as
here, and out of the juice of Tabacco, which at first they
sold at such good rates, they regarded nothing but Tabacco;
a commodity then so vendable, it provided them all things.
And the loving Salvages their kinde friends, they trained
so well up to shoot in a Peece, to hunt and kill them fowle,
they became more expert than our owne Country-men ;
whose labours were more profitable to their Masters in
planting Tabacco and other businesse.
The
differences
This superfluity caused my poore beginnings[to be] scorned,
or to be spoken of but with much derision, that never sent tttwixtmy
Ship from thence fraught, but onely some small quantities &5JSL,
of Wainscot, Clap-board, Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Sope-ashes, %£j%iH^
Glasse, Cedar, Cypresse, Blacke Walnut, Knees for Ships, ffiy^
Ash for Pikes, Iron Ore none better, some Silver Ore but
so poore it was not regarded ; better there may be, for I
[/. 93a.]
928 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [oa^o!
[1607-9] was no Mineralist; [4] some Sturgion, but it was too tart of
the Vinegar (which was of my owne store, for little came
from them which was good) ; and Wine of the Countries
wilde Grapes, but it was too sowre ; yet better than they
{Smith's sent us any> [which was] in two or three years but one
ironical de- Hogshead of Claret. Onely spending my time to revenge
scnption of °. . xU u i • *. o i
themaii- my imprisonment upon the harmlesse innocent Salvages,
agafnit^fs" who by my cruelty I forced to feed me with their contribu-
tes ^lon » anc* to senc* anv [who] offended my idle humour to
lames towne to punish at mine owne discretion ; or keepe
their Kings and subjects in chaines, and make them worke.
Things cleane contrary to my Commission ; whilst I
and my company tooke our needlesse pleasures in dis-
covering the Countries about us, building of Forts, and
such unnecessary fooleries, where an Egge-shell (as they
writ) had beene sufficient against such enemies ; neglecting
to answer the Merchants expectations with profit, feeding
the Company onely with Letters and tastes of such com-
modities as we writ the Country would afford in time by
industry, as Silke, Wines, Oyles of Olives, Rape, and
Linsed, Rasons, Prunes, Flax, Hempe, and Iron. As for
Tobacco, wee never then dreamt of it.
Now because I sent not their ships full fraught home
with those commodities ; they kindly writ to me, if we
[A 44*1 failed the next returne, they would leave us there as
banished men, as if houses and all those commodities did
grow naturally, only for us to take at our pleasure ; with
Astranjrt such tedious Letters, directions, and instructions, and
»£?£».* most contrary to that was fitting, we did admire [wonder]
how it was possible such wise men could so torment
themselves an(i_us with such strange absurdities and
^impossibilities:' 'making Religion their colour, when all
atheir aime was nothing but present profit, as most plainly
\ppearec^ by sending us so many Refiners, Gold-smiths,
Iewellers, Lapidaries, Stone-cutters, Tobacco-pipe-makere,
Imbroderers, Perfumers, Silkemen, with [not only] all
their appurtenances but materialls, and all those had great
summes out of the common stocke; and [were] so many
spies and super-intendents over us, as if they supposed we
would turne Rebels, all striving[5] to suppresse and advance
they knew not what.
dwfSfeS or a Path- way to erect the Plantation. 929
At last [they] got a Commission in their owne names, [1609 24]
promising the King custome within seven yeares, where [as]
we were free for one and twenty; appointing the Lord
De-la-ware for Governour, with as many great and stately
officers, and offices under him, as doth belong to a great
Kingdome, with good summes for their extraordinary
expences; also privileges for Cities; Charters for Corpora-
tions, Universities, Free-scholes, and Glebe-land ; putting
all those in practice before there was either people, students,
or schollers to build or use them, or provision or victuall
to feed them [that] were then there : and to amend this,
most of the Tradesmen in London that would adventure
but twelue pounds ten shillings, had the furnishing [of] the
Company of all such things as belonged to his trade,
such jug[g]ling there was betwixt them, and such intru-
ding Committies [Committee men] their associats, that all
the trash they could get in London was sent us to Virginia,
they being well payed [as] for that [which] was good.
Much they blamed us for not converting the Salvages,*
when those they sent us were little better, if not worse ;W
nor did they all, convert any of those [natives] we sent
them to England for that purpose. So doating of Mines of
gold, and the South Sea; that all the world could not have
devised better courses to bring us to ruine than they did
themselves, with many more such like strange conceits.
By this you may avoid the like inconveniences, and take
heed by those examples, you have not too many irons in
the fire at once ; neither such change of Governours, nor
such a multitude of Officers; neither more Masters, Gentle-
men, Gentlewomen, and children, than you have men to
worke, which idle charge you will finde very troublesome,
and the effects dangerous : and one hundred good labourers $' *|*]
better than a thousand such Gallants as were sent me,
that would doe nothing but complaine, curse, and despaire,*
when they saw our miseries and all things so clean contrary |ty\
to the report in England; yet must I provide as well for
them as for my selfe. [6]
59
930 Advertisements for the unexperienced, [<£t!
Smith
1630.
CHAPTER II.
Needle sse custome, effect of flattery, cause of misery,
factions, carelesse government, the dissolving the
Company and Patent.
[1607-9] Jj^Ej] JjjrHis the Mariners and Saylers did ever all they
could to conceale ; who had alwayes good fare,
and good pay for the most part, and part out
of our owne purses: never caring how long they
stayed upon their voyage, daily feasting before our faces;
when wee lived upon a little corne and water, and not halfe
enough of that, the most of which we had from amongst
the Salvages. Now although there be Deere in the
woods, Fish in the rivers, and Fowles in abundance in
their seasons : yet the woods are so wide, the rivers so
broad, and the beasts so wild, and wee so unskilfull to
catch them, wee little troubled them nor they us.
For all this, our letters that still signified unto them the
plaine truth, would not be beleeved, because they required
such things as was most necessary : but their opinion was
otherwayes, for they desired but to packe over so many
as they could, saying necessity would make them get
victuals for themselves, as for good labourers they were
more usefull here in England.
But they found it otherwayes ; the charge was all one to
tM 487,616.] send a workman as a roarer ; whose clamors to appease, we
had much adoe to get fish and corne to maintaine them
from one supply till another came with more loyterers
without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for the most
of them would rather starve thanworke: yet had it not beene
[Miss, 472] for some few that were Gentlemen, both by birth, industry,
and discretion, we could not possibly have subsisted.
Takehttd Many did urge I might have forced them to it, having
jf^dln0** authority that extended so farre as death : but I say, having
England, neither meat, drinke, lodging, pay, nor hope of any thing
or preferment ; and seeing the Merchants onely did what
they listed with all they wrought for, I know not what
punishment could be greater than that they indured ;
octS^] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation.
93i
which miseries caused us alwaies to be in factions : the[1609-30]
most part striving [7] by any meanes to abandon the
Country, and I with my party to prevent them and cause
them stay. But indeed the cause of our factions was bred
here in England, and grew to that maturity among them-
selves that spoyled all, as all the Kingdome and other
Nations can too well testifie.
Yet in the yeare 1622. there were about seven or eight
thousand English, as hath beene said [see p. 927], so well
trained, secure, and well furnished, as they reported and
conceited. These simple Salvages, their bosome friends, I
so much oppressed, had laid their plot how to cut all their
throats in a morning : and upon the 22. of March [1622], jjjjj .
so innocently attempted it, they slew three hundred forty viST"'
seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattell, and
brought them to that distraction and confusion [that]
within lesse than a yeare, there were not many more than
two thousand remaining.
The which losse to repaire the company did what they
could, till they had consumed all their stocke [capital] as
is said : then they broke [became bankrupt], not making any
account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters,
Adventurers, nor any ; whose noble intents had referred the
managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost
not by it. So that his Majesty recalled their Commission H<™the
[June 1624] : and [that] by more iust cause then they £S.
perswaded King lames to call in ours [in 1609], which were
the first beginners, without our knowledge or consent,
disposing of us and all our indevours at their pleasures.
CHAPTER III.
A great comfort to new England, // is no Hand:
a strange plague.
Otwithstanding since they have beene left in Tht
a manner, as it were, to themselves, they $*^S2
have increased [by Oct. 1630] their numbers vt^iSa.
to foure or five thousand [pp. 885-7] > an<* neere as
932 Advertisements for the vncxperienced, [JctfS^
[1606-3 many catell, with plenty of Goats: abundance of Swine
Poultry and Corne, that as they report, they have suffi-
cient and to spare, to entertaine three or foure hundred
people, which is much better than to have many
people more than provision.
Now having glutted the world with their too [8] much
overabounding Tabacco : Reason, or necessity, or both,
will cause them, I hope, [to] learne in time better to fortifie
themselves, and make better use of the trials of their
r/.9a7j grosse commodities that I have propounded, and at the
first sent over : and were it not a lamentable dishonour so
goodly a Countrey after so much cost, losse, and trouble,
should now in this estate not bee regarded and supplied.
Agrtat And to those of New-England may it not be a great
comfort for comfort to have so neare a neighbour of their owne Nation,
vFrf£3"r tnat mav furnish them with their spare cattell, swine,
(A 893.] poultry, and other roots and fruits, much better than from
England. But I feare the seed of envy, and the rust of
covetousnesse doth grow too fast, for some would have all
men advance Virginia to the ruine of New-England ; and
others the losse of Virginia to sustaine New-Englandf
which God of his mercy forbid : for at first it was intended
by that most memorable Judge Sir Iohn Popham, then
Lord chief e Justice of England, and the Lords of his
Majesties Privy Councel, with divers others, that two
Colonies should be planted, as now they be, for the better
strengthening each other against all occurrences; thewhich
to performe, shall ever be my hearty prayers to Almighty
God, to increase and continue that mutuall love betwixt
them for ever.
The By this you may perceive somewhat, what unexpected
differences J . J • -j i A *> • n
tetwixt the inconveniences are incident to a plantation, especially
vSiniaf °f m sucn a multitude of voluntary contributers, superfluity
<sl^'moJ '°^ officers, and unexperienced Commissioners. But it is
not so, as yet, with those for New-England ; for they will
neither beleeve nor use such officers, in that they are
overseers of their owne estates, and so well bred in labour
and good husbandry as any in England : where as few as I
[say was sent me to Virginia, but those [that] were naught
iere and worse there.
" Now when these shall have laid the foundations, and
tot
«h(
JctST63a] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 933
" provided meanes beforehand ; they may entertain all the [1614-21]
" poore artificers and laborers in England, and their A necessary
" families which are burthensome to their Parishes and SX!
" Countries [counties] where they live upon almes and
" benevolence for want of worke : which if they would
" but pay for their transportation, they should never be
" troubled with them more. For there is vast land enough New
"for all the people in England, Scotland, and Ireland: J"/w"
" and it seemes God hath provided this Country for our ££■£'
11 Nation, destroying the natives by the plague, it not continent.
" touching one Englishman, though many traded and were
" conversant amongst them ; for they had three plagues in
" three yeares successively neere two hundred miles along
" the Sea coast, that in some places there scarce remained
" five of a hundred, and as they report thus it began :
A fishing ship being cast away upon the coast, two of
the men escaped on shore ; one of them died, the other
lived among the natives till he had learned their language ;
then he perswaded them to become Christians, shewing
them a Testament, some parts thereof expounding so
well as he could, but they so much derided him, that he
told them hee feared his God would destroy them : whereat
the King assembled all his people about a hill, him-
selfe with the Christian standing on the top, demanded if
his God had so many people and able to kill all those ?
He answered yes, and surely would, and bring in a strange
strangers to possesse their land : but so long they mocked fiSJtf,
him and his God, that not long after such a sicknesse Salva&es-
came, that of five or six hundred about the Massachusets
there remained but thirty, on whom their neighbours fell
and slew twenty-eight : the two [p. 754] remaining fled the
Country till the English came, then they returned and
surrendered their Country and title to the English.
If this be not true in every particular, excuse me, I pray
you, for I am not the Author: but it is most certaine
there was an exceeding great plague amongst them ; for
where I have seene [in 1614] two or three hundred, within
three yeares after '1617] remained scarce thirty [pp. 747, 754].
But what disease it was the Salvages knew not till the
English told them ; never having seene, nor heard of the
like before. [10]
«
934 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [octSs£.'
CHAPTER IV.
Our right to those Countries, true reasons for
plantations, rare examples.
[1630] i'klSh ^ny 800^ religious devout men have made it a
By what £ \W| )k great question, as a matter in conscience, by
m^'/os- \ $w\ P wnat warrant they might goe to possesse those
sesse those JdS^/«&§» Countries, which are none of theirs, but the
Countries o l
law/uiiy. poore Salvages.
Which poore curiosity will answer it selfe ; for God did
[make the world to be inhabited with mankind, and to
'have his name knowne to all Nations, and from gene-
ration to generation : as the people increased they dis-
persed themselves into such Countries as they found
most convenient. And here in Florida, Virginia, New-
England, and Cannada, is more land than all the people
in Christendome can manure [cultivate] , and yet more
to spare than all the natives of those Countries can use
and culturate. And shall we here keepe such a coyle
jA for land, and at such great rents and rates, when there is
* so much of the world uninhabited, and as much more in
other places, and as good or rather better than any wee
possesse, were it manured and used accordingly.
If this be not a reason sufficient to such tender consciences ;
for a copper knife and a few toyes, as beads and hatchets,
they will sell you a whole Countrey [district] ; and for a
small matter, their houses and the ground they dwell upon;
but those of the Massachusets have resigned theirs freely.
True Now the reasons for plantations are many. Adam and
r/oV°thZse Eve did first begin this innocent worke to plant the earth
plantations, to remaine to posterity ; but not without labour, trouble,
[#.aa8,74i.] an(j industry. Noah and his family began againe the
second plantation, and their seed as it still increased, hath
still planted new Countries, and one Country another, and
so the world to that estate it is ; but not without much
hazard, travell, mortalities, discontents, and many disas-
ters : had those worthy Fathers and their memorable off-
spring not beene more diligent for us now in those ages,
J^Te'oi] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 935
than wee are to plant that yet implanted for after-livers : [1630]
Had the seed of Abraham, our [11] Saviour Christ Jesus
and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to
plant the Gospell wee so much professe ; than we, even we
our selves had at this present beene as Salvages, and as
miserable as the most barbarous Salvage, yet uncivilized.
The Hebrewes, Lacedemonians, the Goths, Grecians,
Romans, and the rest ; what was it they would not under-
take to inlarge their Territories, inrich their subjects, fc;
and resist their enemies. Those that were the founders
of those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no
silvered idle golden Pharisees, but industrious honest
hearted Publicans; they regarded more provisions and
necessaries for their people, than jewels, ease and
delight for themselves; riches was their servants, not
their masters ; they ruled as fathers, not as tyrants ;
their people as children, not as slaves; there was no
disaster could discourage them ; and let none thinke they
incountered not with all manner of incumbrances : and
what hath ever beene the worke of the best great Princes
of the world, but planting of Countries, and civilizing bar-
barous and inhumane Nations to civility and humanity ;
whose eternall actions fils our histories with more honour
than those that have wasted and consumed them by
warres.
Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards that first began £j"
plantations in this unknowne world of America till within "cTtZ
this 140. yeares [1476-1616], whose everlasting actions fSSSfc
before our eyes, will testifie our idlenesse and ingratitude JJ^Jj,.
to all posterity, and neglect of our duty and religion we owe!
our God, our King, and Countrey, and want of charity top
those poore Salvages, whose Countries we challenge, use,''
and possesse : except wee be but made to marre what our
forefathers made ; or but only tell what they did ; or esteeme
our selves too good to take the like paines where there is
so much reason, liberty, and action offers it selfe. Having
as much power and meanes as others, why should English
men despaire, and not doe so much as any ? Was it vertue
in those Hero[e]s to provide that [which] doth maintaine
us, and basenesse in us to doe the like for others to come ?
Surely no ; then seeing wee are not borne for ourselves
93 6 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JCtS?63o!
[1614] but each to helpe other ; and our abilities are much alike at
(#.229,742.] the [12] howre of our birth and minute of our death : see-
ing our good deeds or bad, by faith in Christs merits, is all
wee have to carry our soules to heaven or hell : Seeing
honour is our lives ambition, and our ambition after death,
to have an honourable memory of our life : and seeing by
no meanes we would be abated of the dignitie and glory
of our predecessors, let us imitate their vertues to be
worthily their successors ; or at least not hinder, if not
further, them that would and doe their utmost and best
endevour.
CHAPTER V.
My first voyage to new England, my returne
and profit.
\0 begin with the originals of the voyages to
those coasts, I referre you to my generall his-
tory [pp. 696-7] ; for New England by the most
of them was esteemed a most barren rocky
1614. desart.
Notwithstanding at the sole charges of four Marchants
[#.187,240, of London and my selfe, 1614. within eight weekes sayling
256,697,891-1 1 arrived at Monahigan, an lie in America in 43. degree*
39. minutes of Northerly latitude.
Had the fishing for Whale proved as we expected, I had
stayed in the Country : but we found the plots [charts] wee
had, so false; and the seasons for fishing and trade by the
unskilfulnesse of our Pylot so much mistaken ; I was con-
tented, having taken by hookes and lines, with flfteene or
eighteene men at most, more than 60000 Cod in lesse
than a moneth : whilst my selfe and eight others of them
[that] might best be spared, by an houre glasse of three
moneths, ranging the coast in a small boat, got for trifles
eleven hundred Bever skins besides Otters and Martins
ZuZdm°°' [skins]; all amounting to the value of fifteene hundred
tuctnonths. pound, and arrived in England with all my men in
health, in six or seven months.
JctST63o.'] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 937
But Northward the French returned this yeare [1614] to [1614-16]
France five and twenty thousand bevers [skins] and good ^s*000
furres; whilest we were contending about Patents and *«FrancT
Commissions, with such fearefull incredulity that more
dazeled our eyes than opened them.
In this voyage I tooke the description of the coast as [#.188,699.]
well by map as writing, and called [13] it New-England: but
malicious mindes amongst Sailers and others, drowned
that name with the eccho of Nusconcus, Canaday, and
Penaquid; till, at my humble su[i]te, our most gracious
King Charles, then Princes of Wales, was pleased to con-
firme it by that title, and did change [p. 232] the bar-
barous names of their principal Harbours and habitations
for such English, that posterity may say, King Charles
was their Godfather : and in my opinion it should seeme
an unmannerly presumption in any that doth alter them
without his leave.
My second voyage was to beginne a Plantation, and to My second
doe what else I could, but by extreme tempests that tore %n0ydgZi
neare all my Masts by the boord, being more than two 1615.
hundred leagues at Sea, [I] was forced to returne to Plimoth VP- «*>-»« ;
.,, T °, , ' L J 731-736.]
with a Jury-Mast.
The third was intercepted by English and French 1616-
Pyrats, by my trecherous company that betrayed me to
them ; who ran away with my Ship and all that I had :
such enemies the Sailers were to a Plantation, and the
greatest losse being mine, [they] did easily excuse them-
selves to the Merchants in England, that still provided to
follow the fishing.
Much difference there was betwixt the Londoners and
the Westerlings to ingrosse it, who now would adventure
thousands, that when I went first would not adventure a
groat ; yet there went foure or five good Ships : but what
by their dissention, and the Turkes men of warre that
tooke the best of them in the Straits, they scarce saved
themselves this yeare.
At my returne from France [Dec. 1615], I did my best to [#.«7»7«o.i
have united them ; but that had beene more than a worke
for Hercules, so violent is the folly of greedy covetousnesse.
938 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JcuTe^
CHAPTER VI.
A description of the Coast y Harbours, Habitations,
Landmarks, Latitude, Longitude, with
the map.
His Country wee now speake of, lyeth betwixt
41. and 44^, the very meane for heat and cold
betwixt the Equinoctiall and the North Pole,
1i£SoTtk (Sfi&r&Q in which I have sounded about five and twenty
country. verv g00& Harbors ; in many [14] whereof is Anc [h]orage for
fiue hundred good ships of any burden, in some of them for a
thousand : and more than three hundred lies overgrowne
with good timber, or divers sorts of other woods ; in most
of them (in their seasons) plenty of wilde fruits, Fish, and
Fowle, and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly
distilling from their rockie foundations.
The principal habitations I was at North-ward, was
Pennobscot, who are in warres with the Terentines, their next
Northerly neighbours.
Southerly up the Rivers, and along the Coast, wee found
Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock,
Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca : to those belong
the Countries and people, of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck, Poco-
passum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masher-
osqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c.
To these are alied in confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco,
Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeck. All
these for any thing I could perceive differ little in language
or any thing, though most of them be Sagamos, and Lords
of themselves ; yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot
the chiefe and greatest amongst them.
The next is Mattahunt, Totunt, Massachuset, Paconekick,
\tp. i92, 707.] then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the lies of Nawset and
Capawuck : neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands
that stretch themselves into the maine Sea twenty leagues ;
and [are] very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41.
Now beyond Cape Cod, the land extendeth it selfe
JctS?63of] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 939
Southward to Virginia, Florida, the West Indies, the [1614-16]
Amazons and Brasele, to the straits of Magelanus, two and
fifty degrees Southward beyond the Line ; all those great
Countries, differing as they are in distance North or South
from the Equinoctiall, in temper, heat, cold, Woods,
Fruits, Fishes, Beasts, Birds, the increase and decrease of
the night and day, to six moneths day and six moneths night. £*££^
Some say, many of those Nations are so brute [brutish] they tiVi^eive
have no Religion, wherein surely they may be deceived; for %Zetlde?£
my part I never saw nor heard of any Nation in the world nighu
which had not Religion, Deare, [15] Bowes, and Arrowes.
Those in New-England, I take it, beleeve much alike as J*g^
those in Virginia, of many divine Powers, yet of one above * lsl°n'
the rest; as the Southerly Virginians call their chiefe %7]5'321'
God Kewassa, and that we now inhabit Okee : but all their
Kings Werowances. The Massachusets call their great God
Kichian, and their Kings Sachemes ; and that we suppose
their Devill, they call Habamouk. The Pennobscots, their
God, Tantum ; their Kings, Sagamos. About those Coun-
tries are abundance of severall Nations and languages, but
much alike in their simple curiosities, living and worke-
manship, except the wilde estate of their chiefe Kings, &c.
Of whose particular miserable magnificence (yet most \p. 71*]
happy in this, that they neuer trouble themselues with
such variety of Apparell, Drinkes, Viands, Sawses,
Perfumes, Perservatives, and niceties as we; yet live as
long, and much more healthfull and hardy) : also the deities
of their chiefest Gods, Priests, Conjurers, Religion,
Temples, Triumphs, Physicke, and Chirurgerie; their
births, educations, duty of their women, exercise for their
men ; how they make all their Instruments and Engines
to cut downe Trees, make their Cloaths, Boats, Lines,
Nets, Fish-hooks, We[i]res, and Traps, Mats, Houses, Pots,
Platters, Morters, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, Swords,
Clubs, Jewels, and Hatchets. Their severall sorts of
Woods, Serpents, Beasts, Fish, Fowle, Roots, Berries,
Fruits, Stones, and Clay. Their best trade, what is most
fit to trade with them. With the particulars of the charge
of a fishing voyage, and all the necessaries belonging to it,
their best countries to vent it for their best returnes ; also
the particulars for every private man or family that goeth
940 Advertisements for the unexperienced, [oafSs^!
[1616-17] to plant, and the best seasons to goe or returne thence ;
with the particular description of the Salvages, Habita-
tions, Harbours, and Land-markes, their Latitude, Longi-
tude, or severall distance, with their old names and the
new by the Map augmented. Lastly, the power of their
Kings, obedience of their subjects, Lawes, executions,
planting their Fields, Huntings, Fishings, the manner of
their warres and treacheries yet knowne; and in generall,
their lives and conversation, and how to bridle their brute,
M* 695. 767-1 barbarous, [16j and salvage dispositions: of all these par-
ticulars you may reade at large in the general History of
Virginia, New-England, and the Summer lies, with many
more such strange actions and accidents that to an ordinary
capacity might rather seeme miracles than wonders possibly
to bee effected ; which though they are but wound up as
bottoms of fine silke, which with a good needle might be
flourished into a far larger worke, yet the Images of great
things are best discerned, contracted into smaller glasses.
CHAPTER VII.
New Englands yearely trials, the planting of New
Plimoth, suprisals prevented, their wonderful
industry and fishing.
1617. ^SfpJJK"§Or a^ tnose differences there went eight tall
&&***** M ^v^S sn*Ps Defbre I arrived [in Dec. 1615] in England,
m F^S: fr°m France> so tnat * spent that yeare [1617]
9fe*^fe in the West Country, to perswade the Cities,
t/A 241,257. Townes, and Gentrie for a Plantation ; which the Merchants
very little liked, because they would have the coast free
only for themselves, and the Gentlemen were doubtfull of
their true accounts.
745-1
Oft and much it was so disputed, that at last they promised
me the next yeere [1618] twenty saile well furnished, made
me Admirall of the Country for my life under their hands
octS™3o.'] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 941
and the Colonels [Colony's] Seale for New-England ; and in [1617-22]
renewing their Letters Patents, to be a Patentee for my
paines ; yet nothing but a voluntary fishing was effected, for
all this aire.
In those yeares many Ships made exceeding good 1618.
voyages, some in six moneths, others in five : but one of 1619-
two hundred tunne in six weekes, with eight and thirty 162°-
men and boyes had her fraught, which shee sold at the Eight and
first penny for one and twenty hundred pounds, besides SxZ7L
her Furres. Six or seven more went out of the West, Sw
and some Sailers that had but a single share, had twenty °£ndred
pounds [=£80 now] and at home againe in seven moneths ; poinds
which was more than such a one should have got \n^hrthof
twenty moneths, had he gone for wages any where: yetr
for all this, in all this time, though I had divulged to my
great labour, [17] cost, and losse, more than seven thousand
Bookes and Maps, and moved the particular Companies \pp. 242, »66,
in London, as also Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Merchants 748]
for a Plantation, all availed no more than to hew Rocks
with Oister-shels ; so fresh were the living abuses of
Virginia and the Summer lies in their memories.
At last, upon those inducements, some well disposed
Brownists, as they are termed, with some Gentlemen and
Merchants of Lay den and Amsterdam, to save charges
[i.e., the expense of employing Captain Smith {pp. 892, 943)],
would try their owne conclusions, though with great losse
and much miserie till time had taught them to see their [pp. 243, 267
owne error ; for such humorists [fanatics] will never beleeve 771'3
well, till they bee beaten with their owne rod.
They were supplied [reinforced] with a small Ship with 1621.
seven and thirty passengers, who found all them [that]
were left after they were seated, well all but six that died, \pp- *^A
for all their poverties : in this ship they returned, the value
of five hundred pounds [=£2,000 now], which was taken
by a French-man upon the coast of England.
There is gone from the West to fish five and thirty 1622.
saile ; two from London with sixty passengers for them at gjjg and
New-Plimoth : and all made good voyages. to fish.
Now you are to understand, the seven and thirty pas-
sengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of England,
came so ill provided, they onely relyed upon that poore [#.261.761.]
942 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [ocf.T^o.'
[1622-3] company they found [i.e., the Pilgrim Fathers], that had
lived two yeares by their naked [simple] industry, and what
the Country naturally afforded. It is true, at first, there
hath beene taken a thousand Bayses [bass] at a draught,
and more than twelve hogsheads of Herrings in a night ;
of other fish when and what they would, when they had
meanes ; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and
fowling, it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortifie
themselves, resist their enemies, and plant their plants.
In Iuly [1622], a many of stragling forlorne Englishmen,
whose wants they releeved, though [they] wanted them-
selves ; the which to requite [them], destroyed their Corne
and Fruits, and would have done the like to them, and
have surprised what they had. The salvages also intended
the like, but wisely they slew the salvage [18] Captaines ;
and revenged those injuries upon the fugitive English, that
would have done the like to them.
CHAPTER VIII.
Extremity next despaire, Gods great mercy, their
estate ; they make good salt, an unknowne
rich myne.
1623. ]K$5^Ji»T New-Plimoth, having planted the[i]re Fields
and Gardens, such an extraordinary drought
insued, all things withered, that they expected
no harvest ; and having long expected a supply,
they heard no newes, but [of] a wracke split upon their
Coast, they supposed their Ship : thus in the very labyrinth
of despaire, they solemnly assembled themselves together
nine houres in prayer. At their departure, the parching
faire skies [were] all overcast with blacke clouds ; and the
next morning, such a pleasant moderate raine continued
fourteene daies, that it was hard to say, whether their
withered fruits or drooping affections were most revived.
Not long after came two Ships to supply [reinforce] them,
with all their Passengers well, except one, and he pre-
sently recovered : for themselves, for all their wants, there
JctSin63o.] or the Path- way to erect a Plantation. 943
was not one sicke person amongst them. The greater [1623-4]
Ship they returned fraught with commodities.
This yeare went from England, onely to fish, five and ******
forty saile, and have all made a better voyage than euer. /Sjl£lit
In this Plantation there is about an hundred and foure- 1624.
score persons, some Cattell, but many Swine and Poultry:
their Towne containes two and thirty houses, whereof [/• 78a-]
seven were burnt, with the value of five or six hundred
pounds [=£2,000 or £2,400 now] in other goods ; impailed
about halfe a mile, within which within a high Mount, a
Fort, with a Watch-tower, well built of stone, lo[a]me,
and wood, their Ordnance well mounted : and so healthfull,
that of the first Planters not one hath died this three yeares
[1621-1624] : yet at the first landing at Cape Cod, being an
hundred passengers, besides twenty they had left behind
at Plimoth, for want of good take heed, thinking to finde all
things better than I advised them, spent six or seven weekes (^.960,941.1
in [19] wandring up and downe in frost and snow, wind
and raine, among the woods, cricks [creeks] and swamps,
forty of them died; and threescore were left in most
miserable estate at New-Plimoth where their Ship left them,
and but nine leagues by Sea from where they landed: whose
misery and variable opinions for want of experience, oc-
casioned much faction, till necessity agreed them.
These disasters, losses, and uncertain ties, made such
disagreement among the Adventurers in England, who
beganne to repent, and [would] rather lose all than longer
continue the charge, being out of purse six or seven ^ 891,910,
thousand pounds ; accounting my bookes and their rela- 941]
tions as old Almanacks.
But the Planters, rather than leave the Country, con-
cluded absolutely to supply themselves, and to all their
adventurers [to] pay them for nine years two hundred
pounds yearely without any other account : where more
than six hundred Adventurers for Virginia, for more than
two hundred thousand pounds, had not six pence.
Since they have made a salt worke, wherewith they ?*%%?*'
preserve all the fish they take ; and have fraughted this good**.
yeare a ship of an hundred and foure score tun : living so
944
Advertisements for the vnexperienced,
[Jet5™1
1630,
[1614-30] well they desire nothing but more company ; and what
ever they take, [they] returne commodities to the value.
Thus you may plainly see, although many envying [that]
I should bring so much from thence, where many others
had beene; and some, the sameyeare, returned withnothing,
reported the Fish and Bevers I brought home, I had
taken from the French men of Canada, to discourage any
from beleeving me, and excuse their owne misprisions :
some onely to have concealed this good Country (as is
said) to their private use ; others taxed me as much of
indiscretion, to make my discoveries and designes so publike
for nothing, which might have beene so well managed by
some concealers, to have beene all rich ere any had knowne
of it.
Those, and many such like wise rewards, have beene my
recompences : for which I am contented, so the Country
prosper, and Gods Name bee there praised by my Country-
men, I have my desire : and the benefit of this salt and
fish, for breeding Mariners and building [20] ships, will
make so many fit men to raise a Common-wealth, if but
managed, as my general history will shew you, it might
well by this have beene as profitable as the best Mine
the King of Spaine hath in his West Indies.
An
incrediblt
rich mint.
CHAPTER IX.
Notes worth observation : miser ableness no good
husbandry.
Ow if you but truly consider how many strange
accidents have befallen those plantations and
my selfe; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes
neere despaire, and ere long flourishing ; how
many scandals and Spanolized English have sought to
disgrace them, bring them to mine, or at least hinder
them all they could ; how many have shaven and couzened
both them and me, and their most honourable supporters
and well-willers : [you] cannot but conceive Gods infinite
mercy both to them and me.
Jcts?63^."] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 945
Having beene a slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst [1593-
the most barbarous Salvages, after my deliverance com- 1630]
monly discovering and ranging those large rivers and
unknowne Nations with such a handful! of ignorant
companions that the wiser sort often gave mee [up] for
lost, alwayes in mutinies [i.e., of others] wants and miseries,
blowne up with gunpowder; A long time [a] prisoner
among the French Pyrats, from whom escaping in a little
boat by my selfe, and adrift all such a stormy winter night,
when their ships were split, more than a hundred thousand
pound [= £400,000 now] lost [which] they had taken at
sea, and most of them drowned upon the He of Ree, not
farre from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat
&c. And many a score of the worst of winter moneths
[have] lived in the fields: yet to have lived neere 37.
yeares [1593-1630] in the midst of wars, pestilence and
famine, by which many an hundred thousand have died
about mee, and scarce five living of them [that] went first
with me to Virginia : and [yet to] see the fruits of my
labours thus well begin to prosper: though I have but
my labour for my paines, have I not much reason both
privately and publikely to acknowledge it and give God
thankes, whose omnipotent power onely delivered me, [21]
to doe the utmost of my best to make his name knowne in \,
those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to lr
such a miserable sinner.
Had my designes beene to have perswaded men to a Goods m-
mine of gold, as I know many have done that knew no §ij£*
such matter ; though few doe conceive either the charge
or paines in refining it, nor the power nor care to defend \tp. 893-4]
it : or some new invention to passe to the South sea : or
some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery ; or
some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Charaques
[carracks] : or letters of mart [marque] to rob some poore
Merchant or honest fisher men : what multitudes of both
people and money would contend to be first imployed.
But in those noble indevours now, how few, unlesse it bee
to begge them as Monopolies, and those seldome seeke
the common good, but the commons goods, as the 217.
the 218. and the 219. pages in the generall history [see
[pp. 722-728] will shew. But only those noble Gentlemen
60
946 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [J^T^
[1620-8] and their associates, for whose better incouragements I have
recollected those [? these] experienced memorandums, as an
Apologie against all calumniating detracters, as well for
my selfe as them.
nJi'^'od ^0W s*nce tnem called Brownists went (some few
husbandry, before them also having my bookes and maps, presumed they
r/A 343.367, knew as much as they desired) ; many other directers they
94XI943.I10' nad. as wise as themselves, but that was best, that liked
their owne conceits : for indeed they would not be knowne
to have any knowledge of any but themselves, pretending
onely Religion their governour, and frugality their coun-
sell, when indeed it was onely their pride, and singularity,
and contempt of authority; because they could not be
equals, they would have no superiors. In this fooles
Paradise, they so long used that good husbandry, they
have payed soundly in trying their owne follies: who
undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations,
and to bee severall Lords and Kings of themselves, most
vanished to nothing ; to the great disparagement of the
generall businesse, therefore let them take heed that doe
follow their example. [22]
CHAPTER X.
The mistaking of Patents, strange effects,
incouragements for servants.
1825. |M|KHo would not thinke that all those certainties
Jf ?2* *iaW\V$ snou^ n°t have made both me and this Countrey
t|\/v&2 have prospered well by this ? but it fell out
C*$i?2^) otherwayes. For by the instigation of some,
whose policy had long watched their opportunity by the
assurance of those profitable returnes, procured new
Letters Patents from King lames ; drawing in many Noble-
men and others to the number of twenty, for Patentees ;
dividing my map and that tract of land from the North
1627.
1628
<£??6*f) or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 947
Sea to the South Sea, East and West, which is supposed [1628-30]
by most Cosmographers [to be] at least more than two J^gJ
thousand miles; and from 41. degrees to 48. of Northerly great
latitude about 560 miles.; the bounds Virginia to the PattnU
South, and South Sea [Pacific Ocean] to the West, Canada
to the North, and the maine Ocean to the East ; all this
they divided into twenty parts, for which they cast lots :
but no lot for me but Smiths lies, which are a many of
barren rocks, the most overgrowne with such shrubs and
sharpe whins you can hardly passe them ; without either
grasse or wood but three or foure short shrubby old Cedars.
Those Patentees procured a Proclamation, that no ship ^£1":
should goe thither to fish but pay them for the publike, n™"" or
as it was pretended, five pound upon every thirty tuns of En^land-
shipping ; neither trade with the natives, cut downe wood,
throw their balast over boord, nor plant without commission,
leave and content to the Lord of that division or Manor ;
some of which for some of them I beleeve will be tenant-
lesse this thousand yeare. Thus whereas this Country, as
the contrivers of those projects, should have planted it
selfe of it selfe ; especially all the chiefe parts along the
coast the first year, as they have oft told me : and chiefly
by the fishing ships and some small helpe of their owne,
thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted
under their protections : but it proved so contrary, none
would [23] goe at all. So, for feare to make a contempt
against the Proclamation, it hath ever since beene little
frequented to any purpose : nor would they doe anything,
but left it to it selfe.
Thus it lay againe in a manner vast [waste], till those fj£f™?
noble Gentlemen [J. Winthrop, &c] thus voluntarily under- Masters.
tooke it, whom I intreat to take this as a memorandum of
my love, to make your plantations so neere and great as you
can ; for many hands make light worke, whereas yet your
small parties can doe nothing availeable; nor stand too
much upon the letting, setting, or selling those wild
Countries, nor impose too much upon the commonalty
either by your maggazines [victualling ships or stores, see
pp. 665, 676-7] which commonly eat out all poore mens
labours; nor any other too hard imposition for present
gaine ; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him,
1
948 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JctS^
[1629-30] plant freely without limitation so much as hee can, bee it
by the halfes or otherwayes. And at the end of five or
six yeares, or when you make a division, for every acre he
hath planted, let him have twenty, thirty, forty, or an
hundred ; or as you finde hee hath extraordinarily deserved,
by it selfe to him and his heires for ever ; all his charges
being defrayed to his lord or master, and publike good.
intourag* In so doing, a servant that will labour, within foure or
££w*r five yeares may live as well there as his master did here :
for where there is so much land lie waste, it were a
madnesse in a man at the first to buy, or hire, or pay
any thing more than an acknowledgement to whom it
\shall be due; and hee is double mad that will leave his
(friends, meanes, and freedome in England, to be worse
ithere than here.
Therefore let all men have as much freedome in reason
as may be, and true dealing ; for it is the greatest comfort
you can give them, where the very name of servitude will
breed much ill bloud, and become odious to God and
man : but mildly temper correction with mercy, for I
know well you will have occasion enough to use both;
and in thus doing, doubtlesse God will blesse you, and
quickly triple and multiply your numbers ; the which to
my utmost I will doe my best indevour. [24]
CHAPTER XI.
The planting [of] Bastable or Salem and Charlton,
a description of the Massachusets.
N all those plantations, yea, of those that have
done least, yet the most will say, we were the
first ; and so every next supply, still the next
beginner : But seeing history is the memory
of time, the life of the dead, and the happinesse of the
living ; because I have more plainly discovered, and
described, and discoursed of those Countries than any as
yet I know, I am the bolder to continue the story, and
Jet8™'*:] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 949
doe all men right so neere as I can in those new beginnings, [1629]
which hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a
forest of nine dayes pamphlets.
In the yeare 1629. about March, six good ships are gone Their
with 350. men, women, and children ; people professing /£*S!.
themselves of good ranke, zeale, meanes and quality : also
150. head of cattell, as horse, mares, and neat beasts;
41. goats, some conies, with all provision for houshold
and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort,
with Muskets, Pikes, Corslets, Drums and Colours, with
all provisions necessary for the good of man.
They are seated about 42. degrees and 38. minutes, at a
place called by the natives Naemkecke, by our Royall King
Charles, Bastable ; but now by the planters, Salem : where
they arrived for most part exceeding well, their cattell
and all things else prospering exceedingly, farre beyond
their expectation.
At this place they found some reasonable good pro- The
vision and houses built by some few of Dorchester, with ^SSmind
whom they are joyned in society with two hundred men. Chariton.
An hundred and fifty more they have sent to the Massa-
chusets, which they call Charlton, or Charles Towne.
I tooke the fairest reach in this Bay for a river, whereupon A d«cri£
I called it Charles river, after the name of our Royall King $*"«£.' '
Charles ; but they find that faire Channell to divide it selfe eg£*
into so many faire branches as make forty or fifty pleasant
Hands within that excellent Bay, [25] where the land is of
divers and sundry sorts, in some places very blacke and
fat, in others good clay, sand and gravell, the superficies
neither too flat in plaines, nor too high in hils. In the
lies you may keepe your hogs, horse, cattell, conies or
poultry, and secure for little or nothing, and to command
when you list ; onely having a care of provision for some
extraordinary cold winter. In those lies, as in the maine,
you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where you
put no cattell ; in the maine [Mainland} you may shape
your Orchards, Vineyards, Pastures, Gardens, Walkes,
Parkes, and Corne fields out of the whole peece as you please
into such plots, one adjoining to another, leaving every of
95° Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JctS^.
[1629 -30j them invironed with two, three, foure, or six, or so many
rowes of well growne trees as you will, ready growne to
your hands, to defend them from ill weather, which in a
champion you could not in many ages ; and this at first
you may doe with as much facility, as carelesly or igno-
rantly cut downe all before you, and then after better con-
sideration make ditches, pales, plant young trees with an
excessive charge and labour, seeing you may have so many
great and small growing trees for your maineposts, to fix
hedges, palisados, houses, rales, or what you will. Which
order in Virginia hath not beene so well observed as it
might : where all the woods for many an hundred mile for
the most part grow sleight, like unto the high grove or
tuft of trees upon the high hill by the house of that worthy
Knight Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex in
the Parish of Danbery, where I writ this discourse, but
much taller and greater; neither grow they so thicke
together by the halfe, and much good ground betweene
them without shrubs, and the best is ever knowne by the
greatnesse of the trees and the vesture it beareth.
Now in New-England the trees are commonly lower, but
much thicker and firmer wood, and more proper for shipping,
of which I will speake a little, [it] being the chiefe engine wee
are to use in this worke ; and the rather for that within a
i PP> 193.708.] square of twenty leagues, you may have all, or most of the
chiefe materials belonging to them, were they wrought to
their perfection as in other places. [26]
Thi master. Of all fabricks a ship is the most excellent, requiring
tZZkLn. more art in building, rigging, sayling, trimming, defending,
«**>• and moaring, with such a number of severall termes and
names in continuall motion, not understood of any land-
man's none would thinke of, but some few that know them;
for whose better instruction I writ my Sea-Grammar [pp.
785-804] : a booke most necessary for those plantations,
because there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship, but
the Sea-termes, charge and duty of every officer is plainly
expressed, and also any indifferent capacity may conceive
how to direct an unskilfull Carpenter, or Sailer to build
Boats and Barkes sufficient to saile those coasts and
rivers, and put a good workman in minde of many things
in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget.
JctfS!*;] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation.
95
But to be excellent in this faculty is the master-peece of
all most necessary workmen in the world. The first rule or
modell thereof being directed by God himselfe to Noah for
his Arke ; which he never did to any other building but
his Temple : which is tossed and turned up and downe the
world with the like dangers, miseries, and extremities as
a ship, sometimes tasting the fury of the foure Elements,
as well as shee, by unlimited tyrants in their cruelty for
tortures, that it is hard to conceive whether those in.
humanes exceed the beasts of the Forrest, the birds of the
Aire, the fishes of the Sea, either in numbers, greatnesse,
swiftnesse, fiercenesse, or cruelty : whose actions and
varieties, with such memorable observations as I have
collected, you shall finde with admiration in my history
of the Sea, if God be pleased I live to finish it.
[1629]
CHAPTER XII.
"Extraordinary meanes for building, many caveats,
increase of come, how to spoyle the woods for
any thing, their healths.
Or the building [of] houses, townes, and fortresses, %?Jra**m
where shall a man finde the like conveniency, mtanetfor
as stones of most sorts, as well lime stone, 6utldtu£t'
if I be not much deceived, as Iron stone,
smooth stone, blew slate for covering houses, and great w«ys»
rockes we supposed Marble, so that one place is called 7<>7*
[27] the marble harbour.
There is grasse plenty, though very long and thicke
stalked, which being neither mowne nor eaten, is very
ranke; yet all their cattell like and prosper well there-
with : but indeed it is weeds, herbs, and grasse growing
together, which although they be good and sweet in the
Summer, they will deceive your cattell in winter. There-
fore be carefull in the Spring to mow the swamps, and Cawau/ot
the low Hands of Auguan, where you may have harsh catuu'
952 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [Jk8?^
[1629] sheare-grasse enough to make hay of, till you can cleare
ground to make pasture ; which will beare as good grasse
as can grow any where, as now it doth in Virginia : and
unlesse you make this provision, if there come an extra-
ordinary winter, you will lose many of them and hazard
the rest ; especially if you bring them in the latter end of
Summer, or before the grasse bee growne in the Spring,
comming weake from Sea.
All things they plant prosper exceedingly : but one man
of 13. gallons of Indian corne, reaped that yeare 364.
bushels London measure, as they confidently report, at
which I much wonder, having planted many bushels, but
no such increase.
f^'V The best way wee found in Virginia to spoile the
'JZJs/cr woods, was first to cut a notch in the barke a hand broad
fiuturtatui roun(j about the tree, which pill off and the tree will
sprout no more, and all the small boughs in a yeare or
two will decay : the greatest branches in the root they
spoyle with fire, but you with more ease may cut them
from the body and they will quickly rot.
Betwixt those trees they plant their corne, whose great
bodies doe much defend it from extreme gusts, and heat
of the Sunne ; where that in the plaines, where the trees
by time they have consumed, is subject to both : and this
is the most easie way to have pasture and corne fields,
which is much more fertile than the other.
In Virginia they never manure their overworne fields,
which is very few, the ground for most part is so fertile :
but in New-England they doe, sticking at every plant of
corne, a herring or two ; which commeth in that season
in such abundance, they may take more than they know
what to doe with.
*om$aint Some infirmed bodies, or tender educats, complaine of
%Z1£1Za ^e piercmg c°ld, especially in January and February;
ZZIIdy. yet the [28] French in Canada, the Russians, Swethlanders,
Polanders, Germans, and our neighbour Hollanders, are much
colder and farre more Northward ; [and] for all that, rich
Countreyes and live well. Now they have wood enough
if they will but cut it, at their doores to make fires ; and
traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of firre trees for
candles : where [as] in Holland they have little or none to
JctfTeS] or ine Path-way to erect a Plantation. 953
build ships, houses, or anything but what they fetch from [1629-30]
forren Countries, yet they dwell but in the latitude of
Yorkshire ; and New-England is in the heighth of the
North cape of Spaine, which is 10. degrees, 200. leagues,
or 600. miles nearer the Sunne than wee, where upon the
mountaines of Bisky I have felt [in 1604, p. 869] as much
cold, frost, and snow as in England. And of this I am sure,
a good part of the best Countries and kingdomes of the world,
both Northward and Southward of the line, lie in the same
paralels of Virginia and New-England, as at large you
may finde in the 210. page of the generall history [p. 710]. [/.196.]
Thus you may see how prosperously thus farre they Proviso*
have proceeded, in which course by Gods grace they may fge/s™Zr
continue; but great care would be had they pester not *?ey£rsai
their ships too much with cattell nor passengers, and to
make good conditions for your peoples diet, for therein is
used much legerdemaine : therefore in that you cannot
be too carefull to keepe your men well, and in health at
Sea. In this case some masters are very provident, but
the most part so they can get fraught enough, care not
much whether the passengers live or die ; for a common
sailer regards not a landman, especially a poore passenger ;
as I have seene too oft approved by lamentable ex-
perience, although we have victualled them all at our
owne charges.
CHAPTER XIII.
Their great supplies, present estate and accidents >
advantage.
Ho would not thinke but that all those trials 1630.
had beene sufficient to lay a foundation for a J^nt
plantation ; but we see many men many mindes, ^tate.
, and still new Lords, new lawes : for those 350
men with all their cattell [29] that so well arived and
promised so much, not being of one body, but severall
mens servants, few could command and fewer obey, lived
954 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [Jct5^!
[1630] merrily of that they had, neither planting or building any
thing to any purpose, but one faire house for the
Governour, till all was spent and the winter approached ;
then they grew into many diseases, and as many incon-
veniences, depending only of a supply from England,
which expected Houses, Gardens, and Corne fields ready
planted by them for their entertainment.
It is true, that Master Iohn Wynthrop, their now
Governour, a worthy Gentleman both in estate and
esteeme, went so well provided (for six or seven hundred
people went with him) as could be devised ; but at Sea,
such an extraordinarie storme encountred his Fleet, con-
tinuing ten daies, that of two hundred Cattell which
were so tossed and bru[i]sed, threescore and ten died,
many of their people fell sicke, and in this perplexed estate,
after ten weekes, they arrived [in June-July 1630] in New-
England at severall times : where they found threescore of
their people dead, the rest sicke, nothing done ; but all
complaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation,
that now every monstrous humor began to shew it selfe.
And to second this, neare as many more came after
them, but so ill provided, with such multitudes of women
and children, as redoubled their necessities.
Tfu/ruitso/ This small triall of their patience caused among them
coMHterftit*. nQ smau confusion, and put the Governour and his
Councell to their utmost wits. Some could not endure
the name of a Bishop, others not the sight of a Crosse
nor Surplesse, others by no meanes the booke of common
Prayer. This absolute crue, only of the Elect, holding
all (but such as themselves) reprobates and cast-awaies,
now make more haste to returne to Babel as they
tearmed England, than stay to enjoy the land they called
Canaan : somewhat they must say to excuse themselves.
Those he found Brownists, hee let goe for New-Plimoth ;
who are now betwixt foure or five hundred, and live well
without want.
Some two hundred of the rest he was content to
returne for England, whose clamors are as variable as
their [30] humours and Auditors. Some say they could
see no timber of two feet diameter, some the Country
is all Woods ; others they drunke all the Springs and
oTctS?63of] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 955
Ponds dry, yet like to famish for want of fresh water ; [1630]
some of the danger of the rattell Snake ; and that others
sold their provisions at what rates they pleased to them
that wanted, and so returned to England great gainers
out of others miseries : yet all that returned are not of
those humors.
Notwithstanding all this, the noble Governour was no
way disanimated, neither repents him of his enterprise for
all those mistakes : but did order all things with that tem-
perance and discretion, and so releeved those that wanted
with his owne provision, that there is six or seven hundred
remained with him ; and more than 1600. English in all the
Country, with three or foure hundred head of Cattell.
As for Corne they are very ignorant, if upon the coast
of America, they doe not before the end of this October
[1630. This fixes the date of the writing of these Advertise-
ments] (for toies) furnish themselves with two or three
thousand bushels of Indian Corne, which is better than
ours ; and in a short time cause the Salvages to doe them
as good service as their owne men, as I did in Virginia ;
and yet neither use cruelty nor tyranny amongst them : a
consequence well worth putting in practice ; and till it
be effected, they will hardly doe well.
I know ignorance will say it is impossible, but this
impossible taske, ever since the massacre in Virginia [22
Mar. 1622], I have been a su[i]ter to have undertaken but
with 150. men, to have got Corne, fortified the Country, and
discovered them more land than they all yet know or have
demonstrated [p. 588] : but the Merchants common answer
was, necessity in time would force the Planters [to] doe it y. 590.1
themselves ; and rather thus husbandly to lose ten sheepe,
than be at the charge of a halfe penny worth of Tarre.
Who is it that knowes not what a small handfull of Nouwii.
Spaniards in the West Indies, subdued millions of the
inhabitants, so depopulating those Countries they con-
quered, that they are glad to buy Negroes in Affrica at a
great rate, in Countries farre remote from them; which
although they bee as idle and as devilish people as any in
the world, yet they cause them quickly to bee their best
servants. Notwithstanding, [31] there is for every foure or
five naturall Spaniards, two or three hundred Indians and
956 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [JctST<5^!
[1630] Negros ; and in Virginia and New-England more English
than Salvages that can assemble themselves to assault or
hurt them, and it is much better to helpe to plant a
country than unplant it and then replant it : but there
Indians were in such multitudes, the Spaniards had no
other remedy; and ours such a few, and so dispersed, it
were nothing in a short time to bring them to labour and
obedience.
It is strange to me, that English men should not doe as
much as any ; but upon every sleight affront, in stead to
amend it, we make it worse. Notwithstanding the worst
of all those rumours, the better sort there are constant in
their resolutions, and so are the most of their best friends
here ; and making provision to supply them, many conceit
they make a dearth here, which is nothing so ; for they
would spend more here than they transport thither.
One Ship this Summer [1630] with twenty cattell, and
forty or fifty passengers, arived all well ; and the Ship at
home againe in nine weekes : another for all this exclama-
tion of want, is returned with 10000. Corfish,and fourescore
Kegs of Sturgion ; which they did take and save when the
season was neare past, and in the very heat of Summer ;
yet as good as can be.
Since another ship is gone from Bristow, and many more
a providing to follow them with all speed.
Thus you may plainly see for all these rumours, they
are in no such distresse as is supposed : as for their mis-
chances, misprisions, or what accidents may befall them,
I hope none is so malicious, as attribute the fault to the
Country nor mee : yet if some blame us not both, it were
more than a wonder. For I am not ignorant that ignorance
and too curious spectators, make it a great part of their
profession to censure (however) any mans actions, who
having lost the path to vertue, will make most excellent
shifts to mount up any way; such incomparable connivency
is in the Devils most punctuall cheaters, they will hazard
a joint, but where God hath his Church they wil have a
Chapel ; a mischiefe so hard to be prevented, that I have
thus plainly adventured to shew my affection, [32] through
the weaknesse of my abilitie. You may easily know them
by their absolutenesse in opinions, holding experience but
J. Smith.1
Oct. 1630.J
or the Path-way to erect a Plantation.
957
the mother of fooles, which indeed is the very ground of
reason ; and he that contemnes her in those actions, may
finde occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdome hee
hath to correct his owne folly, that thinkes to finde amongst
those salvages such Churches, Palaces, Monuments, and
Buildings as are in England.
[1630]
CHAPTER XIV.
Ecclesiastical! government in Virginia, authority
from the Arch Bishop, their beginning
at Bastable now called Salem.
Ow because I have spoke so much for the body,
give me leave to say somewhat of the soule ;
and the rather t :cause I have beene demanded
by so many, how we beganne to preach the
Ecclesiasti-
callgovem-
ment in
Virginia.
Gospell in Virginia, and by what authority; what Churches
we had, our order of service, and maintenance for our
Ministers ; therefore I thinke it not amisse to satisfie their
demands, it being the mother of all our Plantations, intreat-
ing pride to spare laughter, to understand her simple
beginning and proceedings.
When I went first to Virginia, I well remember wee
did hang an awning (which is an old saile) to three or foure
trees to shadow us from the Sunne, our walles were rales
of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we cut plankes, our
Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees. In
foule weather we shifted into an old rotten tent ; for we had
few better, and this came by the way of adventure for new.
This was our Church, till wee built a homely thing like a
barne, set upon Cratchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and
earth; so was also the walls: the best of our houses [were]
of the like curiosity ; but the most part farre much worse
workmanship, that could neither well defend [from] wind
nor raine.
Yet wee had daily Common Prayer morning and evening, r/. $ 1.]
every Sunday two Sermons, and every three moneths the
958 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [J-
Smith*
ct.r<*>.
[1630] holy Communion, till our Minister died : but our Prayers
daily, with an Homily on Sundaies, we continued two or
three yeares after, till more Preachers [33] came : and
surely God did most mercifully heare us, till the continuall
inundations of mistaking directions, factions, and numbers
^s-6?"]69, °^ unProvided Libertines neere consumed us all, as the
Israelites in the wildernesse.
ntZusat Notwithstanding, out of the relicks of our miseries, time
this day. and experience had brought that Country to a great happi-
nesse ; had they not so much doated on their Tabacco, on
whose furnish foundation there is small stability : there
being so many good commodities besides. Yet by it they
have builded many pretty Villages, faire houses, and
Chapels, which are growne good Benefices of 120. pounds
a yeare, besides their owne mundall industry. But lames
towne was 500. pounds a yeare, as they say, appointed by
the Councell here, allowed by the Councell there, and
confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace,
Primate and Metrapolitan of all England, An. 1605. to
master Richard Hacluit Prebend of Westminster : who by
his authority sent master Robert Hunt, an honest, religious,
and couragious Divine; during whose life our factions
were oft qualified, our wants and greatest extremities so
comforted, that they seemed easie in comparison of what
we endured after his memorable death.
1/UttZi'/ Now in New-England they have all our examples to teach
inSaitm. them how to beware, and choice [choose] men, wee [being]
most ignorant in all things, or little better; therfore presage
not the event of all such actions by our defailments : For
they write, they doubt not ere long to be able to defend
themselves against any indifferent enemy ; in the interim,
they have Preachers erected among themselves, and Gods
true Religion (they say) taught amongst them, the Sabbath
day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and
Sermons performed, and diligent catechizing, with strict
and carefull exercise, and commendable good orders to
bring those people with whom they have to deale withall
into a Christian conversation, to live well, to feare God,
serve the King, and love the Country ; which done, in time
from both those Plantations may grow a good addition to
the Church of England : but Rome was not built in one
octST63o.] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation, 959
day, whose beginnings was once as unhopefull as theirs ; [1630]
and to make them as eminent shall be my humble and
hearty prayers. [34]
But as yet it is not well understood of any authority Tie
they have sought for the government and tranquillity of j^/ST*/
the Church, which doth cause those suspicions of factions fR$lgj£
in Religion ; wherein although I be no Divine, yet I hope
without offence I may speake my opinion as well in this,
as I have done in the rest.
He that will but truly consider the greatnesse of the
Turks Empire and power here in Christendome, shall
finde the naturall Turkes are generally of one religion,
and the Christians in so many divisions and opinions,
that they are among themselves worse enemies than
the Turkes : whose disjoyntednesse hath given him that
opportunity to command so many hundred thousand of
Christians as he doth ; where had they beene constant
to one God, one Christ, and one Church, Christians
might have beene more able to have commanded as
many Turkes, as now the Turkes doe poore miserable
Christians. Let this example remember you to beware of
faction in that nature : for my owne part, I have seene
many of you here in London goe to Church as orderly
as any.
Therefore I doubt not but you will seeke to the prime ™eessttyo,
authority of the Church of England^ for such an orderly order and
authority as in most mens opinions is fit for you both to authortty'
intreat for and to have, which I thinke will not be denied ;
and you have good reason, seeing you have such liberty
to transport so many of his Majesties subjects, with all
sorts of cattell, armes, and provision as you please, and
can provide means to accomplish : nor can you have any
certaine releefe, nor long subsist, without more supplies
from England. Besides, this might prevent many incon-
veniences may insue, and would clearely take away all
those idle and malicious rumours, and occasion you many
good and great friends and assistance you yet dreame not
of ; for you know better than I can tell, that the maintainers
of good Orders and Lawes is the best preservation next
God of a Kingdome: but when they are stuffed with
hypocrisie and corruption, that state is not doubtfull but
900 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [J^ .
[1630] lamentable in a well setled Common-wealth, much more
in such as yours, which is but a beginning, for as the
Lawes corrupt, the state consumes, [35]
CHAPTER XV.
The true model! of a plantation, tenure, increase of
trade, true examples, necessity of expert Souldiers,
the names of all the first discoverers for plan-
tations, and their actions, what is requisite
to be in the Governour of a plantation,
the expedition of Queene Elizabeths
Sea Captaines.
N regard of all that is past, it is better of those
slow proceedings than lose all, and better to
amend late than never. I know how hatefull it
is to envy, pride, flattery, and greatnesse to be
advised, but I hope my true meaning wise men will excuse,
for making my opinion plaine : I have beene so often and
by so many honest men intreated for the rest, the more
they mislike it, the better I like it my selfe.
Concerning this point of a Cittadell, it is not the least,
though the last remembred : therefore seeing you have
such good meanes and power of your owne I never had,
with the best convenient speed may be erect a Fort, a
Castle or Cittadell, which in a manner is all one. Towards
the building, provision, and maintenance thereof, every
man for every acre he doth culturate to pay foure pence
yearely, and some small matter out of every hundred of
JctS?63of| or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 961
fish taken or used within five or ten miles, or as you please [1630]
about it; it being the Center as a Fortresse for ever
belonging to the State, and when the charge shall be
defrayed to the chiefe undertaker (in reason) let him be
Governour for his life : the overplus to goe forward to the
erecting another in like manner in a most convenient
place; and so one after another, as your abilities can
accomplish, by benevolences, forfeitures, fines, and imposi-
tions, as reason and the necessitie of the common good
requireth ; all men holding their lands on those manners
as they doe of Churches, Universities, and Hospitals, but
all depending upon one principall, and this would avoid
all faction among the Superiours, extremities from the
comminalty, and none would repine at such payments,
when they shall see it justly imployed for their owne
defence and security. As for corruption in so small a
Government ; you may quickly perceive, and punish it
accordingly. [36]
Now as his Majesty hath made you custome-free for ^dition,
seven yeares, have a care that all your Country men [that] of trade
shall come to trade with you, be not troubled with Pilatage, "^do,™
Boyage. Anc[h]orage, Wharfage, Custom e, or any such tricks
as hath beene lately used in most of new Plantations,
where they would be Kings before their folly ; to the
discouragement of many, and a scorne to them of under-
standing : for Dutch, French, Biskin, or any will as yet
use freely the Coast without controule, and why not
English as well as they.
Therefore use all commers with that respect, courtesie,
and liberty [that] is fitting ; which in a short time will much
increase your trade, and shipping to fetch it from you :
for as yet it were not good to adventure any more abroad
with factors till you bee better provided. Now there is
nothing more inricheth a Common-wealth than much
trade : nor no meanes better to increase than small
custome, as Holland, Genua, Ligorne, and divers other
those places can well tell you ; and doth most beggar
places where they take most custome, as Turkie, the
Archibdagan lies, Cicilia, the Spanish ports, but that their
61
962 Advertisements for the vnexperienced, [itfSJt
[1630] officers will connive to inrich themselves, though undoe
the State.
In this your infancy, imagine you have many eyes
attending your actions, some for one end, and some onely
to finde fault ; neglect therefore no opportunity, to informe
his Majesty truly your [of] orderly proceedings, which if it be
to his liking, and contrary to the common rumour here in
England, doubtlesse his Majesty will continue you custome
free, till you have recovered your selves, and are able to
subsist.
For till such time, to take any custome from a Plantation
is not the way to make them prosper ; nor is it likely those
Patentees shall accomplish any thing, that will neither
maintaine them nor defend them, but with Countenances,
Councells, and advice, which any reasonable man there may
better advise himselfe, than one thousand of them here who
were never there : nor will any man, that hath any wit,
throw himselfe into such a kinde of subjection, especially
at his owne cost and charges ; but it is too oft seene that
sometimes one is enough to deceive one hundred, but two
hundred not sufficient to keepe one from being deceived. [37]
shards I speak not this to discourage any with vaine feares,
ziory. but could wish every English man to carry alwaies this
Motto in his heart ; Why should the brave Spanish
Souldiers brag; The Sunne never sets in the Spanish
dominions, but ever shineth on one part or other we have
conquered for our King : who within these few hundred of
yeares, was one of the least of most of his neighbours ; but
to animate us to doe the like for ours, who is no way his
inferior.
And truly there is no pleasure comparable to [that of]
a generous spirit ; as good imploiment in noble actions,
especially amongst Turks, Heathens, and Infidels ; to see
daily new Countries, people, fashions, governments, strata-
gems ; [to] releeve the oppressed, comfort his friends, passe
miseries, subdue enemies, adventure upon any feazable
danger for God and his Country. It is true, it is a happy
thing to be borne to strength, wealth, and honour; but
that which is got by prowesse and magnanimity is the
JcuS.*] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 963
truest lustre : and those can the best distinguish content, [1630]
that have escaped most honourable dangers ; as if, out of
every extremity, he found himselfe now [? new] borne to a
new life, to learne how to amend and maintaine his age.
Those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered me in Provisoes
those perplexed actions, that if I could not freely expresse ^/JESS**
my selfe to them [who] doth second them, I should thinke
my selfe guilty of a most damnable crime worse than ingra-
titude ; however some over-weining capricious conceits
may attribute it to vaine-glory, ambition, or what other
idle Epithete such pleased to bestow on me. But such
trash I so much scorne, that I presume further to advise
those, lesse advised than my selfe, that as your fish and
trade increaseth, so let your forts and exercise of armes ;
drilling your men at your most convenient times, to ranke,
file, march, skirmish, and retire, in file, manaples, battalia,
or ambuskados, which service there is most proper ; also
how to assault and defend your forts, and be not sparing
of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them
mark-men, especially your Gentlemen, and those you finde
most capable, for shot must be your best weapon : yet all
this will not doe unlesse you have at least 100. or as
many as you can, of expert, blouded, approved good Soul-
diers, who dare boldly lead them ; not to shoot a ducke, a
goose or a dead marke, but at men, from whom you must
expect such as you send.
The want of [38] this, and the presumptuous assurance
of literall Captaines, was the losse of the French and
Spaniards in Florida, each surprising other; and lately
neare the ruine of Mevis, and Saint Christophers in the
Indies [pp. 901, 910]: also the French at Port Riall [p. 517],
and those at Canada, now your next English neighbours :
Lastly, Cape Britton not far from you, called New-Scotland,
Questionlesse there were some good Souldiers among
them, yet somewhat was the cause they were undone by
those that watched the advantage of opportunity : for as
rich preyes make true men theeves; so you must not
expect, if you be once worth taking and unprovided, but
by some to bee attempted in the like manner : to the
964 Advertisements for the vnexpei'ienced, [Jct^
Smith.
1630.
[1630] prevention whereof, I have not beene more willing, at the
request of my friends to print this discourse, than I am
ready to live and dye among you, upon conditions su[i]ting
my calling and profession to make good; and [to make]
Virginia and New-England, my heires, executors, adminis-
trators and assignes.
i0?£reuce Now because I cannot expresse halfe that which is
Vf mow necessary for your full satisfaction and instruction
prime dis- belonging to this businesse in this small pamphlet, I
coverts referre vou to the generall history of Virginia, the Summer
pianttrs. j]eSj an(j ^ Cw -England ; wherein you may plainly see all
the discoveries, plantations, accidents, the misprisions and
causes of defailments of all those noble and worthy Cap-
taines; Captaine Philip Amadas, and Barlow; that most
W- 303-340-1 renowned Knight Sir Richard Greenvile, worthy Sir Ralph
Layne, and learned Master Hariot, Captaine Iohn White,
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine Martin Pring, and
George Waymouth ; with mine owne observations by sea,
rivers and land, and all the governours that yearely suc-
[//. 625-688.] ceeded mee in Virginia. Also those most industrious
Captaines, Sir George Summers, and Sir Thomas Gates ;
with all the governours that succeeded them in the
\tp. 696-7.] Summer lies. Likewise the plantation of Sagadahock)
by those noble Captaines, George Popham, Rawley Gilbert,
Edward Harlow, Robert Davis, lames Davis, Iohn Davis,
and divers others ; with the maps of those Countries.
With it [or rather in The true Travels &c] also you
W- 895-9"-] may finde the plantations of Saint Christophers, Mevis, the
Berbados, and the great river of the Amazons; whose
greatest defects, and the best meanes to amend them are
there yearely recorded, to be warnings and examples to
them that are not too wise to learne to understand. 1.39J
What is
requisite to
This great worke, though small in conceit, is not a
Gmernow wor^e f°T every one to mannage such an affaire, as make a
of a discovery, and plant a Colony, it requires all the best parts
W?w,7o5-] °^ art' judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence,
and industry, to doe but neere well ; some are more proper
for one thing than another, and therein best to be imployed,
JctST63o.] or the Path-way to erect a Plantation. 965
and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and [1630]
misimploying men in their undertakings. Columbus , Curtes,
Pitzara, Zotto, Magellanus, and the rest, served more than
an apprentiship to learne how to begin their most memor-
able attempts in the West Indies, which to the wonder of
all ages, successfully they effected ; when many hundreds
farre above them in the worlds opinion, being instructed
but by relation, scorning to follow their blunt examples,
but in great state, with new inventions, came to shame
and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse
in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous and
couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their
noblenesse, state, nor greatnesse ; but to answer those
questionlesse questions that keepe us from imitating the
others brave spirits, that advanced themselves from poore
Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great
Lords, and their King to be one of the greatest potentates
on earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory,
power, and renowne.
Till his greatnesse and security made his so rich remote f**.m
and dispersed plantations such great booties and honours, eo/qu!lnT
to the incomparable Sir Fr. Drake, the renowned Captain f™beths
Candish, Sir Richard Luson, Sir John Hawkins, Captaine ca/taines.
Carlile, and Sir Martin Furbisher, &c. and the most
memorable and right honourable Earles, Cumberland, Essex,
Southampton, and Nottingham that good L[ord], Admirall;
with many hundreds of brave English Souldiers, Cap-
taines and Gentlemen, that have taught the Hollanders to
doe the like. Those would never stand upon a demurre
who should give the first blow, when they see [saw] peace
was onely but an empty name, and no sure league, but
impuissance to doe hurt ; found it better to buy peace by
warre, than take it up at interest of those [that] could
better guide penknives than use swords. And there is
no misery worse than [to] be conducted by a foole, or
commanded by a coward; for who can indure to be
assaulted by any, see his men and selfe imbrued in their
owne bloud, for feare of a checke, [40] when it is so
contrary to nature and necessity, and yet as obedient to
government and their Soveraigne, as duty required.
966 Advertisements for the vnexperienced. [JcuTili
[1630] Now your best plea is to stand upon your guard, and
provide to defend as they did offend, especially at landing.
If you be forced to retire, you have the advantage five for
one in your retreat, wherein there is more discipline,
than in a brave charge : and though it seeme lesse in
fortune, it is as much in valour to defend as to get ; but
it is more easie to defend than assault, especially in woods
where an enemy is ignorant.
Lastly, remember as faction, pride, and security, pro-
duces nothing but confusion, miserie, and dissolution ; so
the contraries well practised will in short time make
you happy, and the most admired people of
all our plantations for your time
in the world.
lohn Smith writ this with his owne hand.
The last Will^ and Epitaph of
Captain John Smith.
1631.
Last Will, and Epitaph of
Captain John Smith.
E have printed the following from the original Will in the
Will Office of the Prerogative Court at Somerset House,
London. It is numbered St. John 89.
It would seem from the wording of this Will, as if our
Author died in the house of Sir SAMUEL Saltonstall,
in St. Sephulchre's parish.
The Will.
In the name of God Amen. The one and twentieth daie of June
in the seaventh yeare of the reigne of our soveraigne lord
Charles by the grace of God King of England, Scotland France
and Ireland Defendour of the faith &c.
I Captain Iohn Smith of the parish of St. Sepulchers London
Esquiour, being sicke in body, but of perfect mynde and
memory, thankes be given vnto Allmightie God therefore,
Revoking all former wills by me heretofore made, Doe make
and ordeine this my last will and testament in manner fol-
lowing. First I commend my soule into the handes of
Allmightie God my maker hoping through the merites
of Christ Iesus my Redeemer to receave full remission of all
my sinnes, and to inherit a place in the euerlasting kingdome.
My body I committ to the earth from whence it came, to be
interred according to the discrecion of myne Executours here-
under named. And of suche worldly goodes whereof it hath
pleased God in his mercie to make me an vnworthie Re-
ceaver, I giue and bequeath them as hereafter followeth.
970 [Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. aijunei63i.
First I give and bequeath vnto Thomas Packer Esquiour one of
the Clerkes of His Maiesties Privy Seale, and to his heires
for euer, all my houses landes tenementes and hereditamentes
whatsoeuer scituate lyenge and being in the parishes of
Lowthe and greate Carleton [p. xx] in the Countie of Lincolne
together with my Coate of Armes. Item my Will and mean-
inge is, that in consideracion thereof the sayd Thomas Packer
shall disburse and pay all such sommes of money and
legacies as hereafter in this my Will are giuen bequeathed
and reserued not exceeding the somme of fowerscore poundes
of Lawfull mony of England, That is to saie : First I reserue
vnto my self to be disposed as I shall thynke good in my life
tyme, the somme of twentie pounds. Item he shall disburse
about my funerall the somme of twentie poundes. Item I
give and bequeath out of the residue of the fourscore poundes
as followeth, viz1 I give and bequeath unto my much honored
and most worthie friend Sir Samuel Saltonstall Knight the
somme of fyve poundes. Item to Mistris Tredway the somme
of fyve poundes. Item to my sister Smith the Widowe of my
brother the some of tenn poundes. Item to my cousin Steven
Smith and his sister the somme [of] six poundes thirteene
shillinges and fower pence betweene them. Item to the said
Thomas Packer, loan his wife and Eleanour his Daughter the
somme of Tenne poundes among them. Item to Master
Reynoldes the Saymaster [Assay Master] of the Gt>uldsmiths
Hall, the somme of fortie shillinges. All which legacies my
meaning and Will is shall be paid by the said Thomas Packer
his heires executours or administratours within one yeare
after my Decease.
Item, I give vnto Thomas Packer, sonne of the above sayd
Thomas Packer, my trunck standing in my chamber at Sir
Samuell Saltonstalls house in St Sepulchers parish, together
with my best suite of aparrell, of a tawney color, viz1 hose
doublet ierkin and cloake.
Item I give unto him my trunke bound with iron barres standing
in the house of Richard Hinde in Lambeth, togeather with
halfe the bookes therein, to be chosen by the said Thomas
Packer and allowed by myne Executours ; and the other halfe
parte of the bookes I giue unto Master Iohn Tredeskyn [? Tra-
descant] and the said Richard Hynde to be divided betweene
them.
ai June 1631. Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith.] 97 1
Item, I nominate apointe and ordeine my said much honored
friend Sir Samuel Saltonstall and the said Thomas Packer the
elder, ioynt executours of this my last Will and testament.
the marke of the + sayd Iohn Smithe.
Read acknowledged, sealed and deliuered by the said Captain
Iohn Smith to be his last Will and testament in the presence of
us who have subscribed our names
per me Willelmum Keble Senior civitatis London,
William Packer
Elizabeth Sewster
Marmaduke Walker, + his marke.
Wytnes.
Probate issued to Thomas Parker on 1 July, 1631.
The Epitaph,
Two years after our Author's death, appeared MUNDAY and Dyson's enlarged
edition of Stow's Survey of London, 1633 ; in which, at^. 779, will be found the
following Epitaph :
This Table is on the South side
of the Quire in Saint Sepulchers,
with this Inscription.
To the living Memory of his deceased Friend, Captaine
Iohn Smith, who departed this mortall
life on the 21. day of Iune, 1631.
With his Armes, and this Motto,
Accordamus. Vincere est vivere.
Here lies one conquer'd that hath conquer'd Kings,
Subdu'd large Territories, and done things
Which to the World impossible would seeme,
But that the truth is held in more esteeme.
972 {Last Will and Epitaph of Captain John Smith. x63i
Shall I report his former service done
In honour of his God and Christendome:
How that he did divide from Pagans three,
Their Heads and Lives, Types of his Chivalry :
For which great service in that Climate done,
Brave Sigismundus (King of Hungarion)
Did give him as a Coat of Armes to weare,
Those conquer'd heads got by his Sword and Speare?
Or shall I tell of his adventures since,
Done in Virginia, that large Continence :
How that he subdu'd Kings unto his yoke,
And made those Heathen flie, as wind doth smoke ;
And made their Land, being of so large a Station,
A habitation for our Christian Nation :
Where God is glorifi'd, their wants suppli'd,
Which else for necessaries might have di'd ?
But what availes his Conquest, now he lyes
Inter'd in earth, a prey for Wormes and Flies ?
O may his soule in sweet Elizium sleepe,
Vntill the Keeper that all soules doth keepe,
Returne to Iudgement, and that after thence,
With Angels he may have his recompence.
Captaine John Smith, sometime Governour
of Virginia, and Admirall of
New England.
INDEX
All personal Names (except in the Titles and Contents pages, and the
List of Adventurers at pp. 549-560); and also of all names of places in the
New World.
The following abbreviations have been used:— Pres., President; Gov., Governor; Bp., Bishop; Rev..
Reverend; Col., Colonel; Maj., Major; Capt., Captain; Lieut., Lieutenant; Ens., Ensign; Serg,
Sergeant; Corp., Corporal; (?) signifies that the Christian name is not given.
The spelling of the Indian names in the text is often inconsistent, c and k, i and y, u and « frequently
interchanging, and vowels being occasionally dropped out : therefore references have been given to words
that seem to be the same, regardless of variations of spelling.
The same word, as indexed, may therefore signify chief, tribe, wigwam, district, or river. Possibly, also,
two persons of the same name are occasionally indexed as one. Where places are well known, they are
given in the modern spelling.
Most of the Old World names of places in the text, will also be found in the Itineraries at//, xxv-xxviii.
Aa, P. Van der . . . cxxxi-ii
Aaron xci
Abbay, T. . 42, 86, 88, 129, 445
Abbot ; Archbishop of Canter-
bury, George 920
Abbot, F 217, 732
Abbot, J. 108, 131, 159, 384,
,, 4". 448, 46S, 476, 508
Abbot, M 663
Abdy, A 664
Aberdeen in New England,232,7oo
Abraham .... 228, 741, 934
Accomack, cxxxiv, 55, 69, 109,
192, 205, 232, 351, 365, 413,
567, 569. 595. 6991 7°7> 7*9> 884
Accommticus . 192, 204, 206,
232, 699, 706, 718, 720, 938
Acocisco 721
Acohanock 55, 351
Acquintanacksuak . . 53, 349
Acrig, G 132, 448
Acton, (?) 311
Adam, a Dutchman . 139, 456,
477i 487
Adam and Eve . 228, 568, 741, 934
Adams, Capt. (?) xcv
Adams, H. B cxviii
Adling, H 390
Agamatack or Appamatuck . 7
Aggawom . 192, 232, 697,
699, 706, 938
Aywyvfiog 288
Aladin, Pasha 849
Alberton, R 108, 412
Atderton, 1 782
Alderton, Mrs 7?2
Alexander, Sir W. . . cxxxiii
Alexander the Great . 180, 504
Alicock, Ens. J., lxxi, xc, 93, 39°
Allen, (?) 3«
Altom, Capt 767
Amadas, Capt. P. . 280, 283,
305-11, 3*9> 9^5
Amalgro, (?) 580
Amazon river . . 896-8, 939, 964
America, passim.
Ames, J 42
Amocis 38
Amoris, Pasha .... 833, 835
Amoroleck 428-9
Amphion xci
Anchanachuck 19
Ancocisco . . 192, 203, 206,
232, 700, 706, 717, 938
Ancocisco's Mount . . 232, 700
Angoam 204
Anmoughcawgen . 232, 700,
706, 717, 938
Anne, Cape, xxii, cxxxiv, 232,
259, 699, 718, 720, 783, 926
Anne, Queen 530
Anone 20
Antigua 903
Apalatsi xli
Apamatecoh Iv
Apanaock 12
Apelles 921
Ap Hugh, D 129, 445
Aplon, Serg. (?) 900
Apocant ........ 14
Appamatuck . xlix, lv, lxv,
18, 25, 50-2, 79, 130, 346,
347. 348, 375, ,400, 447, 5™, 583
Appamatuck, Chieftainess of,
xlix, lv, 7, 25, 400
Aquascogoc .... 311, 327
Aquohanock 567
Arahatec . xliii-1, Hi, lv, 6, 7, 79
Arahatecoh ...... .xliii
Arahatec's Joy . xliii, xlv, xivii
Arawacos 906
Archer, Capt. G. . xxxii, xl-i,
lxii, lxxiv-v, lxxix, lxxx-i,
lxxxii-iii, lxxxv-vii, xc, xciv-
viii, 5, 10, 22, 23, 93, 97,
105, 161, 164, 166, 389, 394,
408, 444, 479, 482, 484, 500
Archer, H 871-72
Archer's Hope, 8 miles from
James town lxvi
Argal,Capt., afterwards Sir S.,
xcvi, xcviii, ci, civ, cix, cxviii,
cxxix, 159, 166, 171-3, 476,
503,506, 511-2, 515, 517, 521,
527. S29. 535-6. 538-9, 54o,
601, 613
Argent, Dr. (?) 603
Argent, J 603-5
Arrohateck 79, 375
Arrowhatocks .... 51, 347
Arsahattock 508
Arsatecke, Arsetecke, or
Arahatec 6, 7
Arseek 415
Arsek 11 1, 415
Arthor's assigns 664
Arthur 283, 303
Arundell, J 310-n
Arundell ; Thomas, Baron of
Warder 337
Asbie, J lxxi
Ascacap 13
Asher, G. M cxix
Ashley, A 802
Ashton, J. ..... . cxxxii
Aspinet 757
Aspinwall, Col 2
Assacomoco 568
Assan, Pasha 833-4
Atquacke 601
Atquanachukes ... 55, 351
Atquanahucke 119
Atquanchuck . 55, 119, 124,
351, 423, 437
Attamuspmcke . . . . . 13
Attanoughkomouch.the Indian
name for Virginia . . cxxxvi
Attoughcomoco 567
Augawoam 764, 938
Augoam 718
Auguan 951
Aumughcawgen, 192,203,706,
7»7» 938
Ayres, T 663
B
Bacon, Sir F. ; Baron Veru-
lam cxxi
Baggly [? Bagnall\, A. . . 132
Bagnall, Surg. A., 116, 384,
421, 427, 432-3, 449
Bagnell 664
Bahanna 232, 700
Bahoma, Gulf of .... xc*
974 Baker.
Index .
Canterbury.
Baker ; Steward to Captain
Smith, D., 217, 221, 223, 732, 734
Baldivia 197, 711
Baldwine, (?) 575~6
Bale, J 664
Bancroft; Richard .Archbishop
of Canterbury . . . xci, 958
Banke, The . . . 227, 736, 740
Banks, J 664
Barbadoes . . 902,906,910,964
Barber, G 607
Barbotier, De la . . . . 633-4
Bargrave, Rev. T 566
Bargraves, Capt. (?) ... 540
Barker, J 654-5
Barkley's assigns, G. . . 663-4
Barlow, Capt. A. . . . 305-10
Barlow. (?) . . . cxxxv, 2, 964
Barmadas 48, 344
Barnard, J 687
Barnes, J 42
Barnes, R 108, 411
Barnet, W 888
Barra, Capt 224, 736
Barret, (?) 646
Barret, Serg. T 542
Barron, C 664
Barrow (?), a pirate .... 914
Bartlet, (?) 645-6
Barty [i.e., Berth's Isles, see
Lindsey] Isles in New Eng-
land .... 232, 700, 766
Barty, P 822
Barwicke, Capt. (?) . . . . 571
Barwick [i.e., Berwick] in
New England . . . 232, 699
Bashabes of Pennobscot . .
192, 206, 339-40, 706, 720
Baskerfield, (?) 852
Basse [i.e., Bass] in New Eng-
land, The 232, 700
Basse, Lieut. (?) . . . . . 576
Bast able [i.e., Barnstable] in
New England . . 232, 699, 949
Bates, (?) 800
Bavell, (?) 852
Bayley, R 329
Bayley, W 108, 411
Beadle, G. . . 126, 129, 439, 445
Beadle, J 129, 445
Beast, B lxxu, 300
Becam lx
Becklefield . . 841, 847, 849
Beckwith, W. . . . 108, 412
Bedford's Tribe 662
Begolgi 851
Beheathland, R. . . 93, 101,
i3»» 139. I42-3. 300, 404, 448,
456, 458-9
Belfield, R 108, 412
Bell, H 129,446
Bell, P 889
Benifield, (?) 900
Bentley, W. . 108, 121, 158,
4". 448,475
Berkley s plantation, Capt (?) 582
Bermondas 172
Bermondoes . . . . . . 171
Bermuda . xciv, exxii, exxix,
cxxxiii,48, 171, 191, 244, 268,
344. 499i 50i» 503. 5*0. 5I6~7»
613,6x5, 625, 633, 635, 638-9,
645, 681
Bernardo 903
Bernard's assigns, J. . . . 662
Bernard's heirs, J. . . . 663-4
Bertie, afterwards Lord Wil-
loughby d' Eresby, and
created on 26 Nov. 1626
Earl of Lindsey ; the Hon.
Peregrine 822, 827
Best, fa) 663
Best, Capt. E 696
Beverley, R cxxxiii
Bickar's house, W 583
Bicque lx
Bishop (?), a pirate .... 914
Billington, F 753
Bims, R 898, 900
Bishop (?), a pirate .... 914
Bishop, T 852
Blasco 580
Blount, Capt. (?) .... 561
Bockner, T 311
Bogall Pasha 853
Bohemia, Queen of ... . 277
Bohun, Dr 506, 548
Bolus river. . 53,111,116,
, , 349,421,424
Bond, (?) 900
Bond, M 664
Bonit's Plantation, E. . . . 583
Bonniel, J cxxxiii
Boothe, Serg. W. . . . 528-9
Bos«pn in New England . .
exxxiv, 232, 699
Bough (?), a pirate .... 914
Bourchier, Sir H 621
B[o]urne 800
Bourne, J. . . 109, 116, 131, 421
Bourne, J. .... . 108, 413
Bourne, Point 424
Bourne, W 802
Bouth, I xo8, 412
Box, W. 479, 503-4
Boyse s wife 593
Bradford [Second Governor 0/
the Pilgrim Fathers], W.,
xi, exxxii, 750, 762, 782
Bradley, T 129, 445
Bradshaw, H xvii
Braithwait, R 814
Brandon . . . . 283, 303
Branford [i.e., Bradford, IV.] 751
Brazil . . . lviii, 225, 737, 939
Bremige, (?) 310
Breton, Cape .... 634, 963
Brewster, W. [Ruling: Elder
of the Pilgrim Fathers] . . 782
Brickley Hundred . . . 582-83
Brierton, J 335
Brimstead, Capt. (?) ... 873
Brinsley, Rev. J. . . cxxxiii
Brinton, E. . 94, 123, 131,
138-9. 390, 436. 448. 455. 456
Bristow [i.e., Bristol] in New
England 232, 699
Bristow, R 108, 412
Britton, J 664
Brock, R. A. ... xiv, xvii
Brocket, Capt. (!) .... 873
Brookes, E. . . . lx, 94, 390
Brookes, J. . . . xli, 93, 390
Brookes, Sir J 590
Broumfield, A 664
Browewich, J 310
Brown, E 390
Brown, J. C cxxxi, a
Brown, J 448
Browne, (!) 573
Browne, E lxxi
Browne, O xli
Brumfield, A 663-4
Brumfield, J 94, 390
Bruster, Capt (?) 539
Bruster, W., lxxi, xc, 93, 390, 782
Buckingham ; George Villiers,
Duke of exxxvi
Buckler, A. . . . . 123, 436
Budendorfe, Baron . 841, 847-8
Bugola, Z 834
Buley, J 256, 697
Bull, J 87a
gur,gh'N 9?5.
Burk, J cxxxiii
Burke, H. F xxiv
Burket, W. or R . . xo8, 412
Burras [or Burrowes], Anne .
129, 130, 446-7
Burras, J 129, 446
Burre, J 4x2
Burrowes [or Burras] . . . 130
Burton, G. . . 129, 131, 445, 448
Busca, G. 831, 835-6, 840,
845-7. 850, 852
Butler, Capt. N., 603-5, 624,
666,669-87
C
C, 1 819
C, W. cxxxiii
Cabot, J. . . . 280, 283, 304
Cabot, Lewis 304
Cabot, Sautius 304
Cabot, Sebastian .... 304
Cadmus xci
Caesar, J. , 276, 285, 460, 504, 814-6
Cage, A 329
Cage, D. . . 217, 223, 732, 736
Caldicot, C 648-9
California 188, 702
Callamata, The Lady, 276,814, 867
Callicut, W 125, 438
Callis 9x3
Cambia, Lord Pasha of. . . 844
Cambridge in New England,
232, 700
Campbell, C. . . . . cxxxiii
Canaan 954
Canada . exxi, 119, 176, 243,
253. 267, 423, 772, 891, 934,
„ . , „ 937. 944. 947. 952
Candish, Capt 965
Cannada . 237, 243, 253, 267,
367, 696, 963
Canning, W 662-3
Canterbury ; George Abbot,
Archbishop of 920
Canterbury ; Richard Ban-
croft, Archbishop of . xci, 958
Cantrell.
Index
Crofts. 975
Cantrell, Point 424
Cantrill, W., 107, 109, 41I1 413, 529
Capahowosick ... 20, 401
Capawack 205, 764
Capawe 697
Capawucke, cxxiii, 205, 264,
697, 7°ii 7ao, 764. 938
Cape Anne, xxii, 232, 259, 699,
718, 720, 783, 926
Cape Charles in Virginia . 48,
109, 177. 344. 413
Cape Cod . cxx, 192-3, 205-6,
699, 228, 232, 696, 699, 706 -7,
719-20, 732, 747, 752, 762, 938, 942
Cape Comfort, see Comfort
Point lxiii
Cape de Salinos 906
Cape de tres Puntas . . 903
Cape Fear 310, 326
Cape Henrick, see Cape Henry.
Cape Henry in Virginia, lxiii,
ci, cii, 5, 24, 31-2, 48, 91,
100, 109, 177, 344. 387. 403. 413
Cape James . 232, 260, 699,
701, 707, 7»o, 741, 749
Cape Tragbizanda . 206, 232, 699
Capper, J. ... lxxxiv, 94
Careless Point, on the James
river li
Carew, G. 696
Caribes 906
Caribes lies .... 901, 903
Carleton, D. . . lvi, xcii, xciii
Carli(s]le ; James Hay, Earl
of .... 901,903,910,965
Carlton, Ens. T. . . xxin,
cxxviii, 230-1, 692, 852
Carter, C . 638, 640-2, 648, 650
Carthagena .... 679, 681
Cartner, M 818
Carver, W. {First Governor
of the Pilgrim Fathers) . . 751
Cassatowap 568
Cassen, G. . cxv, 82, 94, 98,
_. 377, 390. 395
Cassen, T. .... 94, 390
Cassen, W 94, 390
Castutia lx
Caswell, R. 663
Caswell, W. 663
Catataugh, brother to Wahun-
sonacock or Powhatan . 17,
30, 81, 135. 376
Causey, N., 108, 411, 575, 885, 888
Cavendish, altered (from 1618)
to Devonshire, Tribe . . . 662
Cavendish, Baron . cxx, 663, 685
Cavendish, of Hardwick,
William 852
Ca[ve]ndish, T. {Th* Third
Circumnavigator of the
Globe) 310
Caw-cawwassoughes . .51, 347
Cedar Isle 50, 346
Cekacawone . . 113, 4*7,586
Cera, Marquis of . . . 260, 757
Chamberlain, A 664
Chamberlain, J., lvi, xcii, xciii, 663
Chamberlain, R 664
Chamberland, R 664
Chambers, E. , Master of Cap-
tain Smith's ship . 221-4, 734~6
Champlain cxxxiv
Chanoyes, Madame, 277, 739, 814
Charatza Tragabigzanda, see
Tragabigzanda.
Chard, E 640-3, 649
Charitie Fort 510
Charles city in Virginia . . 582
Charles Fort, Bermuda, 503,
644, 686
Charles Fort at Kecoughton . 507
Charles Hundred .... 538
Charles Prince of Wales ; after-
wards Charles I. . . xxxi,
cxxxiv, 176-7, 232, 243, 251,
267-7, 699, 77i. 845, 892,
^ , . . ^?l6> 937. 949. 969
Charles river in New England,
cxxxiv, 232, 259, 699, 892, 949
Charles town in New England 949
Charlton 949
Charlton in New England . 949
Charowne 739
Chaunis Temoatan .... 314
Chawonests .... 313, 317
Chawonock . 20, 32, 55, 132,
158, 309. 312. 314-5. 35i.
^ 449, 474. 570
Chawonocks 313
Chawopoweanocke . . 130, 447
Chawum, 192, 205-6, 232, 699,
707, 719, 720
Chechohomynies .... lxxxv
Cheisc xliv
Chepanoc 312
Cherley, (?) 776
Chesapeacks . cxxvii, 5, 19,
31, 50-1, 55, 113, 189-90, 312,
346-7, 43o, 431-2, 570, 604,
, t> .7°3>7°.4. 9"
Chesapeake Bay, xxii, xxxu,
cxix, 42, 412, 569
Chescaik lv
Chesseian bay xli
Chessipians . . . xliv, 1, 316
Chester, A 544
Chester, Capt. A 548
Chesteven, R. . . ... 890
Chesupioc bay. . . Ixi, lxiii, 50
Chevi[o]t Hill in New Eng-
land .... cxxxiv, 232, 699
Chicahamanya 37
Chickahamania, 11, 13, 27, 37,
38, 50-1, 70, 80, 97-8,127, 152,
341, 346, 366, 375, 394-6, 440,
468-9, 514-15, 527, 538, 601, 603
Chickahamaniar 37
Chickahamaniens .... 27
Chickahaminos 153
Chickahominy . . xii, lxxiv,
lxxxv, cxv
Chili 197, 711
Chippanum 315
Chiskiack . . .50, 52, 347, 585
Chissell, W. . . 223, 732, 736
Chissiapiacke Bay ... 5, 19
Chissick, W 217
Chrashow, R., see Crashaw.
Christmas, J 897
Chroshaw, R., see Crashaw.
Churchill, A. and J. . . cxxxii
Cinquoateck 30-1
Cipo 300
Clarke, C. xli
Clarke, J. . . . 129, 310, 445
Claudius 566
Clement VII., Pope . . 827-8
Cley, (?) 662
Clinton (?), a pirate .... 913
Clitheroe, C 664
Clovill, E. . . liii-iv, 93, 390
Cloyburne (?) Surgeon . 564, 885
Coderington, I., cxxviii, 129,
181, 443. 445, 476, 492
Coe, T. . 101, 108, 131, 146,
166, 168, 404, 411, 448, 463
Cokayne, G. E. . . xvii, xxiv
Cole, (?) 508
Colon 283
Columbus, C. . 43, 191, 211,
216, 228, 248, 272, 280, 304,
580, 705, 725, 730, 784, 965
Collier, S., Capt. Smith s page,
94, "3, 132, 39o, 436, 449, 599
Colhngs, H 129, 445
Collins (?), a pirate .... 914
Collson, J xli
Collumber, The Lady . ..824
Comfort Point, lxiii, xcix,
119, 129, 155, 170, 430, 442,
472, 497, 525
Commada ..'.... 71
Comouodos 37
Compton, F 852
Coneconam 697
Cony Isle, Bermuda . . . 661
Cooke (?) Captain . . . 329-30
Cooke, R. 390
Cooper, D. . 217,223,732,736,888
Coote, C. H xvii
Cope, Sir W lvi
Copland, Rev. P. . . cxxxiii
Cornelius, (?).... 476, 613
Cortes Hernando . 191, 228,
504, 600, 705, 965
Cortes, M 802
Cotson, J liv
Cotton, R. .... 108, 412
Cotton, Rev. J. . . . cxxxiii
Cotton, Sir R. . . xxi-ii, 808
Couanacus 757, 763
Coubatant 758-9
Couper, C 329
Couper, M. . 219-20, 700, 701
Coupers Isle, Bermuda. 630,
647, 661, 686
Covell, T. 662
Cowper, T. .... 94, 39°
Coxendale 510
Crampton, (?) . . . . 697, 739
Crashaw, R. . cxix, cxxvui,
129, 131, 139, 143, 145, 174,
184, 445, 448, 456, 460, 462,
493, 586, 591-3, 596-8, 600-2
Crashaw, Rev. W. . . cxxxii-iii
Croatan . . lxxvi, 310, 317,
326-7, 329-31
Crofts, R., lxxxii-iv, lxxxviii,
93,390
9j6 Crookdeck.
Index
Gibson.
Crookdeck, J xli
Crump, (?) 873
Crux, Santa 517
Cuardly, Family of . . xix, xxiv
Cuba 903
Cuderington, see Codrington.
Cuffe, J 664
Culnits,(?) 833-4
Cumberland, Earl of . . . 965
Cundy, i.e.,Condee, Prince de, 738
Cursell, (?) 824-5
Curtine, Sir W 908
Curzianvere, (?) 824
Cuscarawaoke .... 414, 418
Cushman, R. . . . cxxxiii, 250
Cuskarawok .... 414, 418
Cutler, R 108, 411
Cuttawomen, two districts on
the Topahanock river . 18,
5a, 348, 426
Dale.Sir T., cxxv, 172, 478,
506-10, 512, 514-8, 520-1, 525,
., T , 527. 536, 616, 653
Damenls Isles .... 206, 720
Daniel xii
Dans[e]ker (?), a pirate . . .914
Dare, A. 328-9
Dare, E 328
Darius 563
Dartmouth in New England,
232, 700
Dasamonpeack . . 316-7, 327-8
Dauxe, J 129, 445
Davers, Sir J 664
Davies, Capt. J 525
Davies, of Hereford, J. 181, 491
Davis, Capt. (?) xcv, 170, 479, 497
Davis, Capt (?).... 642-3
Davis, J. . . 696, 802, 887-8, 964
Davis, R 696, 964
Davison, G 564, 852
Dawse, T. . 129, 158, 446, 475-6
Dawson, W 108, 412
Deale, J. ....... xli
Deane, C. . xiv, xvii, cxviii,
cxxx, cxxxiv-v, 2, 176, 234
Deceado 903
Dee, J., 238, 245, 253, 269, 694,
743i 773
De la Warr ; Thomas West,
Baron, xcvii-viii, cxx, cxxv,
cxxxiii, 131, 161, 171-2, 448,
476, 478, 487, 497, 500-1,
503, 505-7. 536-7» 616, 639, 929
Delawne, G 663
Delbridge, J 662, 664
De Nombe, Capt 901
Depreau, the Lord .... 824
Dermer, T. . cxxiv, 217, 258,
■^ ., , . *6?> S42> 732, 747, 770
Devils, Isles of 633
Devonshire Tribe . . . 662-3
Devonshire ; William Caven-
dish,Lord Cavendish,created
m 1618 Earl of ... . 662-3
Dier, W., 101, 156, 166,168, 404, 472
Dig^by, T., Pilot of Smith's
ship . . . 217, 221-2, 732, 734
Diggles, Sir D 663
Digs, (r) 800
Dig's Hundred 510
Dike, J 662-3
Dirmir, T., see Dermer, T.
Discuba 906
Ditchfield, E 663
Dixon, R. 94, 390
Doddridge, Judge .... 893
Dods, J. . . 94, 131, 390, 448
Dohannida 218
Dohoday 732
Dolet R 108, 412
Dominica, xxxii, lviii, 5, 00,
310, 329, 386, 544
Donne, Rev. J. . . cxxxiii, 285
Dover ; Henry Carey, Earl of,
xxii, 808
Dowman, W 129, 445
Dowse, T. . . . 129, 158, 475-6
Drake, Sir F., ix, 188, 196, 280,
287, 315, 318, 324, 702, 710, 965
Du Bartas 585
Dulcina 910
Dumbarton in New England,
232, 700
Duxbury, Capt. E. . . . .822
Each, Capt. (?) .... 570-1
Easton (?), a pirate .... 914
Ebersbaught, the Lord . 828, 830
Edenborough in New Eng-
land 232, 700
Edgar, King . . .245, 269, 773
Edmonds, Sir T. . . . 226, 739
Edward, Old .... 94, 390
Edward VI. . 238, 254, 304, 743
Edwards, (?) 688
Edwards, R 663
Elfred, Capt 667-8
Elfrid, Capt. D. . . . . .646
Elizabeth fort in Virginia . . 510
Elizabeth Isles, 189, 332, 334, 338
Elizabeth, Queen, ix, 245, 269,
383, 304-5, 336, 773-4. 826, 913-4
Elizabeths city .... 586-7
Ellis (?), a pirate 914
Ellis, D. . . 129, 131, 446, 448
Eiwin, P cxxxvi
Elyot, (?) 283
Emerson, W 887-8
Emmanuel, King of Portugal 504
Emry, T. . Ixxxvi, cxv, 15,
" "6, 94, 390, 395-6, 401
England, New, 937, and/<m7>«.
Ensenore 315-6
Epenew 264, 697, 701
Erondelle, P cxxxii
Essex, Earl of 965
Estotiland 283
Etheridge, G 664
Euripides 326
Euens, J 635
Evans, (?) 540
Eve .... 228, 568, 741, 934
Falling-crick 585
Falls on the James river, Vir-
ginia, The . xliv, cii, 17, 19,
48, 82, 92, 105, 109, 125-6,
162-3, i6?, 409
Farfax,(?) 538
Farnese, Francisco, xxii, xxiii,
788, 806, 852
Farrar, J. . . 271. 540, 544,
561-2, 621, 663
Farrar, N. . 62, 543, 662, 687, 885
Farrer.W 58a
Fawmouth [i.e., Falmouth]
in New England . . 232, 699
Felgate, W. . 605, 646, 664, 685
Fenton, R. . . . 384, 389, 403
Ferdinand of Austria. Arch-
duke 828,831,835
Ferdinando, S. . 310, 326, 328-9
Fereby, A 814
Fernezsa, see Farnese.
Fetherstone Bay . . • 119, 426
Fetherstone, R. . 108-9, "6.
119,411, 413, 421, 426
F[i]eld, T ... . . 108, 41a
Fisher, (?) 646
Fisher, B 786
Fitch, M xli, liv, xcv
Fittiplace, see Phettiplace.
Fleming (?), a pirate .... 913
Fletcher, J 663
Florida . . xxxiv, 47, 189,
280, 305, 310, 343, 702-3, 934,
939. 963
Floud, (?) .... 446, 887-8
Flowerda[r'.*., Florid*} Hun-
dred 583
Flower, G lxxi, 38$
Force, Peter .... cxxx-i
Ford, R. . 93, 131, 139, 145,
389, 448, 456, 462
Forest, G. . . . 108,411,481
Forest, Mrs 129, 446
Forest, T 129, 445
Fortescue, Sir N 621
Fox, Capt. L. ... cxxxiii
Fox, T 129, 446
Francis, a Dutchman . 139,
150, 456, 467. 487
Frith, R 390
Frobisher, Sir M. . 280,304,965
Fry (?), a pirate . . . 221,734
Fuller, M 603-5
G
Gabriel 661
Gage, T cxxxiii
Galthorpe, S. . . xxxii, lxxi, xc
Gany, W 603
Gardiner, (?) 311
Garret, W 94. 39°
Gates Fort . . . . . .... 644
Gates, Sir T., xciv-v, xcvii-
viii, cii, cxxv, 161, 1 71-2, 478,
499. 500-1, 503-4, 506, 509,
517, 521, 615, 616, 635, 688, 964
Gayangos, Don P. de . . xxiii
Gearing, J 66*
Genoway, R xli
Gentleman, T. . . 23*, 254, 743
Gibs, Lieut. (?), plantation . 583
Gibson, T 44*
Gilbert.
Index
Jennings. 977
Gilbert, Capt. B 332
Gilbert, Capt. R. . . 696, 964
Gilbert, Sir H. . . . 280, 304
Gilbert, Sir J 696
Ginner, (?) 685
Gipson, T 129, 131, 448
Gittnat, P 108, 412
Goade, (?) 234, 274
God ward, T xli
Gonzago, (?) 831
Goodwin, W 654-5
Goodyson, R 108, 412
Gookin, (?) 565, 584
Gordon, Sir R. . . . cxxxiii
Gore, R 664
Gore, T 94, 390
Gorges, F cxxxiii
Gorges, Sir F. . 219-29, 256, 731
Gosling, J 217, 732
Gosnold, A., 93-4, 99, 101,
143, 389-90, 402, 404, 460
Gosnold, Capt. B. . . xiii,
xxxv, lxxi-ii, lxxv-vi, Ixxviii,
Ixxxix, xc, cxxix, 6, 8,89, 91,
93i 95. 189, 280, 332-3, 336,
385, 387. 389. 39i. 703. 964
Gosnold's Bay 430
Goston, Sir. F 621
Goughland 21
Go[u]lding, G 94. 39°
Gower, T lxxi
Gradon, R 108, 412
Grampus Bay 752
Granada 903
Grandville, (?) 831
Granganameo, 306-8, 311, 313, 3x5
Grasscocke, R. . . . 900, 905
Graves, N 448
Graves, T. . . . 129, 445, 569
G[ray], R cxxxii
Greene, H 310
Greenwel's assigns (?)... 662
Grent, W 288, 873
Grenvill, W 310
Grenville, Sir R, 280, 283, 305,
310, 318, 325-7, 964
Griffin, 0 339
Grivill, W. 108, 411
Groonland 283
Grualgo . . . 839
Guadaloupe, lviii, 90, 386, 544, 903
Gudderington, J. see Coder-
ington,J.
Guiana, cxxxiii, 248,272, 784,896-8
Gundamore [i.e., Gondomar],
The Lord 897
Gunnell, R. . . 182, 690, 816
-unter, (?) 802
Garganay, E. . . . 108, 411, 529
H
H., I cxvii, 4
Habamok |. 763
Hagthorpe, G. . . . cxxxiii
Hakluyt, Rev. R, cxxxii, 148,
267, 305, 336, 465, 772, 958
Hall, J 217
Halthrop, or rather Galthorp, 390
Hamden, (?)...... 763
Hamilton ; James Marquis of, 662
Hamilton's Tribe 662
Hamor, Capt. R., cxxxiii, 507,
517, 520,535, 575-6, 592, 598, 601-2
Hancocke, N,, 129, 132, 446, 448
Hanno 304
Harco[ur]t, Capt.R.,cxxxiii, 896-8
Harcote, M 896-8
Harding, (?) 663
Hardwin, (?).... 129, 446
Hardwicke, (?) 852
Harford, J 108, 412
Harison, (?) 575
Harison, T 654
Harlow, Capt. E. . . 696-7, 964
Harper, J 108, 411
Harriot, T., 55, 189, 234, 310-1,
TT 3i5. 3i7» 3i9» 325. 685, 703, 964
Harrington, E., lxxii, 384, 390, 403
Harrington's Bay .... 259
Harris (?), a pirate .... 914
Harrison, J 687
Hartwell, A. 877
Harvie, D 311, 329
Harvy, Sir J 888
Harwood 561
Harwood's assigns, L. . . . 664
Harwood, Sir E. . . 662
Haryson, H 129, 445
Hassinnunga . 71, 367, 427, 428
Hatorask, 311,317, 325-7, 329-30
Hawkins, Ma 817
Hawkins, Sir J 965
Hayman, Gov. R. . . cxxxiii
Hening, W. W. . . . cxxxiii
Henrico island [i.e., penin-
sula] . . . ___509-io, 566, 582
Henry, Cape, Ixiii, ci,cii, 2, 5,
24, 31-2, 48, 91, 100, 109, 177,
344. 387. 403, 413
Henry, Fort . . . 503, 507, 519
Henry, Prince, xxxviii, 177, 509,896
Henry VII 304
Henry, W. W cxviii
Herbert, W 42
Hercules] . . 180, 242, 891, 937
Herd, J 94
Hewes, (?) 802
Hewes (?), a pirate .... 914
Hewes, J 310
Hewes, Rev. L., 648, 650, 655, 685
Hewet, Sir T 664
Hide, N 663
Hide, Sir L. 663
Hidon, J 664
Higginson, Rev. F., cxxxiii, cxxxv
Hill, E 587. 596
Hill, G 108, 411
Hilliard, A 651
Hilliard, G. S cxxxii
Hilliard, N cxxxvi
. 129, 446, 660, 688
. . . . 250, 261
97o
910
• 310, 331, 633> 903
Hillyard, (?)
Hilton, W. .
Hinde, R. ,
Hinton, A.
Hispaniola .
Hixon, T 098
Hixon.W 898
Hobamock . 758-60, 765, 767-8
Hobson, Capt. 701
Hog Bay, Bermuda .... 679
62
Hog Island .... 143, 500
Homer 81$
Hondius, J. . . cxxxiii, cxxxv
Hope, T. . . 101, 108, 404, 412
Hopkins, S 750, 756
Hore, (?) 283
Hotchkiss, Maj. J. . . xvii, cxix
Houghton Isles in New Eng-
land 232, 700
Houlcroft, Capt. (?) ... 500
Houlgrave, N 94, 390
Hoult, J 129, 445
How, G 326-7, 329
Hubbard, Gov. W. . . cxxxiii
Hull in New England . 232, 699
Hulsius, L., cxxx, cxxxii, cxxxiv
Hume, D 822
Hunnewell, J. F. . . xviii, ci
Hunt, (?) 129, 219, 220, 445, 754
Hunt, Rev. R.,lxxxviii,xc-xci,
9°> 93i 99. io3> 264, 385-6,
389, 402, 407, 698-9, 958
Hunton, Dr. A 664
Hutchins, (?) 887-8
Hutson [i.e., Hudson] YL. .
cxix, 191, 704
I
I., R cxxxii-iii
Iapazous ..... 511-2, 542
Ingham, E 286, 818
Ingram, W 217, 732
Ipswich in New England, 232, 699
Ireland, (?) 889
Irrohatock 52, 348
Isabella of Spain, Queen, 43,
248, 272, 784
Itopatin 539
Itoyatin 570
Izabella, in Hispaniola . . . 310
Jackson, R xli
Jacob, Serg. T. . . . Ixxii, 390
Jacobopolis lvi
Jacobson's assigns (?)... 663
Jacobus Rex xlvi
Jamaica 903
James City 582-3
James Fort . . xl, xli, lvi, lxix
James I. . lxix, 163, 245, 269,
278, 283, 337, 477, 482, 515,
755, 760, 774. 822, 903, 931,
914, 046
James Port lxx
James, R. ..... . 577, 816
James River . xxxix and passim
James Town, situated in the
district of Paspahegh, xxxix,
lvi, and passim
Jansen cxxxvi
Jason . 280, 690
Jefferay, (?) 806
Jefferies, Capt. J. . . cxxxiii
Jefferson, Capt. (?).... 900
Jennens, Abr . 264
Jennens, Abr 264
Jenness, J. S. . . . . cxxxv
Jennings (?), a pirate. . . 914
97$ Jeremy.
Index
Massachusit.
Jeremy 847-50
Jobson, Capt 873
John ; Lord Archbishop of
Canterbury 877
Johnson, Alderman R. . cxx, 663
Johnson, E cxxxiii
Johnson, W 94, 390
Johnson, W 108, 413
Jones, Capt. (?) [The Captain
of the Mayflower, when she
took out the Pilgrim Fathers
in 1630] 7.50-1' 702
Jones, Mrs. H. . . xvii, cxxxvi
Jones, Serg. (?) 900
Jones, Sir W 621
Jones, W 234
Jorden, E 635, 815
Jorden, S 584
Judwyn, T 663
Keale, R. . . 109, 1x6, 413, 421
Keales Hill 413
Keath, Rev. (7) . . . 644, 650
Keble, W 971
Kecoughtan, lxiii, 9, 19, 50-1,
96, 1x4, xx6-7, 132, 346-7, 393,
419, 421-2, 449, 507, 511, 538,
585. 592, 599. 6o3» 6x0, 887
Keffer, P 108, 4x2
Kekataugh, brother to Wahun-
sonacock or Powhatan . 17,
30, 8x, 135, 376, 451
Kemps, 151, 155, 157,468,471. 474
Kendall, (?) 311
Kendall, Capt G. , lxxii.lxxvii,
lxxxii, Ixxxiv-v, 8, 13, 91, 93,
Kendall, Capt. M., '648,' 650,'
666-70, 681
Kendall, E 642-3
Kennebec . 192, 203, 232, 700,
706, 717, 938
Kerby, Capt .... 668, 681
Kewasowok 321
Killingbeck, R. . . 108, 411, 538
Kind woman's care .... xhx
King, Bp. J. . . cxxxiii, cxxxvi
King, Capt (T) . . . xcv, 479
King. R. 662
King's Castle, 644, 654, 669,
675, 678, 685-6
King's River .... lxix, xcvi
Kingston, E Ixxiii, 390
Kinsock 151
Kiptop[ek]e .... 567, 569
Kisell, Baron 828-30
Kiskiack [? also Chesiack] 24,
B>i 37. 13a. 449
Kiskirk 21
Kissanacomen 528
Lane, Sir R.
55, in, 189,
Kitchin(T) 508
ight, T. . . . .
Kuskarawaock . .
Knis
648-9
35i
Laertes . • .
Laguna . . .
Lambert, T. .
Lancaster, Capt
. . . 8x9
. . .633
. 132, 448
. • • 633 I
283, 310-n, 319, 326, 416, 703, 964
La Nelie 824
Langam, Capt G. . . 256, 697
Langley(?) 900
La Roche, Capt. . . 823, 826-7
Larshan, Baron 824
Laudonniere xii
Lavander, T 129, 446
La Warr, Lady de . . . . 534
La Warr, Thomas West, Baron
de, xcvii, cxx, cxxv, cxxxiii,
131, x6i, X71-2, 448, 476, 478,
487. 497. 500-1, 503, 505-7.
536-7, 616, 639, 929
Lawrence, B xx
Lawson, Capt 500
Laxon, Ens. W., 94, 155, 390, 472
Laydon, J. . . 94, 130, 390, 447
Layford, Rev. J 782
Le{e]ds, T 108, 411
Lefroy, Sir J. H 624
Leicester ; Robert Dudley,
Earl of 42
Leigh, H. . . 129, 157, 445, 473
Leith in New England . 232, 700
Lenox, J cxxxiv-v, 2
Leo, John 873
Lescarbot, M cxxxii
Levett, C cxxxiii
Lewes, J. . . . 108, 412, 665
Lewis, (?) 664
Ley, Capt .... xxviii, 896
Ley, Sir O xxviii, 896
Lilly, J ci
Limbo, Isles . . xn, 4x4-5, 424
Lincoln ; Henry de Clinton,
Earl of 823
Lindsey ; Peregrine Bertie,
Earl of . .822
Lindsey ; Robert Bertie, Earl
of .... xxii, 808, 822, 827
Linnes, the Fryer . . 283, '303
Littleton, (?) 910
Locker, N cxxxvi
London or Southern Virginia
Co., xxii, xxxiii, cxx, cxxii-
iii, cxxv, 189, and passim
Longbridge Isle, Bermuda . 661
Long, H 659
Lopez, 0 874, 877
Lower, (?) 646
Lowick, M 129, 445
Lowmonds [/.*., Lomonds] in
New England . . . 232, 700
Lownes, Capt 540
Lownes, (?).... 2, 234, 274
Love, W. . 94, 131, 176, 390, 448
Lucas, (?) 546
Luckin, E 663
Lucretius 743
Luddington, T 311
Luson, Sir R 965
M
M., S 28X
Macanoe 38
Macar, 0 583
Macarnesse, T. 284
Machiav[e]ll[i] 823
Macock, Capt S.
Macock's Divident
54o, 583
• • 583
Madock, Prince of Wales, 283, 303
Madyson, Capt. . 593, 596-8, 602
Magalhaens, 191, 705, 737, 939, 965
Mahaskahod 428
Mahomet 833, 871
Malado, Mount 510
Malgo 283, 303
Mahgo 698-9
Mallard, T. . 129, 158, 446, 475-6
Mamanahunt . . . .12, 527-8
Mamonacke 26
Man, J 664, 786
Manacam 25
Manamet 764
Manapacumter 21
Manchester, Duke of . . cxx
Mandeville ; Henry Montagu,
Viscount 621
Mandoags 316
Mangoacks 312-5
Mangoags . . 55, 158, 351, 475
Mangoge 20
Mangrove Bay, Bermuda . 679
Mannahoacks, 52, 55, 71, 348,
351.366,437.429
Manoa 895
Manosquosick xx
Mansa ....... 12
Mansfield, J. . ... 648-50
Mansils Tribe 66a
Manteo . 3x0-1 x, 314, 316, 326-8
Mantivas 29
Mantoack 321
Mantua, Duke of .... 831
Marcum, R 568
Marcus Aurelius 823
Margarita 903
Mari[a]galante . . . lviii, 903
Markham, R. xlt
Marraugh tacum, 18, 52, 348,
w .. , ,r- , 424-5.429-30
Martha s Vineyard .... 333
Martin Brandon's Hundred . 583
Martin, Capt J., xxxii, lxxiv,
lxxvii; lxxix; lxxx, lxxxv,
lxxxvi, lxxxix, xcv, xcvii,
xcviii, 8-11, 13, 22-3, 35-6,
38, 9*. 93, 95-7. 104-9, i6i-a,
164, 166, 170, 387.389-90. 39»i
m 394.. 408-9 ,4". 479, 481, 497. 5oo
Martin, J. (? bis son, lxxxix)
__ . m Ixxi, 94, 390
Martin, G 94
Martin. R. 663
Martin's Hundred . . 576, 583
Marvyn, (?) 311
Mascassaber 397
Masherosqueck . . 192, 706, 938
Mason, Gov. J cxxxiii
Mason, J . . 311
Massachets Mount,cxxxiv,232, 699
Massachewset 206
Massachusets River, cxxxiv,
232, 699
Massachusett, 192-3, 204, 206,
699, 707. 7i9. 720-1, 754, 762,
764-5,767, 892, 926, 933, 938-9, 949
Massachusit 206
Massasowat.
INDEX. Newfoundland. 979
Massasowat .... 758. 763
Massasoyt . . . 754-6, 758-60
Massasoyts . . . 707, 754, 756
Massawomekes, cxiv, 54-5,
71-a, 1x1-12,114, 116-9, 349-
51, 367.415-6. 420-4, 437-8
Massawteck 426
Massinacake 438
Massinnacacks ... 71, 366
Matapoll lv
Matchspeak 426
Matchot 513, 5x7
Matchqueon 418
Matcumps 638
Mathews, Capt 885
Mathias, Archduke . . 831, 835
Matinack 720
Matinnack .... 206, 232, 700
Matoake, see Pocahontas . cxxxvi
Mattachusits 7x9
Mattachust 763-4
Mattahunt . 13, 192, 204,706,
719.938
Mattanenio lvn
Mattapamient, 13, 17, 37, 51,
53. 72, 79. 146, 347. 349. 367.
375, 398, 463, 569, 601
Mavazo, (?) 852
Maxes, T 129, 445
Maxmillan, Duke 835
May, C 603
May, H 633-4, 638
May, W 108, 412
Meade, Bp. W. . . . cxxxiii
Meade, R 8x7
Mecaddacut 203
Meca[d]dacut . . 192, 232,
700, 706, 717, 938
Mecuppom 426
Medina, Duke of, 238, 254, 744
Meldri or Meldritch ; Henry
Volda, Earl of, xxii-xxiv,
828, 831, 833, 835-7, 840-2,
844, 847-8, 849-51, 869
Mehndus xxxiv
Menapacant 30
Menapacute 17
Menatonon . 309, 312-14, 3x6, 328
Mercosur, Duke de . . . 831-6
Mercury, see Mercaur.
Mercy, Baron de 825
Merham, Capt. . xxii, 877-880
Merifield, R. . . . 900, 902-3
Meronocomoco, or rather
Werowocomoco 399
Meteren, E. van .... cxix
Metinnicus . ao6, 332, 700, 720
Mettalina 544
Mettham, G. xx
Mevell, F. 664
Meverill, F. 664
Mevis, see Nevis, lix-x, 90,
386, 506, 544, 903, 909-10, 963-4
Meworames 20
Mexico 600
Mexico Bay 3x5
Michael, Vayvode of Wal-
lachia .... 836, 847, 852
Michaell, (!).... 108, 412
Middleton, Capt 561
Midwinter, F. . . lxxi, 94, 390
Mildmay, Sir H. . . . 9x8, 950
Milemer, T 852
Milford Haven in New Eng-
land 232, 699
Miller, R. . . . 223, 732, 736
Miller, T 221, 734
Millington, W 646
Millin, T 664
Milman, (?) X29, 446
Mil[m]er, R 108, 412
Minter, J 221-4, 734-6
Miter, or Miller, R., 217, 223,
vr u 1 L j 73a' 736
Mohaskahod 427
Moll, E 567
Molyneux, R xo8, 411
Momford Point 424
Momford,T. ,109, 116,384,413, 420-1
Mona lx-i, 90, 386
Monacans, xlvi-vii, 1, 19, 25,
29, 5o, 55, 7i-3, *°5, "1, 124-
5. 135. 146, 163-4, 346, 351,
366-8, 409, 427, 434, 437-8,
443. 45i. 463. 481-3, 612
Monacum 29
Monahassanuggs 71
Monahassanughs 366
Monahigan, cxxi, 187, 206,
232, 541, 696-7, 700, 720, 762, 936
Monanacah Rahowacah . . xl vi
Monanacans 1
Monanis 206, 720
Monasickapanoughs . . . 366
Mone, Capt 164
Moneta lxi
Monferrat 824
Monica 90, 386
Monomete 762-3
Monopet ........ 697
Montalvo ...... xxiii
Montserrat .... lix, 903
Moone, Capt. . . xcv, 479, 482
Moratico .... xxx, 3x4, 4x6
Moratocks .... 3x2-3, 315
Moraughtacunds, 52, 348, 424-
5, 429-30
More, E 664
More, Gov. R. . 641-50, 653,
670, 678
More, R. 663-4
Morgan 572
Monnogh . 13
Morish, Corp. E. . . . lxxi, 390
Morley ; Henry Parker, Baron, 897
Morley, (?) 446
Morrell, (?) 129
Morrell, Rev. W. . . cxxxiii
Morton, M. . . Ixii, 5, 91, 896
Morton, N cxxxiii
Morton, R. . 107, 109, 411, 413
Morton, T cxxxiii
Mosco 424-8,430
Moses . xci, 531, 812, 836, 838, 840
Moshoquen . . . 192, 706, 938
Mouhemenchughes . . 71, 438
Mounslic, T. . . . . . . lxxi
Mourt, G. . . cxxxiii, 250, 694
Moutapass # ; 586
Mouton, T. . . lxxiii, 390
Moverill, F 664
Mowhemenchughes .... 366
Mowhemenschouch .... 438
Moyaoncer 20
Moyaones . . 113,4x7,586,596
Moyowance 52, 348
Moyses, Z 838, 841, 846
Moysonicke or Moysenock . 13
Mulberry Isle 583
Mulberry Point 500
Mulberry shade . . . xlviii-ix
Mulgro, Bonny 839
Mulhneux, R. . . . 411, 852
Mully Befferres . . . 870, 877
Mully Hamet 870-1
Mully Sedan . . xxviii, 870-7
Mully Shah . . xxviii, 870-7
Muscamunge 312
Mustapha, Pasha . . . .851
Mutton, R. . . . 94, 390
N
Nacotchtant, civ, 52, 1x3, 348,
417, 586, 592
Nahapassumkeck .... 192
Namaschet 756-9, 762
Namenacus 567-9
Namikeck, 192, 204, 232, 699,
706, 7x8, 938, 949
Namontack, 24, 37, 102, 124-5,
128, 405, 437-8, 441, 5x7, 569, 638
Nandtaughtacund . 52, 348,
398, 426-7, 42?
Nansamunds, 31,33, 50-1, 129,
135, 162-3, 346-7, 430-2, 446,
452, 481, 508, 570, 501-2, 599
Nantaugs tacum 18
Nantaquak xxx, 415
Nantaquans 530
Nantaquond 401
Narrohiggansets . . 755, 758, 760
Nasnocomacack . . . 192, 707
Nassaque . . . 192, 706, 938
Nauirans or Nauiraus . . xlv-lii
Naukaquawis 24
Nause xxx, 4x5
Nausit .... 205, 754, 757
Nautaughtacund 52
Nawset, X92, 205, 707, 720, 762,
764, 938
Nazatica. . 596
Nederspolt, Earl . . 847-9, 851-2
Nedom, (?) 685
Nechanichock 13
Necosts 596
Neill, E. D., xxiv, xxxiii, cxx,
cxxv, cxxxiii
Nelson, Capt F., xli, xcii,
cxvii, cxxix, 33-40, 100, 105, 403
Nelson, (?).... xcv, 2, 409
Nelstrop, R xo8, 4x2
Nemattanow .... 572, 587
Neus 309
Nevis . xxxii, lix-x, 90, 386,
506, 544, 903, 909-10, 963-4
New Albion . . 194, 702, 7x0
M ew Andolosia . . . 188, 702
New England, xxxi, and passim
Newfoundland, cxxii, cxxxiii,
980 New France. INDEX.
Phettiplace.
195-9, SOI, 223-4, 227-8, 239,
241, 244, 255, 257-8, 265, 268,
304. 473, 501, 541 1 598, 634,
641, 668, 709, 711, 713, 714,
716, 736-7, 740, 741, 744, 747,
773,777.78o-i
New France, 188, 191, 225, 700,
702, 738
New Granado . . . . t88, 702
New-Plymouth, 250, 260, 264,
488, 757. 759, 764> 766, 768,
781-3, 892, 926, 941-3, 954
New Scotland 963
New Spain 188, 702
Newport, Capt. C, passim.
Newport, Father 124
Nicols, W 663
Nicholes, J 108,411
Noah. . . . 228,741,934,951
Nohono 697
Nomabona 309
Nonesuch Island . 165,483-4,661
North, Capt. (?) 897
North, Capt. R 896-9
North ; Dudley North, Baron, 896
Northumberland ; Henry
Percy, Earle of 448
Norton, Capt. (?) 586
Norton, R. 286, 800
Norton, T 129, 445
Norumbega . . cxx, 242, 696
Norwich in New England,
232, 700
Norwood, R. . 630, 632, 638,
642, 653, 661
Nottingham, Earl of . . . 965
Nova Francia .... 47, 343
Nuport, Capt., see Newport.
Nuports-newes . 565, 584, 591
Nusconcus, 176, 192, 203, 696,
706, 717. 838, 937
Nuse.Capt. (?) 561, 586, 592-3,595-6
Nusket 232, 700
Nusoik 309
O
Oberwin, Baron . . . 841, 851
Obtakeest 766
Ocamahowan, Ocanahonan,
17, 20, 508
Occam 308-9
0*Conor, D 129, 445
Ohanock 312
Okanin[d]g[e] .... 152, 469
Oke . . 75-6,78,370-1,374,393
Okisco 316
Onaucoke 567
Onawmanient . 52, 112, 348,
398, 417, 601
Onianimo 569
Opachisco 514
Opechancanough, xxx,l, cxvii,
8, 15, 16, 19, 29, 30, 39, 81,
103, 135, I39-41, H4-5, 262,
376, 396, 398-9, 4o6,45i. 456-,
8, 461, 5i4. 528-9, 539-40, 562,
S65, 569, 57»-3» 578, 586-7,
. , 591,593,596-9,601
Opitchapan, 30, 81, 135, 376,
399, 45i, 59i
Opposians 312
Oraniocke ..... 12, 340
Orapakes, civ-v, 51,80-1, 151,
375-6, 396, 468, 472
Orinoco 895-6
O'Rourke 819
ORPHEUS junior,szz Vaughan,
cxxxiii
Osocon 317
Outponcas 71, 367
Owen, R. 583
Oxford in New England, 232, 699
Oyapok . . . xxviii, cxxiv, 896
Ozinieke 601
Ozinies . . 55, 351, 527-8, 585
P
P., C. 819
Pace 578
Paccamaganant 568
Packer, T 970-1
Packer, W 971
Paconekick . . 707, 758, 938
Paget's Tribe 662
Paget ; William Paget, Baron, 662-3
Pagit's Fort, Bermuda . 644,
657, 678, 686
Pa[i]ne,W 662-3
Painton, Capt. T. . . . 897, 903
Pakanoki . . . 707, 756, 758
Palfrey, J. G. . cxxxiv, xxiii-iv
Palmer, W 663-4
Pamacacack 52, 348
Pamaunche's palace .... li
Pamaunkee . 1, lv, lxx, lxxvi,
lxxxvi-vii,civ,cxi,cxv, cxxvii,
17, 18, 20-1, 23, 29-30, 33,
37,5i, 65, 75, 79, 103, 114, 123,
131, 138-9, 142, 185, 347, 360,
37i, 375, 395-6, 398, 406, 419,
424, 436, 448, 455-6, 459, 493-
4, 5i7, 569, 572, 577, 585,
59i, 593, 596-7, 599, 601, 602,
611, 884, 911-2
Panawicke 23
Papaschicher 518
Paquipe 311
Parker, Capt. C 897
Parker, W 519-20
Parsons, Father R 828
Partridge, 164, 217, 223, 482,
732, 736
Pasharnack . . . 102, 706, 938
Paspahegh . . xxx, xli, Ixiv,
lxvi, lxvii, lxviii, lxxv, lxxvii,
lxxxii, cxxvii, 7, 11, 12, 16-7,
19, 20, 22-3, 25, 30, 33, 37-8,
51, 107, 150, 152, 185, 263, 347,
467-8, 493, 503, S42..585, 611, 9"
Paspaheghans . . xli, 11, 26, 38-9
Paspahegs ... ... 503
Paspeiough, see Paspahegh.
Paspeiouh, Paspeiouk . . xli, lv
Pasptanzie ciii-xiv
Passataquack, 192, 204, 232,
699,706, 7x8, 938
Passaquenock 312
Passe, Simon de . . . . cxxxv
Pataromerke 20
Patawomeke, ciii-xiv, 53, 71,
112-3, Ti6, 119, 146, 172, 192,
348, 367, 398, 416-8, 421, 424,
428, 463, 498, 503, 5", 542,
586, 591-3, 596, 600, 606
Patience Fort 510
Patuxet .... 264, 707, 754
Patuyet [i.e., Patuxet). . .757
Pau[g]huntanuck . 192, 706, 938
Pawatah, or Powhatan, xliii,
xlv, xlvii, xlix, 1
Pawatahs Tower . . xliii-v, lxix
Pawetan, see Powhatan . . cv
Pawmet, 192, 205, 707, 719-20,
764, 938
Pawtuxunt . 53, 71, 119, 146,
, 34,8-9, 367, 424, 463, 567
Payankatank, 18, 52, 82, 114,
119, 348, 378, 398, 419, 430
Pazaticans 586
Peacock, N. . 94, 131, 390, 448
Pearce, Mrs 887
Pechmo 697
Pecksnot 765
Pekeninne 697
Pelham, Capt 901
Pembrocks Bay 259
Pembrocks Fort . . . 644, 686
Pembroke's Tribe .... 662
Pembroke ; William Herbert,
Earl of 663, 808, 893
Pemissapan . . . .313, 315-7
Pemmaquid, 176, 189, 192, 203,
232, 696, 700, 706. 717, 937-8
Penington, J 390
Pennington, R lxxi
Pennistonne, A 663
Pennobscot, cxx, 192-3,203,206,
232,700,706-7, 717-8,720-1,767,938
Pennobscots 938-9
Pentecost harbour .... 338
Perce, (?) 583, 664
Perce, A 885
Perce, W 108, 412
Percy, Lieut. , afterwards
Capt., afterwards Gov., the
Hon. G., xxx, xl, xli, lvi,
lvii, Ixxii, lxxxiv, xc, xcvii-
viii, cii, cxviii, cxxix, 93, 127,
130-1, 139, 142, 144, 155, 162,
166, 170, 262, 384, 389, 434,
438, 440, 447-8, 456, 458, 461,
468, 472, 476, 481, 485, 488,
497-8, 503, 505-6, 888
Pericles .... 245, 269, 774
Perigrines Mount 423
Perkins, F 108, 412
Perkins, F 108, 411
Perry • 57"
Perse, T 58
Peryman, N 31
Pett, (?) xcv
Pewhatan, or Powhatan . . 17
Pewhatan, or Powhatan . . 19
Pharaoh 644
Phelps, T 129, 445
Phettiplace, M., xxx, cxxviii,
107, 131, 185, 262, 404, 411,
448, 463, 493
Phettiplace, W., xxx, cxvii,
cxviii, cxxviii, 86, 89, 104,
Philpot.
Index .
Rolfe. 981
107, 131, 140, 148, 165, 169,
185, 262, 404, 411, 448, 457,
46S, 493
Philpot, H 129, 445
Phips, R 662
Phitz-James, Capt. . . 164, 482
Pickhouse, D. . lxxi, xc, 93, 390
Piemacum 309
Pierce, J 271
Piggase, D lxxi, xc
Pike, L. 0 cxx
Pinkerton, J. C cxxxi
Pisjng's Point 424
Pising, Serg. E.,94, 116, 131-2,
390, 421, 448-9
Pissassack 426, 429
Pit, Sir W 621
Pitzaro . . .191, 580, 705, 965
Placentia . . . 227, 736, 740
Plate, River 197
Plimouth in New England,
232, 699
Ployer [? Plottha], Earl of
xxii, 825-6
Ployer Point . . • . 110,414
Pocahontas, x, xxx, Ixxiv, cxv-
cxviii, cxxvii, cxxxi, cxxxvi,
38-9, 86, 107, 169, 263, 276,
400-3, 410, 436, 455, 460, 498,
511-2, 514, 525, 529-35, 814, 911
Pocapawmet 192
Pocopassum . . 192, 706, 938
Pocoughtronack . . . . 20, 25
Pohatans Towre lxix
Point Comfort, lxiii, xcix, 119,
™9» 155. 170, 43o. 442, 472,
™ , , ™ 497' 52S
Polaloga, T 823
Pollard, (?) 661,666
Pollison, M. ...... 311
Pomeiok .... 309,311,327
Pontauncat 145
Pontius Pilate S28
Poole, (?) .... 596-8, 737
Poole, J xli
Poomory, Viscount . . . . 825
Poor Cottage . . . xlii, lxviii
Poot, Dr. J. 885-6
Popham, Capt. G. . . 696, 964
Popham side of the James
river, as distinguished from
the Salisbury side . . . xlii-iii
Popham, Sir F., 188, 227, 697, 741
Popham, Sir J., Lord Chief
Justice . . . 189, 696, 893, 932
Popogusso 321
Port Cotage lxviii
Porto Rico . . . . lx, 310, 903
Pory, J. . . . lvi, 540, 567-70
Pory, P 108, 411
Potapaco 52, 348
Pot, Dr. (?) 564
Pots, R., cxvii-viii, 86-7, 89,
108, 165, 169, 411, 488
Poughwaton, or Powhatan, lxxv
Poule, (?) 542
Poulson, (?) 662, 664
Pountas, J 561
Powas 766
Powatah [*.<•., Powhatan],
the Under Chief living at the
place of this name (xliii, 1,
lxix) ; the Little Powhatan
(cii) as distinguished from the
supreme chief Wahunsona-
cock or Powhatan, who lived
at Werowocomoco, 12 miles
(lxxvi) from James town, and
afterwards at Orapakes, 50
miles (151) by land.
Powel brook 583
Powel, Capt. H 906
Powel, Capt. W. . 482, 594, 603
Powell, (?) 129, 446
Powell, Capt. (?) . . . 656-78
Powell, Capt. J 907-8
Powell, Capt. N. . 86, 89, 93,
101, 116, iao, 131, 139, 142-3,
158, 164, 390, 404, 421,433. 456,
458-9. 475. 529. 540, 575. 583
Powell, H 131, 448
Powell, J., . . . 108-9, 4I2> 413
Powell's Isles 424
Powetan or Powhatan . . ciii
Powhatan, a place, 51-2, 91,
165, 483
Powhatan or fames river . 32, 50
Powhatan or Wahunsonacock,
iS and passim
Po[w]hatan River of, or
James river .... lxviii, cii
Powhatans, lxxvi, lxxxvi, 7,
26, 34, 71-3, 75, 82, 92, 124,
134. 156, 35i. 366-8, 371, 387,
427, 451, 47o, 472, 5i3
Powmet, or Pawmet . . . 764
Poyrunne, (?).... 176, 739
Prat 283
Prat, J. . . . 129, 131, 445, 448
Prat, R 329
Predeox (?) . . . . 311,317
Pretty, G 108,411
Price, (?) 508
Prince, Rev. T. . . . cxxxiii
Pring, Capt. M. . 280, 336, 964
Prinne, Capt 888, 902
Proctor, Mrs 584
Prodger, R 108, 411
Profit, J. . 94, 109, 116, 131,
„ , , ^ 39o, 413, 421, 448
Profit s Pool . .... 424
Puet, H 654
Purchas, Rev. S., xxii, xxiii,
xxviii,lvii, cxxix,cxxx, cxxxi,
cxxxiii, 282, 770, 806
Purfoote, (?) 806
Pursser (?), a pirate .... 913
Q
Quaddaquina 755
Queen's bower .... xlix-1
Quick's assigns, (?).... 662
Quineth, Owen 303
Quioquascacke .... . cv
Quiranh, Quiranck, Quirank,
xlii, xlvi-vii, li
Quiyough .... 52, 348, 418
Quiyoughcohanocks, 50-1, 77,
79. 158, 346-7. 373-4, 475
Quiyoughcosughes . . 78, 374
Quiyoughkasoucks . . 393, 395
Quiyoughquosick .... 22
Quonahassit . , 192, 205, 719
R
Rahowacah, Monanacah . xlvi
Raleigh, Sir W., xii, cxxv,
cxxxiii, 55, 121, 132, 158, 189,
280, 283, 305, 310, 325, 434,
443, 449, 474. 895-7
Ransacke, A 108, 412
Rapahannos Towne . . . lxv
Rappahanna . . lxiv, lxv, lxxi
Rappahanock river, lxiv-lxv,
lxxi, 55, 348, 351, 398, 419,
424, 426, 429-30. 463
Rasawrack . . 16-7, 21, 142, 459
Rassaweak 366, 459
Rassawmeake, chief town of
Monacans 71
Ratcliffe, alias Sicklemore,
Capt. J., xxxii, lxxiii-iv, lxxix,
lxxxiii, lxxxv, lxxxix, xc,
xcv, xcviii-ix, ci, civ, cxxix,
8-10, 91, 93-5, 103-4, "4-15,
119, 122, 161-2, 164, 166, 170,
337. 387. 389. 391-4. 404. 408,
411-2, 420, 432, 435, 440, 442,
444. 479, 480, 482, 484, 497,
498, 500, 513
Rat Isle 226, 739
Raven, (?) 638
Rawhurt 38, 401
Read, J., Ixxxiv, 12, 94-5, 109,
132, 390, 413, 448
Read Point 424
Rebecca, Lady, see Poca-
hontas ...... 529, 535
Re, Isle de . cxxvii, 176, 912, 945
Reynolds, (?) 970
Rhodes, J 898, 900
Riccard's Cliffes, m, 415, 419
Rich, (?) 661
Rich, R cxxxii
Rich, Sir N cxx, 664
Richmond ; Frances, Duchess
of cxxxi, 274-5
Rickahake 570
Righkahauck 13
Rio Grande 340
Roanoke,2o,23, 308 -17,325-7,328-9
Robert, a Polonian .... 528
Roberts, E 663
Roberts, jun., E. . . . . 662
Robinson, J., lxxxiii, lxxxvi,
cxv, 15-6, 93, 390, 395-6, 401
Robinson, Mistress M. . . 543
Robinson, Serg. E., xxiii,
cxxviii, 230, 691, 852
Rochdale Hundred .... 510
Rodes, C 108, 413
Rodoll, Prince . . 840, 847-9
Roe, Sir T 896
Rogers, (?) 3"
Rogers, R 663
Rolfe, A cxxxvi
Rolfe, John [or Thomas, p.
cxxxvij (also spelt Wroth),
cxxxvi, 514, 520, 525, 529,
539-40, 543
982 Rolfe.
Index
Southampton,
Rolfe, Thomas, his son, hy
Pocahontas 535
Romulus 488
Ro[o]ds, W. . . lxxii, 94, 390
Roonock 30
Rose, (?) 139, 446
Rosier, J 340
Rosworme, see Rttsswurm 832-3
Rowcroft, alias Stallings, E.,
217, 223, 258, 539-40, 732, 73<5. 746
Royal, Port . . 517, 647, 963
Royde, W 900
Roydon, Capt. M. . . 256, 697
Rudolph II. of Germany,
Emperor 824
Russawmeake 71
Russe, A 311
Russell, Dr. W., 86, 89, 108-9,
... II4-IS, 4". 4^3, 419-20
Russell, J., 126, 129, 131, 133,
I39-40, 144. 439. 445,448, 450,
454, 450-7. 461
Russell, W. . . . cv, 129, 445
Russel's Isles . . . no, 4x3, 567
Russwurm, Earl . . 832-3, 835-6
Rut 283
S
Saba be
Sackville, Sir E. , exx, 664, 687-8
Sackwell (?), a pirate . . .914
Sagadahock . 172, 189-90,
192-3, 203, 206, 232, 696, 700,
704, 706-7, 717, 720, 938, 964
Sagoquas . . . 192, 232, 699
Sakaweston 697
Salem 949, 958
Salisbury ; Robert Cecil, Earl
of . . . . xcviii-ix, c, 442, 893
Salisbury side of the James
river, as distinguished from
the Popham side . li, lv, lxxvi
Salter, D 3ix
Salterne, R. 336
Saltonstall, Capt. C. ... 902
Saltonstall, Sir S., 802, 809,
902, 969, 970-x
Saltonstall, W. . cxxxiii, exxxv
Salvage, Ens. T., cli, ciii, 27,
31,37-8,102,108,405, 412,517,567-9
Salvage, R., xo8, 132, 139,412,
448, 456
Sambage, W. . . . . 129, 445
Samoset 754"5
Samson 179
Samson, J 329
Samuel, (?) a Dutchman, ciii,
139, 456, 477
Samuel ; Archbishop of York, 920
Sanders, R. .... 654, 656
Sanderson, W 305
Sandford (?) 176
Sands, T. 93, 390
Sandwich In New England,
232, 700
Sandys, G. (poet) 564, 574-7, 663
Sandys, Sir E. . exx, 540, 662-4
Sandys, Sir S 663-4
Sandys Tribe .... 664, 678
S»r» 599
Sarapinagh 415
Sasanow 206, 721
Sasquesahanocks, 53, 55, 65,
71, 118, 349-51, 361, 367, 422, 424
Sassanow's Mount, 206, 232, 699
Satquin 206, 720, 938
Sawocatuck 193,717
Sayres (?), a pirate .... 9x4
Scar 763
Scarborough, T xx
Scheibler, Carl F. . . . exxxii
Scipio 228
Scot, (?) X29, 446
Scot, E 664
Scot, G 664
Scoutan, Capt. 671
Scrivener, M., lxxxvii, exxix,
23. 27-32, 34-5, 37-8, iox, 104-
5, IO7, X09, 115, 119, X22, X27-
31,143)404,407,409,411-21420-
i» 432, 435, 438, 440-2, 446-7, 460
Seaman, (?) 696
Secassaw 192, 707
Secobeck 426
Secotan 309, 311, 327
Secowocomoco ... 52, 348
Sedan, T 476,613
Segar, Sir W., xvii, xix, xxiv,
806, 843, 845
begocket . 192, 203, 232, 700,
706, 717, 938
Segotago .... 192, 706, 938
Sekawone 52, 348
Sendall, Th 822
Sewster, E 971
Shackaconias .... 71, 367
Shakahonea 427
Shasghe, The I.ord .... 824
Sheffield's plantation . . . 582
Sheffield, T 582
Shelly, H 635-7
Shephard, M 664
Sherwin, T. 890
Short, J 390
Short, Old, the bricklayer . . xc
Shortridge, J., 129, 131, 445,
Shuter*s [i.e., Shooter's] Hill' 4
in New England . . 232, 700
Sicklemore, M., X08-9, 116,
131-2, 158, 411-3, 421, 448-9, 474
Sicklemore, Point .... 424
Sicklemore, see Ratcliffe,
lxxxv, xcix
Sigismundus Batori, xxiii,
xxiv, 272, 776, 7<J8, 806, 836,
842-5, 847, 851-2, 869, 972
Simmonds, D.D., Rev. W.,
cxix, exxxii, 42, 86, 89-174,
385-488, 497-500
Simons, R lxxm, 390
Simons, T 905
Simons, W 108, 412
Skelton, W 56, 697
Sketon, W 697
Skicoak 308-9
Skjko . 3x4, 317
Skinner, J 311, 330
Skot, N 94, 390
Skynner, T xli
Slaughter, T 806
Small, K. . . 94, 109, 39o, 4x3
Smalls, Point 424
Smethes, W 390
Smith (?), a pirate .... 9x4
Smith, A. 2x7, 732
Smith, A. ,our Author's mother,
xix-xx
Smith, A., our Author's sister,
xx-i
Smith, C 662
Smith, Capt J., passim.
Smith, Capt. R 885
Smith, Capt. W. 901
Smith, E 970
Smith, F. ,our Author's brother, xx-i
Smith, G 663-4
Smith, G. , our Author's father,
xix-xxi
Smith, Grace xxi
Smith, Joan 970
Smith, N 182, 492
Smith, R. 663, 885
Smith,R, our Author's brother xxi
Smith, R. , our Author's kins-
man xx
Smith, S. 970
Smith, Sir T., exx, 219, 4x1,
505, 507, 5", 522, 524, 535-6.
621, 641-2, 647, 649, 653, 661,
663, 688
Smith, T 329
Smith's Falls 424
Smith's Fort, Bermuda (Sir T.)
644, 667, 686
Smith's Isles in New England,
exxxiv, 206, 232, 699
Smith's Isles in Virginia, 109,
344. 4i3, 418, 567. 570, 603,
642, 644, 661, 720, 884, 947
Snarsbrough, F. . . . 94, 390
Snelling, (?) 31 x
Snowdon hill in New England,
232, 699
Socrates 501
Some, E 890
Somer, (?) xcv
Somer, Capt. M 641
Somer Isles, xxxi, exxvi-vii,
243, 265-6, 285, 488, 6x4, 625,
642, 647, 649, 652, 657, 660-1,
666, 704, 770, 77X, 773, 788,
889, 9x2, 940-1
Somers, Sir G., xciv-v, xcviii,
cii, exxv, 161, 171-2,478,499,
503, 635-9, 644, 672, 673, 684,
688, 964
Somerset ; Robert Carr, Earl
of exxxvi
Soraphanigh 1x1
Sorico 206, 720
Soto, F. de, xii, exxxii, 189,
191, 702
Southampton Fort, Bermuda,
68x, 686
Southampton ; Henry Wrio-
thesley, Earl of, c, exx, 544,
562, 606, 662, 664, 696, 893, 965
Southampton Hundred, Vir-
ginia 581
Southampton.
Index.
Von Sulch. 983
Southampton in New Eng-
land 232, 699
Southampton River .... 503
Southampton Tribe, Bermuda,
662, 889
Southwell, Capt 666
Sowocatuck . 203, 232. 699, 707
Sparke, (?) oxxxv
Sparkes,(?) 5*4
Sparks, J cxxxn
Sparks, M 274
Sparks, T 632, 668
Sparrow, F. [who went to
Manoa (?)] 895
Sparrow, S 664
Speareman, J 108, 412
Spelman, Capt. H. . ci-cxiv,
172, 498, 503, 528, 583, 586, 606
Spelman, Sir H ci
Spence, Ens. W., 108, 411, 516,
542, 583
Spencer, Sir R. lvi
Spicer, Capt 329-30
Spilman, Capt. H.,see Spelman.
Squanto 754-5
Squantum 756-60
St. Bartholomew 903
St. Catherine's fort, Bermuda,
644, 686
St Christopher, lix, 898, 900,
903, 906, 910, 963-4
St David's Island, Bermuda, 661
St. Domingo 903
St Eustatia lx
St George's Island, Bermuda, 661
St George's Isles . . 340, 661
St George's Town, Bermuda,
639, 644, 648, 653-4. 672, 674,
678, 684, 686
St John de Porto Rico, see
Porto Rico lx
St John's Isles 331
St. John's Town in New
England 232, 700
St Lucia 903
St Martin 903
St. Mattalin 903
St Michael's Isle .... 536
St Vincent 903
Stacy, (?) 503
Stafford, Capt . 311, 317, 326-8
Staffordton, Capt 318
Stalling, D 108, 412
Stallings, alias Rowcroft, E.,
217, 223, 258, 539-40. 732, 736, 746
Standish, Capt. M., 750-2, 754,
762-5, 782
Stegarakes 71, 367
Stegora 427
Sterling ; Sir W. Alexander,
Earl of cxxxiii
Stevens, H., F.S.A., xiv; xvii,
ci, 274, 490
Stevens, H. N xvn
Stevens, T 329
Stevenson, J 390
Stephen xli
Stingray Isle . 114, 116, 419,
421, 427
Stith, W. . ... cxxxiii
Stockham, Rev. J. . 563, 579, 584
Stokes, (?) 654
Stokes, Capt. (?) 685
Stone, Capt 902
Stoodie, T., see Studley . lxxii
Stow, J 971
Strachey, W. . . cxviii, cxxxiii
Studley, T, lxxii, 86, 89, 91,
^ ,, JI3.99. 107, 390,403,411
Stukley, Sir L. . . 221, 535, 734
Stukley, (?) 310
Succonet 764
Summer Isles, cxxxi, 234, 274,
o ,.~ ^ 58s' 5Q2» 6°3' 893« 964
Sutdiffe, Dean of Exeter, Dr.
M 220, 731
Sutton, Sir R 621
Swan, J xix
Swett, C. A cxxxiv
Swinhow, (?) 583
Swinow, G 664
T
T. T. 81
Talbot's Bay .... 259
Tankard, W. . 94, 131, 384,
390, 448, 488
Tanner, S 820
Tanton, S 660
Tants Wighcocomoco . 55, 351
Tap, J . 2, 802
Tappahanah, lxxv, lxxvi-vii,
lxxxii
Tappahanauk lv
Tappanhanock . . 7, 18, 52, 71
Tarrentines, 203, 218, 717, 732, 938
Tassautessus 515
Tassore . . . 155, 468, 471, 474
Taughtanakagnet, 192, 706, 938
Taux 113
Tauxanias 366
Tauxenent 52, 348
Tauxuntanias .... 71, 427
Taverner, J. . 101, 108, 404, 411
Tavin, H. . . . . 94, 390
Ta[y]ler, W 129, 446
Tegninateos 367
Tegoneaes 71
Tegramund 902
Tested, W 900
T[h]omond, Earl of . . . .656
Thompson (?), a pirate . . . 914
Thompson, E 910
Thorn, J 283
Thome, A 890
Thorp, G., 561, 565, 572, 574,
582-3, 663
Throgmorton, K., lxxii, 93, 390
Ticknor, S 664
Tilly, E 750-1
Tilly, J 751
Timbed, H 664
Timor, Pasha of Nalbrits, xxii,
276, 854-5, 866
Tindall, R. . xxxviii-ix, xli, xcvi
Toags 417
Tockwoughs, 55, 68, 71, 117-8,
_ 155, 349. 35i, 367. 422-4. 472
Tocokon 311
Todkill, A, 86, 89, 94, 101,
103-4, xo7, 109, 1 15-6, 120,
131, 148, 158, 160, 404, 411,
413, 420-21, 425, 433, 448, 465, 475
Tokamahamon 759
Tomlings, F 664
Topmanahocks 1*
Toppohanock . . lv, lxxxii,
lxxxv-vi, 7, 10, 18, 52, 71,
113, 119, 146, 348, 366, 419, 601
Toprent 192, 707
Totant in New England, 192,
232, 699, 707, 938
Totheet 192, 707
Towtales, L 108, 412
Toyatan 591
Tracy, (?) 561
Tradescant, J 970
Tragbigzanda, Cape . . . . xxii
Tragbigzanda, Charatza, xxii,
204, 206, 232, 276, 699, 718,
720, 814, 853, 855, 866
Transylvania, Duke of . . . 845
Tredway, Mrs 970
Trinidado . . . 311, 895, 906
Trumbull, Hon. J. H. . . xiv
Trypainks 312
Tucker, D., 129, 445, 652-67,
664, 669, 885
Tucker, G 624, 664
Tufton, Sir W 902
Tumbatu [i.e., Timbuctoo]
248, 272, 874
Turbashaw, Lord . . . . 838
Turkey Island . . xli, xlii, xlvi, lv
Turks heads, The three, 204,
206, 718, 720, 838
Turnbrydge.T xli
Tusquantum [or Squantum],
757-8, 762-3
Underhill, J. . . . . cxxxiii
Unger, W. 94, 390
Upton, J 596
Uttamatomakkin .... 533-4
Uttamussack in Pamaunkee,
75. 37i
Uttasantasough 430
V
Vahan 833-4
Vandyck cxxxvi
Vasco 580
Va[u]ghan, Capt. . . 311, 315
Vaughan, Sir W. . . cxxxiii
Veazie, W. C cxxx-i
Veltus, Col. . 837, 847-9, 851-2
Ven, N zo8, 412
Vere 108, 412
Vere, Sir H. ..... . xcii
Vesputicus, Americus . 283, 304
Vilhaco bn
Vincent, (?) 310
Vincent's Collectanea, xxiv, 842-3
Virginia, passim.
Virgins, Isle of, lx, 90, 243, 267, 386
Volda ; Earl of Meldri or Mel-
dritch, Henry, 828, 831, 833,
. , , 835-7, 842, 844, 847-9, 869
Volday, W. . 158-9, 475-7, 487
Von Sulch . 83a
984 Wade.
Index
Zizimmus.
w
Wade, Sir W , . 664
Waghenaer, J. S 802
Wahunsonacock, the personal
name of the Powhatan of
Virginian story, see Pow-
hatan 79, 375
Waiman, F lvi
Wainman, Sir F., 171, 478, 500, 616
Wakcogo .... 192, 706, 938
Waldo, Capt. R., 122-3, 127,
129-30, 143, 435, 438, 44°. 443.
445. 447. 4<5o
Walker, (?) 129, 446
Walker, G lxxii, 390
Walker, M .971
Waller, J. . . Ixxxiv, 94, 390
Wallistone, Capt. . . 224, 736
Walsing[h]am (?), a pirate . . 914
Walsingham, Capt. R. . . . 637
Wamanato 567-8
Waranacomoco 18
Warhigganus . . . 192, 706, 938
Ward (?), a pirate 914
Ward, Capt 541-2
Ward, Point 424
Ward, W., 108, n6, 131, 412,
421, 448
Ware, (?) 900
Warner, (?) lvi
Warner, CD cxxxii
Warner, Capt. . . 900-1,903
Warner, E. , his son .... 900
Warrali, Dr 786
Warraskoyack . 10, 23, 50-1,
96, 114, 132, 346, 393, 420,
„ „ 448,540,575
Warren, Rev. J. S xxi
Warriner, T 898
Warwick ; Robert Rich, Earl
of ..... cxx, 662, 664
Warwick's Castle 644
Warwick's Fort . . . 678, 686
Warwick's Tribe . . . 662, 664
Wassador 314
Wassapinewat 764
Waterhouse, E. . . . cxxxiii
Waters, E., 583, 591-2, 638,
640-41, 648-9, 660
Waters, J 664
Watkins, J., 108-9, 112, 116,
132, 412-3, 417, 421, 425, 448
Watkins Point 424
Watson, Th 2,3
Watson, T 217, 732
Wawigweek . . . 192, 706, 938
Waymouth, Capt. G., 189, 337,
703, 964
Weanock, 7, 11, 37-8, 51, 347,
583, 594
Weapoco, or Oyapok, xxviii,
cxxiv, 896
Weapomeiok . . . 31 1-2, 316
Weaver, (?) 900
Web. W 164,662
Webb, Capt (?) . . xcv, 479
Wcbbe, T. . . 94, 390, 482, 508
Wecuttanow . . . 145-6, 462
Welby, W 2
Werawahone 12
Werowocomoco, lxxvi, cxviii,
18, 2i-2, 24, 31, 51, 79, 82, 98,
101, 123, 128, 131, 133, 145-6,
347, 375, 378, 402, 404, 435-7.
440, 448-9, 460, 462-3, 470, 531
West Indies, passim.
West, J 583
Weston's colony . 760, 762,
764-6, 942, 946
Weston, T. . . . 261, 760, 764
Westover 583
West's Fort . . . .165, 484
West's heirs 664
West's Plantation, Capt. N. . 583
West Sherly Hundred . . .510
West, The Hon. F., xxx,
xcvii-viii, cii, 129, 131, 139,
142, 144-5, 155, 162-3, 165,
170, 262, 438, 445, 448, 456,
458, 461-2, 472, 478, 481, 484,
497-8, 540, 663,1885-6
Wheatley, (?) .664
Whitaker, Rev. A., cxxxiii,
510, 520, 521, 579
Whitbourne, Capt. C. . . . 777
Whitbourne, Capt. R., cxxxiii,
, „ . r, 694> 777-8
White, B xli
White, Capt. J. . . . 908, 964
White, Capt. W. . . . 896, 899
White, J., 283, 326, 329, 331,
351, 482
White, Mrs. 751
White, P 751
White, Rev. J. . . . cxxxiii
White, W. . . lxxiii, 94, 164, 390
Whitson Bay 336
Whitson, J 336
Whonkenteaes ... 71, 367
Wichaguscusset 762
Wick[h]am, W 540
Wiffin, D 287, 580
Wiffing, R., cxxviii, 86, 101,
108, 144, 146, 148, 159, 185,
404, 4", 460, 463, 465, 476, 493
Wighcocomoco . 52, 65, no,
348, 361, 414-5, 424, 586
Wilcocks, Capt 567
Wiles, B 108, 412
Wilkinson, W., Surgeon, 94, 390
Williams, (?).... 129, 446
Williams, Capt 697
Williams, N 852
William the Conqueror. . . 824
Willoughby d'Eresby, Pere-
grine Bertie .... xix, 822
Willoughby d'Eresby ; Robert
Bertie, Lord, see Lindsey,
xxii. 424, 822, 827
Willoughby Isles in New Eng-
land 232, 700
Willoughby, Sir H. ... 304
Willowbyes River .... $aj
Wilson, a pirate 914
Wilson, (?) 1
Wimp, (?) 57a
Winauh, Winhauk . xli, li-ii, lv
Wingandacoa . . . 306, 309-10
Wingfield.Capt.E. M., xxviii,
xxxii, xl, liii, lxxiii-xci, cxviii,
6, 9. 89, 91, 93, 97, 105, 385,
„,. . 387. 389, 39i, 394, 408
Wingina . 306,309-11,323,327
Winne, Capt. P., . 122, 127,
129-30, 139, 151-2, 157, 435,
438, 44o, 443, 445-7, 456, 462,
__ 467-9, 473
Winne, H 129, 445
Winslow, E., cxxxiii, 694, 751,
. 756, 763-4. 769
Winsor, J. . . xiv, xvii, cxxxiii-v
Winthrop, Gov. J., xi, cxxxv,
_, o- r, 0l8' 9*6' 947, 954
Winwood, Sir R 664
Wiseman, R 663
Wither, G 183, 690
Wittawamat .... 763, 765
Wocohon 310, 329
Wodall, J 664
Woddiffe, Capt 542
Wolleston, H., 129, 445, 736-7
Wollisio [i.e., Winslow] . . 755
Wollistone (?), a pirate . . . 914
Wolverstone, Capt 908
Wood, B 310
Wood, Capt., xcv, 164, 479, 482
Wood, Ens 668
Wood, J 310
Wood, J., a Frenchman . . 654
Wood, R -890
Wood, W cxxxiii
Woodhouse, Capt. . . 688, 880
Worley, R. . . 108, 131, 411, 448
Worseley, E 285
Wotton, T., Surgeon, xli, xc,
„ 94, 39o, 392, 402
Wright, E 802
Wroth, J. [? also Rolfe] . 663-4
Wyat, S. F., 562, 564, 570, 573, 603
Yarington, G. 129, 131, 445, 448
Yearley, Sir G., 525-7, 529,
535, 538, 540, 562, 567, 583,
,r , ^ , ,594-5.599.885-6
York, Duke of [afterwards
Charles I.] 48, 344
Youghtanund, lv, ciii, cv, 17,
21, 37, 5i» 79. 80, 146, 347,
m 375- 398, 463, 585. 601
Young, W 108, 412
Zarvana, Earl . 841, 847, 849, 852
Zoto [i.e., Solo] . . . 705, 965
Zucchero cxxxvi
Zuchelli, Madame . . cxxxvi
Zizimmus, Pasha .... 849
Finis coronat opus,
Smith, John
Travels and works of
Captain John Smith A new ed,
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